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Images of marriage and family life in Nordlingen: Moral preaching and devotional literature, 1589-1712

Dugan, Eileen Theresa, Ph.D.

The Ohio Stat? University, 1987

Copyright ©1988 by Dugan, Eileen Theresa. All rights reserved.

UMI 300 N. Zeeb Rd. Ann Arbor, MI 48106 IMAGES OF MARRIAGE AND FAMILY LIFE IN NttRDLINGEN

MORAL PREACHING AND DEVOTIONAL LITERATURE,

1589-1712

DISSERTATION

Presented In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate

School of the Ohio State University

By

Eileen T. Dugan, B. A., M. A.

The Ohio State University

1987

Dissertation Committee Approved by

James M. Kittelson

Joseph H. Lynch Adviser John C. Rule Department of History ©1988

EILEEN THERESA DUGAN

All Rights Reserved ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I wish to thank my adviser, Prof. James M. Kittelson, for his guidance and support throughout my graduate studies. Thanks also to the members of my dissertation committee. Profs. Joseph H. Lynch and John C. Rule, for their helpful comments and suggestions. A fellowship to the Twentieth Summer Institute of the Society for Reforma­ tion Research in the summer of 1983 proved invaluable for the development of essential paleographical skills. This project was made possible by a Fulbright-Hayes Fellowship for study in Germany. The indefatigable patience and guid­ ance of Prof. Hans-Christoph Rublack of the Universit&t TUbingen, who first pointed me toward NBrdlingen, is sin­ cerely appreciated. I wish to thank the directors and staffs of the archives and libraries I visited in the course of my research: Hans-Dietmar Voges of the Stadt- archiv NBrdlingen, the staff of the StadtbUcherei NBrdlingen, of the Stadt- und Staatsbibliothek Augsburg, and of the Baden-WUrttembergische Landesbibliothek Stuttgart. Finally, I wish to express my deepest gratitude to those who have provided moral support throughout this project: to the Familie SchwBd of NBrdlingen, to Douglas and Cynthia Bisson of Belmont College, to John Liessmann Vantine of the UniversitUt TUbingen, and to my mother, Constance Dugan, and my father, the late George Dugan.

ii VITA

Hay 25, 1958 ...... Born, Manhasset, New York

1979 ...... B. A. , Texas Tech University, Lubbock, Texas

1 9 8 1 ...... M.A., The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

1983-1986 ...... Fulbright-Hayes Fellowship and study, UniversitUt TUbingen, TUbingen, West Germany

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major field: Renaissance and Reformation History

Studies in: Ancient Rome (Timothy E. Gregory)

Medieval Europe (Joseph H. Lynch)

Tudor and Stuart England (Clayton R. Roberts)

ill TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... ii

VITA ...... iii

CHAPTER

I. INTRODUCTION ...... 1

II. A PATERNAL CITY ...... 18

Introduction ...... 18 The Funeral Sermon from laudatio funebris to Guide to Christian L i f e ...... 27 The NBrdlingen Funeral Sermons and Their Subjects: An Overview ...... 36

III. FAMILIAL RELATIONSHIPS IN THE NBRDLINGEN FUNERAL SERMONS ...... 42

IV. LUTHERAN HAUSVXTERLITERATURE FROM THE SIXTEENTH THROUGH EARLY EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES .... 81

V. THE SCHOOL OF VIRTUE: GEORG ALBRECHT'S DER.HAUSSIAND ...... 95

The Sacred Nature of Marriage ...... 95 The Beginnings of a Christian Marriage: Parental Consent and Marital Love . .110 Conception and B i r t h ...... 123 Husbands and Wives, Parents and C h i l d r e n ...... 138 The Crosses of L i f e ...... 158

VI. CONCLUSION: "PATRIARCHAL MODERNITY"? ...... 169

NOTES ...... 185

APPENDIX: THE NBRDLINGEN FUNERAL SERMONS: SUBJECTS LIST ...... 252

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 261

iv CHAPTER I

Introduction

"Lutheranism and family life" is a vast subject that

has engaged the efforts of an array of writers for well over a century. By mid-19th century German jurists were tracing the influences of Lutheran thought on the devel­ opment of modern marriage law, while literary scholars hailed the Protestant movement as the source of more en­ lightened attitudes toward marriage, women, and the family. More recently, theologians have explained the new outlook on familial relationships as a consequence of

Luther's doctrine of the two kingdoms; local ministers continue to draw from early Lutheran teachings guidance for 1 the Christian home today. Indeed, there is hardly a modern study of Christianity and domestic life that does not consider Luther and the advent of Lutheranism to be a major, positive turning point in the history of the 2 family.

A number of fine works have resulted from this enduring interest. Hartwig Dieterich's Das_prgtestantische_Eherecht

(1970) replaced Rudolf Sohm's 1875 Das_Recht_der_Ehe-

§2biie§§yD9 as the authoritative study of Lutheran marriage

1 law; in the 1950s Olavl LMhteenmfiki presented the first

clear synthesis of Luther's ethics of marriage; and Ivar

Asheim examined the impact of the new theology upon 3 sixteenth-century pedagogical notions.

The studies produced by this school are impressive

intheir scope and depth, and even more so when one remem­

bers that they are based not upon one discrete, seminal

treatise from Luther's pen, but rather upon the Reformer's

scattered, sometimes vague, often off-the-cuff, and all-

too-frequently contradictory writings and remarks concern- 4 ing marriage, women, and parenthood. Nevertheless, the

social historian, while appreciating the formidable schol­

arship behind these works, might not be thoroughly satis­

fied with their authors' treatment of the development of

the family. Granted that a transformation in the concept

of marriage and the family was underway in sixteenth-cen­

tury Lutheran Germany, but what was the reality of the

situation? Moreover, can one explain this transformation

solely in terms of religion? Or should one turn rather to

account current social and economic conditions?

The past 25 years have in fact featured growing inter­ est in the history of the family from a more socioeconomic viewpoint. Often inspired by the women's movement and late twentieth century anxiety over the demise of the family as 5 an institution, historians, demographers, sociologists, economists, and psychohistorians have turned to the past in an effort to discover those circumstances and attitudes

which contributed to the "rise of the modern family” in the

first place. As one representative of this movement wrote,

"their hope is to make possible sounder judgments of

present-day problems from knowledge of the functions of 6 familial connections in the past."

The work most responsible for fuelling interest in this

area of study is Philippe Aries' Centuries_of_Childhgodi_A

Sgcial_Histgry_gf_Family_Life. Since its publication in

1960 this book has become a standard for the history of the

family and has provided a starting-point for the researches

of European and American scholars alike, including Jean- 7 Louis Flandrin, Michael Mitterauer, and Lawrence Stone.

Almost concurrently with the appearance of Aries' classic, the Cambridge Group for the History of Population and

Social Structure, spearheaded by Peter Laslett, began its demographic surveys of household structure and size, mar­ riage rates, childbearing patterns, and illegitimacy rates 8 in early modern and modern England. Other recent trends in family history include the household economics school, exemplified by the studies of peasant economies and inheri­ tance of Lutz Berkner and Jack Goody, and the more dubious 9 psychohistorical approach.

Anyone who hazards to make a contribution to the his­ tory of the family must ultimately reckon with the leading forces in the field. When one takes the "sentiments 4

approach", investigating familial relationships from liter­

ary and artistic sources, then one must deal with Philippe

Aries, Edvard Shorter, and Lawrence Stone. As noted above,

Centuries_gf.Childhood was a pioneer in the area of family

history, and today scholars still debate the history of

childhood in terms of Aries' conclusions. These conclu­

sions, based largely on artistic and linguistic evidence,

may be briefly outlined. In the Middle Ages, children vere

perceived as little more than "miniature adults”: they wore

the same costumes as did adults and took part in games and

local festivals alongside adults. There was no demarcation between "infancy”, "childhood”, "adolescence", and "youth”, and no one seemed to recognize the physical and emotional needs of children in each phase of growing up. A dawning awareness of the separateness of childhood is evident in fifteenth-century art, and by the seventeenth century

"childhood" had come into its own, with age-specific cloth­ ing, games, language, and literature. Aries places the com­ pletion of these processes a good century before either the industrial or the demographic revolution, historians' com­ mon fountainheads of social change, and instead points to the rise of modern education as the major influence behind the development of the notion of childhood. It was the pedagogues, from the founders of universities in the late

Middle Ages to the Jesuits and Jansenists in the seven­ teenth century, who first recognized the various phases of childhood, and they formed their educational programs to meet the needs and the intellectual capacities of children 10 at each stage of their development. This pedagogical movement led, at least among the urban upper and middle classes, to a clear perception and appreciation of the special nature of childhood.

A broader approach to the history of the family is taken by Edward Shorter in The_Making_of_the_Modern

Family. Drawing from widely scattered sources covering over four centuries, Shorter attempts to tell "the tale of sentiments" of the family's progress from the arranged marriages, kinship ties, and sociability of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries - the "Bad Old Days" - to the love, individualism, and jealousy of privacy, or "domes­ ticity", which have characterized the "modern” family of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Shorter basically accepts Aries' conclusions regarding upper- and middle-- class perceptions of childhood in the sixteenth and seven­ teenth centuries, but among the lover classes, the central figures of Shorter's study, this awareness did not appear 11 until at least the end of the eighteenth century. It was in fact among the lower classes that the "modern” family first emerged. Shorter argues, for they were the first to be "liberated" socially and economically by market capitalism; liberation meant individualism, and this was expressed in interpersonal relationships in the form of 6

romantic love and marriage based upon sentiment rather than upon economic considerations or the demands of kinship or

lineage. Similar traces of sentiment were not to be expect­ ed among the status-conscious upper and middle classes of early modern times, nor. Shorter claims, are expressions of such emotions to be found in literary sources before 12 1775. Nineteenth-century industrialization in its turn brought improved child care, through better living condi­ tions and even maternity leave. Middle-class mothers, freed from participation in the family business, could now afford to stay at home and care for their own infants. As a result, the mother-child relationship developed into a truly loving, self-sacrificing relationship, as opposed to the mere natural love rooted in the biological link found in previous ages; the elevation of the child, and the in­ fant in particular, from economic burden to the focal point of the family completed the family's transition from "tradi- 13 tional” to "modern".

By far the most complex treatment of the development of the modern family is Lawrence Stone's The Family, Sex and 14 Marriage£_In_England| 150021800. In sharp contrast to

Shorter'8 rather simplistic image of the early modern fami­ ly marching steadily toward modernity. Stone presents an intricate web of familial patterns and modes of behavior.

These patterns and modes did not so much arise and succeed each other, but more often overlapped and coexisted within 7

the same classes for decades at a time before finally

giving way to a more progressive form. Stone postulates

three basic family types for the fifteenth through nine­

teenth centuries. The first was the "Open Lineage Family"

<1400-1630), characterized by sociability and loyalty to

lineage and kin. Marriage according to this type was not a

free choice based upon romantic sentiment, but rather upon

consideration of the economic and social benefits of the

match; indeed, one rarely had a voice in the choice of a

lifelong partner, as the decision was normally made by

parents and the entire network of relations. Among the

upper classes marriages were little more than alliances between rich and politically powerful families, while members of the lower classes chose mateB who would bring needed capital or labor to the family business. The family was patriarchal, and relationships were cool. The second family type was the "Restricted Patriarchal Family" of 1530 to 1700, which retained its authoritarian structure but slowly began to close itself off from the outside influ­ ences of community and more distant kin. The third family type was the "Closed Domesticated Nuclear Family", which first appeared in the 1620s and predominated throughout the eighteenth century. This type, the most "modern" of the three, was marked by its warm affective ties, its respect for personal autonomy, and the firmly-drawn boundaries between the nuclear unit and the rest of the world. The 8

driving force behind the evolution of the "Closed Domesti­

cated Nuclear Family" was what Stone calls "Affective Indi­

vidualism", a perception of human relationships inspired by

the rise of a wealthy bourgeoisie and squirarchy, the de­

cline of Puritanism and its authoritarian doctrines, and 15 Lockean notions of individualism. But despite its wide­

spread acceptance, this familial pattern did not lead di­

rectly to the modern family of today, for its ideals were stifled with the reintroduction of patriarchalism in the

Victorian era.

Theories as broad and wide-ranging as those of Aries,

Shorter, and Stone are bound to draw both interest and cri­ ticism. Shorter and Stone in particular have come under severe attack: scholars have rightly questioned the truth of1 their conclusions, pointing to oversights, misreadings, misinterpretations, contradictions, and bold generaliza­ tions sometimes based upon the most superficial evi- 16 dence. Other critics have produced their own studies in the history of the family. Klaus Arnold took on the entire Aries school in his monograph on medieval childhood, while Alan Macfarlane's latest series of books and articles are a direct challenge to the conclusions of Stone. How­ ever, like their predecessors, these recent works are very broad in chronological and geographical scope, and their authors are as liable to charges of selectivity of sources 17 and overgeneralization as are their opponents. 9

Amidst this sometimes heated scholarly debate E. P.

Thompson poses an obvious question that is so often over­

looked by these students of family history: is there such a

thing as the history of the family? To be sure, Thompson

does not deny the value of historical studies of familial

relationships, but he does seriously question the possibil­

ity of obtaining from these researches one universal expla- 18 nation of "the making of the Modern Family”. Familial attitudes are most fluid concepts, and are likely to vary according to country, region, class, occupation, and reli­ gion: one would not expect a wealthy Lutheran Bilrgermeister in Saxony to have the same views regarding family life as a lowly Catholic farmer in Alsace. Stone and Shorter remind the reader that such variables as class and nationality can indeed influence values, but in their own analyses they are prone to forget class distinctions and base their generali­ zations for society at large upon a meager selection of 19 sources representing the upper classes.

It would be difficult to say that these current approa­ ches to family history are in direct conflict with those of the more confessional, theologically-oriented tradition.

The whole social, economic, and psychohistorical school would better be described as a parallel movement. For just as the Lutheran scholars have often failed to include social and economic conditions in their interpretations of

Reformation-era family life, so the sociologists. 10

demographers, and economists virtually Ignore religion as a

factor promoting or retarding social change. To the demo­

graphers and economists social mobility, declining infant

and child mortality rates, the spirit of market capitalism, or industrialization were the catalysts that triggered the transformation of the family. So, at this point a tradi­ tional historian of the Reformation might justifiably ask,

"could not religious ideals be equally effective as social and economic developments in this same process?"

An initial attempt to fuse Lutheran theology and the new social history (albeit not in the area of marriage and the family in particular) was Gerald Strauss' 1978 Luther^s

Hgu8e_of_Learningi_Indgctrination_gf_the_Young_in_the

German_Refgrmatign. However severely it has been criti- 20 cized by other historians, it remains a valuable work because it demonstrates the possibilities of combining theo­ logical understanding with the innovative use of a variety of materials, such as city council minutes and visitation reports, which social historians have found so informative of daily life. Steven Ozment, in When_Fathers Ruledj.

Family_Life_in_Refgrm§tign_Eurgpe, employed a favorite 21 source of historians of the family, the autobiography.

His reliance upon one Catholic autobiography, however, can­ not but raise doubts among his readers about the validity of the generalizations and conclusions which he at least implies cover all of Germany, Catholic and Protestant, in 11 the sixteenth century. Host recently, Thomas Max Safley has attempted to join traditional Reformation history with quantitative methods. His studies based upon the marriage court and city council records of Constance, Basel, and

Freiburg, though sometimes wanting in convincing analysis, have provided yet another method by which Reformation scholars might demonstrate the links between Lutheran 22 teachings and domestic life.

Family history is still in its infancy. Scholars have only begun to explore the literature, the correspondence, the court records, city council minutes, and parish regis­ ters that can reveal so much about family life in past time. Considering the miniscule percentage of these docu­ ments thus far researched and the mountains of materials which continue to lie undiscovered and undisturbed in pro­ vincial archives throughout Europe, it would be difficult to accept any general statements regarding "the rise of the modern family" at least as currently posited by social his­ torians of all persuasions. At the moment, the best that scholars can hope to do in the realm of family history is to "collect samples", to conduct case studies of specific classes and regions in an effort to assess perceptions of family life within a limited framework. Only when a number of these preliminary studies are completed will it be possi­ ble to begin to make comparisons between classes, regions, and religions, and thus gain a more thorough understanding 12

of the nature of early modern domestic life.

The Free Imperial City of NBrdlingen offers an excel­

lent opportunity for just such a case study. A mercantile

center of some 9,000 souls in 1600, it contained one major

church, the parish church of St. George, and one religion,

Lutheranism. Its city archives today house a rich collec­

tion of primary sources, including the published sermons

and devotional books of the city's pastors from the late

sixteenth through the early eighteenth centuries. An aver­

age of five sermons were delivered in NBrdlingen each week,

apart from those given at weddings and funerals and on holy 23 days and special occasions. A small percentage of

these sermons is still extant, but even these are numerous

and yield a good impression of the ministers' public teach­

ings concerning marriage and the family. In addition, the

NBrdlingen divines often treated the subject of the

Christian home in the form of songs detailing the duties of each household member and prayers for protection over family and possessions. Civic proclamations, city council minutes, and the records of the local marriage court pro­ vide further information concerning contemporary domestic attitudes in NBrdlingen.

The following employs all these materials in an examina­ tion of the NBrdlingen clergy's teachings on marriage and family life from 1560 to 1710. The objectives of this study are first, to identify the essential domestic values 13 contained in the various sermons and devotional writings of the NBrdlingen ministers, second, to view these notions in terms of Lutheran theology and contemporary social and eco­ nomic forces, and third, to determine whether ideals pro­ pounded in 1710 NBrdlingen were indeed innovative or merely repeated those of a century earlier. The terminal dates correspond to the extant funeral sermons from the city, which is the major long-term source for social thought.

The other single, major source. Superintendent Georg

Albrecht's 1645-1646 weekly series of 75 sermons on marri­ age and the family, falls conveniently in the middle of the period and thus serves as an excellent barometer of local 24 precepts at mid-century.

In retrospect, it is surprising that Reformation scholars and social historians alike have overlooked the sermon as a guide to social attitudes. Apart from the current work of Dr. Heide Wunder, who has investigated images of women in funeral sermons, nearly every study of

Protestant preaching has concentrated on its theological 25 content or rhetorical style. However, the sermons delivered in NBrdlingen, and in particular the funeral sermons, have proven to be an amazingly rich source for determining the day-to-day values that guided Lutheran thought about marriage and the family. 14

Medieval funeral sermons had been no more than laudatio funebris, praise of the departed; in the Reformation era, however, Lutheran funeral sermons, as did Protestant ser- 26 mons of all types, took on a more pedagogical tone. In funeral sermons it became standard practice to eulogize the deceased in terms of his or her Christian upbringing, educa­ tion, career, marriage, and parenthood, for in so praising the virtuous life of the dead, the ministers hoped to in­ spire imitation among the living. In just this vein the

NBrdlingen pastor Gottlieb Regner reminded his listeners in

1601 "that funeral sermons are not undertaken and pre­ scribed on behalf of the dead and departed, but much more 27 on behalf of the living...."

Approximately 100 funeral sermons representing 24 of the 30 ministers attached to NBrdlingen's parish church of

St. George have survived. These sermons, along with

Albrecht's 1100-page volume on the family and the devo­ tional literature by other local pastors, provide a clear picture of late sixteenth- and seventeenth-century notions of the nature of family life as taught in that city. In­ deed, these materials treat almost every imaginable topic, from the theological foundations and purposes of marriage, to relationships within the family, home devotional practices, childrearing, coping with high infant and child mortality and childlessness, and even accepting the death of a beloved spouse. As will be seen in the course of this study, the famili­

al pattern in NBrdlingen vas decidedly patriarchal. The

seventeenth-century father vas still the undisputed head of

the household, and his wife, though possessing great author­

ity in housekeeping matters, vas still his subordinate.

His children also remained subject to his strict disci­

pline. But the ministers emphasized that this patriarchy

vas not to be vithout human varmth. The NBrdlingen pastors

vivdily depicted the depth of affection that vas to be felt betveen spouses and betveen parents and their children.

Though they varned their congregation of the dangers of in­ fatuation and overvhelming sexual desire, they also recog­ nized the place of deep-seated love and repect vithin the family. The feeling of companionship vithin a marriage, the loyalty, support, and self-sacrifice of one spouse for another, and the ceaseless efforts of parents for the physi­ cal, spiritual, educational, and vocational velfare of their children are themes vhich appear repeatedly in the

NBrdlingen sources and exemplify vhat the local clergy held to be the ideal Christian family life.

To be sure, the historian must not automatically regard the teachings in sermons and devotional literature as the practiced pattern of life vithin a community. Funeral sermons are particularly hazardous materials: then as now, ministers usually vished to put the deceased in the best possible light, and thus portrayed the subject as a 16

God-fearing Christian, a devoted spouse, and an exemplary

parent, without mentioning any less praiseworthy habits

like drunkenness or wife-beating. As one NBrdlingen

minister admitted in the late sixteenth century, it was

possible that

a man who was a blasphemer, a whorer etc. all of his life (could) set aside a silver chalice and order that, when he dies, it should be given to the minister before he delivers the funeral sermon so that he might be remembered favorably.*•

There can be no doubt that ministers edited their

delivered sermons before publication. Like Luther,

ministers recognized that "there is a great difference

betveen bringing something to light with the living voice 29 and with inanimate print.” Words might be changed, points clarified, and frequently pastors would succumb to the temptation to expand their works; indeed, several of the NBrdlingen sermons are over 100 quarto pages in their published versions.

Despite these reservations, the sermon reveals much about perceptions of family life. Although one must view the lives depicted in the funeral sermons more as idealized models of desired behavior than as mirrors of actual domes­ tic life, they do contain the precepts advocated by one local church. In the case of edited sermons, one might expect lengthier expositions of the central theme, but not wholesale alteration of the theme, underlying attitudes, or supporting arguments. Here Albrecht's weekly series proves 17

most useful, for these sermons, published posthumously by

his children and all of a manageable delivery length of 30 thirteen pages, appear to have escaped heavy-handed

editing and can therefore serve as a basis of comparison

for the more inflated among the funeral sermons. Finally,

one must not forget that an overview of the essential

messages, topics, and characters which served as the focus of sermons as well as of other forms of devotional liter­ ature can in itself reveal much about contemporary atti­ tudes. It is arguable that an undertaking like Albrecht's

75 sermons on the Christian home would have been inconceiv­ able in Catholic circles a century earlier.

In sum, the sheer fact that NBrdlingen's Lutheran pastors throughout the seventeenth century expounded what are often considered "modern” ideals of heartfelt love between man and wife and the selfless involvement of the parent in providing for his child's physical and emotional welfare, is significant. The lengthy homiletic passages extolling the glories of married life, the devotional liter­ ature designed especially for children, and the numerous published funeral sermons for women and children are all evidence of the great importance that NBrdlingen divines already attached to familial relationships in this period. CHAPTER II

A PATERNAL CITY

Introduction

To walk through NBrdlingen's winding, narrow streets

toward evening, when the shops are closed and the tourists

have long since departed for other sights, is as close as

anyone in the late twentieth century might hope to come to

stepping into the past. Today the visitor to NBrdlingen is charmed by the city's circular wall, the imposing towers, the crowd of fourteenth-century houses, weatherbeaten and sometimes precariously shifted to one side. These struc­ tures are more than mere curiosities: they are documents of a city's history. The ornate patricians' homes in the very center of the city, the tanners' homes with their spacious attics for drying hides hugging a tiny branch of the Eger

River, and the many placenames still in use - Schfiffles- markt, Brettermarkt, Salzmarkt, Weinmarkt - are all rem­ nants of NBrdlingen's mercantile and industrial heyday. A small city 50 miles northwest of Augsburg, medieval

NBrdlingen reaped the benefits of its location at the junc­ tion of two major trade routes, the one linking Bohemia and

Nuremberg with Lake Constance, the other connecting

18 19

Frankfurt and Augsburg with Italy. Here traveling mer­

chants traded their textiles, spices, furs, livestock, and

metals, and Ntirdlingers found a ready market for their

local wares. By the end of the fifteenth century these

trade routes had already waned In Importance; but the

strength of the home Industries, which Included tanning,

woolens, and the manufacture of finished articles, more 1 than compensated for their decline.

Evidence meets the visitor's eye which attests to the

downfall of the bustling trade town. A cannonball protrud­

ing from the Berger Tor bears silent witness to the siege,

occupation, and plague which crippled Nttrdlingen's economy

in the course of the Thirty Years' War; the quaint doll­

sized houses along the city wall, imperial barracks con­

structed late in the seventeenth century, are monuments to

later wars which would ultimately deliver the final blow to

that city's economy. As Christopher Friedrichs demonstrat­ ed in his superb study of seventeenth-century Nttrdlingen's politics and economics, the Thirty Years' War had resulted

in depopulation and a collapsed economy within that city, but it had recovered remarkably by 1670. This restored prosperity, however, was short-lived, for a new wave of imperial wars drained the finances of both the city and the people in the form of demands for higher taxes and funds to outfit a "NBrdlingen contingent", as well as successive 2 years of quartering imperial troops. 20

Despite the recurrence of war and economic hardship

throughout the seventeenth century, the Free Imperial City

of NBrdlingen Itself remained remarkably free of Internal

turmoil. This tranquility was largely thanks to the ef­

forts of the local city council, a group of fifteen men

whose governing policy might best be described as "pater- 3 nal". Like a loving father the council kept a watchful

eye over its citizenry, stern in its punishment of moral,

commercial, or criminal transgressions, and stalwart in its

defense of the common weal. In times of war the council

attempted to maintain a precarious balance between the

drained resources of the populace and the demands of the

many bands of soldiers, Swedish, Imperial, and French,

which passed through the city gates and appealed for -

often with an underlying threat of violence - cash, sup- 4 plies, and shelter. The defense of traditional industry

from the encroachments of entrepreneurial capitalism was

another major concern of the city council, most notably

demonstrated in its efforts to break up the monopoly of the

woolens trade held by the WOrners, an enterprising family

that had by the 1690s become the employer of nearly every 5 weaver in the region. That the people of NQrdlingen

were generally content with their council is suggested by the fact that, from the late sixteenth through seventeenth centuries, there were only two riots in the city, and these were directed not against the local government but against 21

merchants. To be sure, sporadic outbreaks of pasquills did

betray some elements of hostility against the ruling class

within the community, but these tended to be isolated inci­

dents which failed to escalate into a widespread crisis of 6 confidence.

Alfred Schultze and Bernd Moeller have described the

late medieval city as a "sacred society”, in which the city

fathers took upon themselves the spiritual welfare of their 7 community. Fifteenth-century NSrdlingen fits well into this pattern, as the city council members felt it their 8 responsibility to supervise morals and punish blasphemy.

In 1523 the city obtained the Patronatsrecht from Heils- bronn; in the same decade the city council undertook a

"cleansing" within the church, both for its own sake and to satisfy the small but boisterous local reform movement, and thus preserve civic order. The blending of these goals and concerns are most evident in the appointment in October

1522 of Theobald Gerlacher "Billican" to the position of

SjiSdtgf arrer! according to the council's letter to

Billican, he was to preach Scripture to inspire peace and piety, and to take care that his ministry did not incite division or rebellion against the spiritual and secular 9 authorities. 22

The city council hoped in vain that the appointment of

Billican would appease the local reform movement. Already

in April 1522 two students had been arrested and banished

for wearing donkey ears and accosting the priest during a 10 sermon; in that same year Kaspar Kantz of the local

Carmelite convent published his Ygn_der_eyangelischen

Hesse, which featured celebration of the Hass in German, communion §ub_utrague_sgecie, and a pervading tinge of 11 Luther's doctrine of justification. Further instances of misconduct occurred in 1524, when one man reportedly sang anticlerical songs in the streets of Nttrdlingen, one harrassed chaplain requested permission to leave the city, 12 and eight iconoclasts were arrested. In this latter case the council threatened the men, but failed to punish them; Rublack interprets this leniency as the civic govern­ ment's wariness of opposing the reform movement with sanc- 13 tions, lest violence erupt.

The government's reaction to the prospect of married clergy varied in the 1520s: upon his marriage in 1523 Kantz had been banished, though he was eventually allowed to re- 14 turn. Billican's marriage two years later, however, was tolerated by the council, an episode which might be in­ terpreted as a clear indication of a changing religious climate in NOrdlingen, were it not for the fact that

Billican's wife had family connections with both the 15 council and the city's leading businessmen. 23

The early years of the reform movement in NBrdlingen

were thus marked by minor disturbances and controversy, but, thanks largely to the stabilizing efforts of the city council, no major religious or civic turmoil ensued. In the years that followed the appointment of Billican the council slowly changed its tactics from reforming the exist­ ing church to instituting a new, Lutheran church structure.

It allowed a Lutheran, sermon-oriented form of worship to take root in the parish church of St. George; in a 1525 letter to Schwfibisch Gmttnd the council attested to its 16 "reformierte Kirchwesen"; at the Diet of Regensburg in

1541 the city declared itself as Protestant; within the year local ministers began work on the first of several drafts of a new church order for NBrdlingen. The council was not satisfied with the clergy's initial results, so in

1576 it invited the Swabian reformer Jakob Andreae to

NBrdlingen to act as consultant for the completion of the city's Reformation. Two years later the consistory was in place; and in the spring of 1579 the new church order was 17 ratified.

Rublack has summarized the NBrdlingen city council's religious policy in the Reformation era as "pacification 16 within, minimizing risks without." In this byword is evident the stamp of paternalism. The city council re­ tained its concern for the spiritual welfare of the commun­ ity throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Nowhere is this religious paternalism more apparent than in

the council's dealings with the local clergy. The clergy

and government of NBrdlingen felt a common mission, to

create a godly, orderly society, and the two powers worked

together in an effort to realize this goal. In this

effort, however, the city council clearly took the leading

role. It was the council that called for frequent visita­

tions of area churches and schools. These visitations

would be conducted by a panel of divines and councilmen,

whose fundamental concern was whether the children were

learning their catechism. Indeed, the most common and

scathing criticism levelled at the teachers at both the

local Latin and German schools was not that the children did not know their ABCs, but that they were unable to 19 recite the catechism. The council provided for the church and its ministers, both active and retired, through allowances of money, firewood, and supplies, and it defend­ ed the church from those who ignored its mandates or dis­ rupted its services. Students and youths were the most com­ monly cited church delinquents: ministers complained that schoolboys misbehaved during services, chatting, flirting with the girls, and even at one point throwing cherry pits 20 in the church. Another student was arrested for lurk­ ing outside the church door, only to emit a "crepitum 21 Ventris" as worshippers left the service. At other times the community at large was enjoined to behave during 25

services, and not to kick their chairs or drag them about 22 the church floor.

Though the city council generally did not interfere

with the theological teachings of the local church, it did

claim wide-ranging power over its external organization and

direction. During the Thirty Years' War, for example, the

council decreed public days of prayer, outlining everything

from the sounding of the church bells to the basic topic of 23 the sermon. The council also instructed the ministers

to make announcements to the community during their ser­

mons; following a fight in 1627 between citizens and impe­ rial soldiers in a local tavern the ministers were to warn their listeners of the possible repercussions of such con- 24 frontations, and in 1658 the people were to be scolded for having dropped so many "bad Pfenning” into a collection 25 for the poor.

The council conscientiously exercised its right to appoint clergymen to posts at St. George, the local hospi­ tal chapel, and affiliated churches in the surrounding region. The city council and consistory minutes report numerous interviews and "Probpredigten" of prospective ministers; in 1641 the court secretary traveled to Geildorf to hear a sermon by future Superintendent Georg 26 Albrecht. The council did seek the advice of the local clergy in its appointments, but ultimate authority lay with the council. From time to time the council stepped in to 26 settle disputes among the ministers themselves, especially regarding the assignment of sermons. Here the matter at hand was not the content of the sermons, but their distribu­ tion, which, it would appear, was a common source of dis­ cord among the clergy; the council feared that the minis­ ters' bickering over their assignments would prove disrup­ tive to the efficiency of the church, and thus cause public confusion. For this reason the council would order minis­ ters to cover for their ailing colleagues, or to allow a 27 new deacon to deliver the early weekday sermon. Nor did the council believe it beyond the scope of its power to chastise ministers whose preachings were considered sedi­ tious or doctrinally suspect, for this, too, was peceived as a threat to public order. In 1569 Superintendent

Wilhelm Friedrich Lutz was reprimanded for his public 28 criticism of the current witch trials; in 1628 one deacon, in a case brought before the council by a local pharmacist, was warned that his recent sermon was contrary 29 to the church order; and in 1658 Sigmund KiBling was slapped for his public criticism of the city council and asked "what the common man might think” of such insubordi- 30 nation.

But such conflicts between the clergy and government were rare. Normally relations between both powers were smooth. The NBrdlingen ministers accepted the leadership of the magistrates in their common cause, the creation of a 27

"NQrdlinglsche Jerusalem", and were grateful for their support and protection. This gratitude found expression in the many funeral sermons for deceased city council members and BUrgermeister, sermons which speak reverently of the late governors' achievements, especially regarding public piety, but not obsequiously. The magistrates and their families, and the clergy and their families, provide the bulk of the subjects of the NBrdlingen funeral sermons; in recounting their lives and achievements to the survivors, to the community at large, the church hoped that these people would be as influencial in death as they had been in life.

The_Funeral_Sermon_from_laudatig_funebris_to_Guide_tg

Christian_Life

The funeral sermon, like so many other homiletical forms, underwent radical changes in the course of its evolution from the early Middle Ages to the post-Reforma- tion era. As Eberhard Winckler demonstrated, the earliest

Christian eulogies, those of the patristic age, would more accurately be called funeral orations than funeral sermons, for their goal was not to proclaim the word of God at the grave, but rather to honor the deceased. Winckler notes that the strong rhetorical form of these orations are more suggestive of the classical l§udatig_funebris than later

Christian funeral sermons. As seen in the funeral oration 28

of Gregory of Nyssa for his brother Caesarius, emphasis vas

placed upon the praise of the dead, and comfort for the

living vas sought not in Christ, but in the knowledge that 31 the deceased is now beyond all earthly suffering.

Late medieval funeral orations were marked by their

brevity and their emphasis upon preparation for death and

judgment. Though by no means as numerous as the sermons of

the seventeenth century, funeral sermons became more common

from the twelfth through fourteenth centuries. A collec­

tion of 98 funeral orations by the Dominican Johannes de

Sancto suggests that by the early fourteenth century these eulogies became increasingly "democratized” as well: no

longer were the subjects limited to political leaders and the speaker's closest relatives and friends, but they now 32 included people from every social class. As before the clergy dwelt upon the negative aspects of our earthly exist­ ence, echoing the pronouncement of Eccl. 7:1 that the day of death is better than the day of birth. Medieval preach­ ers made even fever attempts than did their predecessors to comfort the survivors. They too failed to exhort their listeners to seek comfort in Christ, and in fact offered little comfort to the survivors at all. Faced with the question, "Where does our hope lie?" one priest grimly answered, "If we could have given you comfort, we would 33 have done so gladly." 29

The funeral sermons of Martin Luther mark a distinct

break from the funeral orations of the Middle Ages. Though

only four of the Reformer's funeral sermons have survived,

two for the Elector Frederick the Wise in 1525 and two for 34 the Elector John in 1532, their tone and content are

indicative of the course which Lutheran funeral sermons

would take in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. To

Luther, the evangelical sermon vas the heart of the worship

service, not only on Sundays but at funerals as well.

Luther's funerary orations thus became true sermons: his

goal vas less to eulogize the dead in the medieval fashion

than "to praise God and edify the people" through the expli- 35 cation of Scripture. The infrequent references to the

Electors might lead one to infer that these men were of

little importance to Luther, but this would be far from the truth. Frederick after all had been Luther's protector

from the wrath of the Empire, and Luther had considered 38 John a friend. To be sure, in his sermon for the

Elector John, Luther bluntly refused to eulogize at length his late friend, however worthy of praise he might have 37 been; but he was nonetheless well aware of the crucial role which his subject would play in his lesson to the congregation. Luther recognized that the Elector's death was an occasion for mourning among the people of Saxony, yet many were uncertain whether grief was permitted

Christians or where they were to find comfort for their 30

sorrow. The former question had apparently become

especially acute in the wake of "Rottengeister", who 38 preached that mourning was entirely forbidden. Luther

found the answer to both questions in 1 These. 4:13-14, his

scriptural text for all four funeral sermons:

We wish you not to remain in ignorance, brothers, about those who sleep in death; you should not grieve like the rest of men, who have no hope. We believe that Jesus died and rose again; and so it will be for those who died as Christians; God will bring them to life with Jesus.

From his choice of text alone it is immediately appar­ ent that Luther has made a radical departure from the bleak­ ness of the medieval funeral oration. He offers his listen­ ers hope and comfort. To grieve the passing of a loved one is natural, Luther assures his audience, and the many exam­ ples from the Bible demonstrate that God does indeed grant this emotion. However, as he interprets Paul, this grief is not to be excessive, for Christians are not without 39 hope. This hope lies in the knowledge that death is no more than sleep to the Christian: though one has died in regard to one's body and five senses, it is no true death, for Christ's death has liberated the faithful from eternal 40 death. Christians "enter sleep” confident that they will be resurrected with Christ, and thus have no fear of death. The survivors as well are to be comforted by this thought, and Luther exhorts them to learn to see death not in terms of the coffin and grave, but in terms of Christ's 41 death and resurrection. Paul has made Christ's 31

resurrection and that of Christians one, so that, because

Christ's resurrection is guaranteed, there can be no doubt 42 that the dead will also arise. This concentration upon

Christ's death and resurrection as the Christian's source of hope in the face of death is Luther's most significant contribution to the evolution of the funeral sermon. It is this message which would lie at the heart of Lutheran funeral sermons throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

Another important feature of Luther's eulogies which proved influencial for later Lutheran funeral sermons was his use of his subject as an example to his congregation of a model Christian in life and death. For all his nobility and virtue, Luther proclaimed, the Elector John was still a 43 poor sinner like all Christians. Luther portrayed the

Elector's unswerving faith in Christ and the resurrec- 44 tion, his lifelong resistance to the temptations of the 45 Devil, who plagued him even at his deathbed, and his 46 peaceful death, which is the Christian's reward. The applications of the lessons drawn from the life and death of the Elector to the lives of his listeners were made clear by Luther in his conclusion:

When our Lord God reveals himself in this way and removes the head and will not spare an elector, he truly means for you to understand that this applies to you. Therefore humble yourself and reform your life, so that like him you might be among those people who live and die in Christ. I hope there are many of you who will die and suffer as did my lord in Augsburg. 32

They will also attain auch a gentle death, so that sleep will come upon them carefully and lightly. Such is the end of all those who with him will rise again and be guided by Christ....47

The Lutheran church orders of the sixteenth century

normally Included articles concerning funerals and funeral

sermons. Though they sometimes differed on such points as

the minister's clothing, the length of the sermon, or

whether all citizens were entitled to funeral sermons, the

orders were unanimous in their affirmation of the funeral

sermon as an instrument of Christian instruction. These

orders made law what Luther himself had advised, that is,

that funeral sermons should be directed toward the living

rather than the dead, and that the central message of the sermons should be Christ's death and the resurrection which 48 awaits all Christians.

The Lutheran funeral sermons of the middle and late

sixteenth century do indeed contain a strong Christocentric

element reminiscent of Luther's eulogies for the Electors.

Another parallel between the sermons of the Reformer and those of his successors is the subordinate role given the deceased within the funeral text. As Luther had done, most ministers of the sixteenth century provided only fleeting glimpses of their subjects, recalling the memory of the dead merely to illustrate their more essential lessons of 49 Christian faith and salvation. In light of the near­ anonymity of these funeral sermons it could well be argued 33

that, from a purely pedagogical standpoint, whether the

subject vas noble or common was ultimately Insignificant to

the Lutheran minister; what mattered vas that a Christian

had died, which provided the minister with an opportunity

to deliver important teachings about Christ and the resur­

rection at a time when his listeners would be most recep­

tive to such teachings. These lessons would be based on

such biblical texts as 1 Cor. 15, Gen. 35:16-20, Exodus

15:23, and Luke 13:4-5, Scripture not normally contained in

the standard cycle of preaching texts, but particularly

effective in their message of hope and salvation.

By the end of the sixteenth century, however, some

ministers had begun to affix brief biographies to their funeral sermons. At first glance these biographical sketches might be regarded as a return to the medieval

laudatio_funebris, but in the hands of the Lutherans they took on new meaning. The virtuous Christian life was be­ lieved to be bound with, and a preparation for, a blessed death and eternal life with Christ, and so, although minis­ ters enumerated the worldly achievements of their subjects, they reserved their highest praises for the spiritual accom­ plishments of the dead. Preachers painstakingly detailed their subjects' faith in Christ and the resurrection, their lifelong contemplation of death, their patience when bur­ dened with life's many crosses, their equanimity and even joy in their final illness, and their Christian courage in 34

their deathbed battles against the temptations of the

Devil. Here was the art of dying in action. Listeners were implicitly enjoined to follow the example of the deceased, and countless biographies echoed Luther in their concluding prayers that we might all enjoy as peaceful an hour of death as did our Christian brothers and sisters.

Thus did the biography become as much a pedagogical tool as had the funeral sermon itself. In the course of the seven­ teenth century the funeral sermon and biography would grow to intolerable lengths for audiences - a common complaint among contemporaries was that these sermons frequently ex- 50 ceeded two hours - but in spite of their baroque ram- blings Lutheran funeral sermons never lost sight of their original purpose, to comfort, to teach, and to proclaim the glory of Christ's victory over death and the promise of eternal life for all Christians.

The funeral sermons of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries have come down to modern times in various for­ mats. Published collections of some ministers' funeral sermons began to appear in the mid-sixteenth century, as those by Cyrus Spangenberg (who also edited sermons of his late father Johann), Johann Hatthesius, Christoph Fischer, 51 and Andreas Pancratius. These collections were popular among laymen and clergy alike until the middle of the eight- 52 eenth century. They should be interpreted as part of a wider phenomenon within devotional literature of the 35

Lutheran SterbekQnste, or handbooks on the art of dying.

Such works were of course the heirs of the medieval are moriendi, but, again, the traditional theme of the world as a vale of tears was tempered by a new Christocentrlc message of hope and promise. SterbekUnste included dis­ courses, collections of prayers, letters of condolence to grieving parents, and sermons on eternal life; their tar­ geted audience vas not only the "troubled, sick, and dying” frequently mentioned in their titles, but all Christians, even the young:

Spiritual forget-me-not for daily contemplation of our mortality, the righteousness of the Last Judgment, (and) the gruesomeness of Hell's torments; to the youth of the Rothenburg countryside....■*

The title-pages of collected funeral sermons reveal that their authors perceived their publications as inspirational literature in the vein of the SterbekUnste:

55 funeral sermons from the Gospel of John. Filled with beautiful teachings and Christian consolation not only useful at the funerals of those who have died in Christ, but also useful reading for the troubled and ailing...." 4

Other funeral sermons were published singly, usually at the expense of the relatives of the deceased. Here the purpose of publication was more social than theological.

In an age before television or Time_Magazine the published funeral sermon was a superb medium by which the passing of notables would be announced and their lives and accomplish­ ments recounted. These sermons would be circulated mainly among relatives and close acquaintances of the dead, but 36

they found an avid readership among total strangers as

veil. An extreme example of such enthusiasm for these

works vas the Comtesse of Stolberg, who in the early

eighteenth century reportedly collected several thousand 55 funeral sermons as inspirational reading.

The_N8rdlingen_Funeral_Sermgns_and_Their_Subj.ectsj._An

Overview

None of the ministers of NBrdlingen published collec­

tions of their funeral sermons, though several published 56 other forms of SterbekUnste. The sermons preserved in

the Stadtarchiv NBrdlingen are individual publications

which were financed by local families. Host of these ser­

mons were bound in volumes between the eighteenth and twen­

tieth centuries, but some remain unbound and stored in

boxes. These bound volumes are a veritable hodgepodge, con­

taining funeral sermons, pamphlets, wedding sermons, and

sermons delivered on days of public prayer. The funeral sermons are gathered haphazardly, without regard to chron­ ology, author, publisher, status, or relationship between the subjects. Husband and wife, father and son will often appear in separate volumes, but one volume might include two copies of the same sermon. Mixed in with the funeral sermons of NBrdlingers are those of citizens of neighboring

Bopfingen, DinkelsbUhl, Rothenburg o.d.T., and the villages of the Ries; there is even a funeral sermon by a NBrdlingen 37 57 divine for Gustav Adolphus.

Eliminating those funeral sermons which were delivered either outside of NBrdlingen or for non-residents leaves 85 58 published sermons extant for the period 1587-1712.

Remarkably, these sermons are fairly evenly distributed throughout the era:

1587-1599.....4 1600-1609.....5 1610-1619.....2 1620-1629.....7 1630-1639____11 1640-1649.....8 1650-1659.....7 1660-1669.....6 1670-1679. ... 10 1680-1689.....4 1690-1699____10 1700-1712____11

Hen comprise 54 of the subjects, women 29, and children (14 years and younger) 3. An occupational breakdown of the subjects yields the following results:

BUrgermeister...... 17 Wives...... 6 City council members...... 9 Wives...... 2 Ministers...... 9 Wives...... 6 Lawyers...... 4 Wives...... 1 City officials...... 4 Wives...... 3 ---Children...... 1 Imperial officials...... 1 Physicians...... 3 Wives...... 3 Teachers...... 1 Taverners...... 1 Other...... 4 Unknown: Hen...... 4 Women...... 6 38

Clearly, the published funeral sermons do not represent

a cross-section of early modern NBrdlingen society. Host

of the subjects were in some way connected to either the

local government or clergy; moreover, several of those

listed above under other occupations were closely related 59 to the ruling elite of the city. Hany of the subjects were also among the most affluent citizens of the communi­ ty: of those whose personal wealth at the time of death is available, the average wealth was approximately 13,000 fl.

Even in the worst of the inflation years, the lowest known wealth of a subject, 2500 f1., would have been well above 60 the mean. Considerably less wealthy, however, were the ministers of NBrdlingen. The Kirchendienerakten are filled with the clergy's entreaties for money and firewood, and retiring ministers were forced to appeal to the city coun- 61 cil for support in their old age. How the publication of their funeral sermons was financed cannot be firmly established, though in the case of Johann Harcell

Westerfeld one might suspect that his son-in-law's family, the powerful Gundelfingers, contributed the necessary 62 funds.

The majority of the men and women of these funeral sermons were the "celebrities'' of NBrdlingen. In modern terms, these were the people who maintained a high profile in the city, the BUrgermeister and city council members, the clergy, the city officials and lawyers, the physicians, 39

the teachers, and even the tavernera. The wives, too, were

public figures who were often Involved In charitable acti- 63 vltles. Recognition cones easily In a small town, and

In early modern NBrdlingen the ruling elite, clergy, and

successful businessmen must have ranked among the most familiar names and faces with the populace. Based on his study of local records, Friedrichs has also concluded that most citizens in NBrdlingen were somehow related, however 64 distantly, to at least one city council member. The effect of this small-tovn fame and web of relations is that when one died, it would be noticed by the entire city. The physical size of NBrdlingen contributed further to the pub­ licity surrounding a notable's death, for in a city whose area was less than one-quarter of a square mile one could scarcely avoid the somber toll of the Totenglocke or the funeral procession itself. The funeral of a prominent

NBrdlinger vas therefore something of a civic event, and though it is impossible to determine actual attendance at these services, one might safely conjecture that they were well-attended.

The NBrdlingen church order of 1579 established the 65 schedule and proceedings of local funerals. Funerals were to be held on Mondays, Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Fri­ days at three o'clock, on Wednesdays at noon, on Saturdays at two o'clock, and on Sundays and holy days after the mid­ day service; the funeral vas to be preceded by the sounding 40

of the church bell for fifteen minutes. Schoolchildren,

who served as acolytes, led the procession from the city to

St. Emmeran's Church, the small cemetery chapel just beyond

the town wall where funerals often took place; behind them

were the minister who would deliver the sermon, the corpse, the mourners, and the public. The children sang appropri­ ate psalms, such as "Hit Fried und freud", "Mitten wir im

Leben seind", "Aus tiefer Not", "Wir glauben euch", or "Nun 66 bitten wir den Heiligen Geist". Then, the church' order continued,

the sermon is delivered, in which the congregation should be instructed, reminded of, and admonished about the mortality and fallibility of mankind, the origins of sin and death, that salvation which is through Christ the Son of God, our Savior, and the resurrection of the dead and the comfort of eternal life (or the like).*7

The hymn "Nun lafit uns den Leib begraben" followed the sermon; the service was concluded by the Easter collects and the benediction.

In its stress upon the funeral sermon as a pedagogical device and its promulgation of mortality, death, resurrec­ tion, and salvation as the sermon's standard themes, it is immediately apparent that the NBrdlingen church order fell in line with most other contemporary Lutheran church or­ ders. A brief glance through the NBrdlingen funeral ser­ mons confirms that local ministers did indeed adhere to these guidelines throughout the late sixteenth and seven­ teenth centuries. Favorite scriptural texts included 41

Luke 2:25-32, Eze. 24:15-18, Pe. 73, Ps. 90, and Phil. 1:

21-23, and nearly every sermon concluded with a reaffirma­ tion of faith in the resurrection and in the reunion of the 68 blessed in heaven. The primary message, then, of the funeral sermons vas salvation through Jesus Christ; but how the Christian lived his life vas also crucial to the preach­ er's lesson. Through their depictions of the virtuous

Christian life, NBrdlingen ministers hoped to guide their listeners to the salvation vhich undoubtedly avaited the deceased, and this blessedness vas reflected in every as­ pect of the subject'8 life and career. The ministers there­ fore took great pains to delineate their subjects' private and public life, their upbringing, education, marriage, parenting, hardships, and death. Each stage in a person's life vas to contain valuable information regarding faith and salvation, and it is this rich detail vhich affords the historian such insight into Lutheran attitudes tovard mar­ riage and family life in this era. The question, "Hov can

I be a good Hausvater or Hausmutter?" vas far subordinate to the essential question, ”Hov can ve be saved?" in the

NBrdlingen funeral sermons, but the contemporary audience - and modern readers - could easily find the ansver to the former question in the biographies of that city's leading citizens. CHAPTER III

FAMILIAL RELATIONSHIPS IN THE

H8RDLINGEN FUNERAL SERMONS

The NBrdlingen funeral sermons omit direct discussion of the foundations and purposes of marriage. The minis­ ters, however, clearly recognized marriage as a state established and commanded by God through their frequent references to "heilige Ehestand" and subjects marrying 1 according to "Gottes Ordnung”. Genesis 2:18 appears as well in this context, often in connection with the sub- 2 Ject's decision to marry. Only the men actually decided that it was time to seek out a spouse and marry, and the circumstances of their decisions varied. One man insti­ gated his search three years after his arrival in N8rd- 3 4 1ingen; one simply remembered God's words to Adam; yet another resolved to marry when he had reached matur- 5 ity; and a minister began to look around for a loyal helpmate "as he found it necessary to conduct his office 6 and own household better....” Necessity was a common reason for seeking a wife, especially in the case of widowers. The NSrdlingen church order decreed a mourning period of three months for widowers and six months for

42 43

widows, and from the funeral sermons It Is evident that

many citizens remarried after the expiration of this 7 period. The funeral sermons provide the grounds for

remarriage, at least from the standpoint of the men:

...After he maintained himself for some time as a mourning widower and found that, as an old, worn-out man, it was not good that he was alone, and that in his advanced age he vas greatly needful of a faithful help­ mate and spouse.... *

.. .Death robbed him of his first wife, by vhich he vas made a sad widower and his children, then not yet grown, became abandoned orphans;...he remarried. . . when the state of his household required an equally pains­ taking wife and mother.... *

It is curious to note that, whereas the funeral sermons dwell on the needs vhich forced widowers to remarry, they are silent regarding those burdens, often economic in nature, vhich might have driven a widow to remarry.

The funeral sermons portray many subjects praying to

God for a spouse, as well as consulting with parents and friends. God inevitably heard their prayers and sent them 10 a suitable mate. The ministers placed great emphasis on the next step in marriage, obtaining the consent of parents (or guardians), close relatives, and friends. Clan­ destine marriages, those contracted without witnesses or parental consent, were still a problem in early modern

Germany, as evidenced in the Innumerable cases in local 11 governmental records involving "Winckel-Ehen". Luther and local governments alike denounced this practice as

”unordentlich", here translatable as both "illegal" and 12 "contributing to public disorder". The NBrdlingen church order of 1579 had forbidden clandestine marri- 13 ages, but the city council minutes and consistory re­ cords throughout the seventeenth century contain frequent references to citizens hauled before the magistrates on all the various charges which could derive from Winckel-Ehen.

Host common among these cases were those involving women who had been deflowered or impregnated, believing that they had been promised marriage or even legally married, then either spurned by their lovers or challenged by their par- 14 ents. That the NBrdlingen ministers made it a point to mention that each subject had obtained the proper consent prior to his or her marriage could be interpreted as a sub­ tle message against clandestine marriages; this could be said as well of a reference in one sermon to the subject's 15 marriage "mit ordentlichem Kirchgang".

Little is said of the relationship of the couple before marriage, apart from a few references to the betrothed's 16 affection and even attraction for one another. Minis­ ters often employed standard phrases to describe the exem­ plary marriage which developed over the years: "Christlich

/ friedlich / und schiedlich" were normally the first words in the preachers' chains of adjectives, frequently followed by "freundlich", ■vergnUgte", "gesegnete”, and "lieb- 17 reich". Love was indeed perceived as an important quality in a marriage, and NBrdlingen ministers never tired 45

of portraying the loving marriage:

He found in her what he had been looking for, namely, a loyal helpmate and a pillar of comfort; thum he lived with her, he had with hie firat wife, in all desired peace, and bore that love and unity so pleasing to God and man....‘•

(She bore toward her husband) a proper, heartfelt, and constant love, and enjoyed in return a proper, heart­ felt, and constant love from him, a love which rushed forth from the soul, so that there was between them a 4dem_yelle_et_idem_nglle, a will and a won't, a confiding, peaceful, friendly, enjoyable, steady life....»•

He lived with both of his beloved wives in such a way that, to coin a phrase, in his marriage he had Heaven on earth; he himself attested to this, in that neither of his wives ever insulted him in word or deed, nor he them. He lived with them both in heartfelt love, and he mourned nothing more than the fact that God had not allowed either of his wives to remain longer with him, and he never thought of them without tears....•0

Upon entering the married state the couple faced the

many responsibilities of the Hausvater and Hausmutter.

Assistant Pastor J. H. Epplin reminded his audience that competence in this sphere was not to be taken for granted:

There are many people who can rule lands and people quite well, but they do not have the grace to rule their own home or raise their children properly. Many are clever, amazingly learned in all languages and arts, but this is of little help in managing a household.* 1

The duties of the Hausvater were numerous. With his wife, 22 he was to raise his children and supervise the serv- 23 ants. He was also to provide for his family through 24 diligent, even ceaseless, work. This task, difficult at all times, became an even greater burden in wartime;

Caspar Epplin's words in the midst of the imperial 46

occupation of NBrdlingen in 1638 undoubtedly reflected the

frustration experienced by many HausvBtter:

Many a father vorks all night to provide honorably for his wife and children (1 Tim. 6:8), and yet it may still happen that, when he wakes up in the morning, he is more likely to have the sunshine in his house than bread, to say nothing of money for the soldiers and the business.• *

Another difficult duty of the Hausvater was the protection

of his family and property:

Every father must be watchful and make certain that his house and courtyard, door and gate are well secured, so that nobody finds him napping and overpowers him....••

Finally, the Hausvater was to serve as Hausgrediger, or 27 minister to his household.

The NBrdlingen clergy praised their male subjects in

terms of their execution of household duties, limiting any

further discussion of their personal qualities to those

traits necessary for success in the public sphere. Thus

ministers frequently compared men, particularly Bttrger- melster and city council members, to the vise and just 28 David and Solomon. Women, too, were lauded for their diligence as HausmUtter, but ministers also presented them as embodiments of womanly virtue in general. The ideal woman, they preached, was one of both outward and inward beauty. Here the model was Rachel,

a pretty, beautiful maiden, and not just physically, in her well-proportioned body - that would have recommend­ ed her but little. For to be lovely and beautiful is nothing; a woman who fears the Lord should be praised (Prov. 31:30)....•• 47

To be sure, God has not blessed all women with physical

beauty. For this reason inward beauty should be considered

more important than a pretty face, for, quoting Prov.

11:22, a beautiful women who is wicked is nothing but a sow 30 in a golden ribbon. Virtue, on the other hand, could

make the ugliest woman beautiful:

Have I not a pretty face Be I of crooked body Still I have a lovely disposition Which makes everything good.*1

Ministers throughout the seventeenth century rhapsodized

upon these inward virtues which "decorated" the Christian

woman; these virtues included "Frommheit / Gottseeligkeit /

Glaub / Liebe / Hoffnung / Trew / Fleifi / Arbeitsamkeit / 32 HfiuBlichkeit / Zucht / Ehr / (und) Keuschheit". They invoked various Biblical women as examples: the friendly

Rebecca, the virtuous Ruth, the rational Abigail, the pious 33 and obedient Sarah, the chaste Susanna. Most of these examples were drawn from the Old Testament, and in all the funeral sermons only one reference to Mary as a model of 34 virtue is to be found. In his sermon for Elisabeth

Rehmen Tobias Scheiblin discussed how her parents had chosen her name so that she would always have before her the example of the "pious and God-fearing" mother of John 35 the Baptist.

These, then, were the virtues which were to commend a woman before her marriage; upon her marriage they were to guide her life as a Hausmutter. As in the case of the 48

Hausvater, the Hausmutter was judged according to her per­ formance within her calling; here the standard of excel­ lence would seem to be the "alphabet of virtues” for the capable wife found in Proverbs 31:10-31. Sigmund Kisling delineated the exemplary Hausmutter in his sermon for the wife of Superintendent Johann Marcell Westerfeld:

...toward her beloved husband loving, respectful, and obedient, faithful to her children, painstaking in her housekeeping, ready to help many, generous to the poor (as much as she could afford it), and otherwise main­ tained a quiet, withdrawn, plain, and upright life with God's help....

To maintain her household the Hausmutter worked ceaseless­ ly, even to the detriment of her health:

How laudably she conducted her household, day and night taking care of the children, never sparing effort or labor even when it was difficult or even unbear­ able. ..." 7

...who took care of him day and night, not even notic­ ing that she herself often needed care due to her infir­ mities, with inexhaustible diligence and unremitting attention....■•

She was not to squander her household's money on fin- 39 40 ery, nor was she to be seen too frequently in town.

The woman who fulfilled her duty as Christian Hausmutter was her husband's Augenlust, and her value was beyond compare:

Our eyes like to see costly objects like silver, gold, and jewels. A Christian, pious woman is equal to all these things. A good-natured wife is like the golden pillar on a silver base (Sir. 26:18). Aye, she is better than these. He who has a virtuous wife, her worth is greater than the costliest pearl, says Solomon. This is what a pious woman is to a Christian, pious man: she is the delight of his eye.41 As seen above in Sigmund Kisling's eulogy for Margareta

Susanna Westerfeld, the model vife was one vho not only diligently performed her household duties and raised the children, but vho vas "liebreich / Ehrerbietig und gehor-

■am" to her husband. These three elements, love, honor, and obedience, underlay the voman's emotional relationship vith her husband. Women were reminded that the obedient 42 Sarah had called Abraham "my master", and ministers praised local vomen vho vere said to have never argued vith 43 or disturbed their husbands.

Husbands on their part vere to recognize voman as "the veaker vessel", fragile, sensitive, and dependant upon the 44 man for protection and support. They too vere to hold an abiding love for their spouses, as demonstrated through their fidelity and provision. Assistant Pastor Johann

Daniel Haak recommended as an example of the loving and nurturing husband Nathan's allegory upon the marriage of

Uriah and Bathsheba: "...it ate from his dish, drank from his cup and nestled in his arms; it vas like a daughter to 45 him. "

Ministers vere avare, hovever, that all men did not have such a favorable and loving attitude tovard vomen. In

April 1649 Caspar Epplin delivered a funeral sermon for

Margaretha Hauff, vife of the elder Assistant Pastor Georg

Hauff. Epplin, playing upon the name Margaret, or "pearl”, and choosing Matt. 13:45-46 ("A merchant looking out for so

fine pearls found one of very special value...") as his

funeral text, devoted 35 of the sermon's 56 pages to a

comparison of marriage, vise vomen, and the female sex vith 46 a pearl. Contained vlthin this lengthy excursus is a

defense of vomen against the bitter, although admittedly

not alvays undeserved, criticism of men:

To refute the slanderers and misogynists vho, vith the heathen, say: The female sex is not to be compared vith a pearl or a crovn (Prov. 12:4), but rather vith a horse, dog, pig, bee, and the like. First, vith a horse because of her conceited thought, vord, and deed. Second, vith a dog because she is alvays bad- tempered, screaming, grovling, nagging, nipping, and biting. Third, vith a pig because of her fickleness. Fourth, vith a bee because of her diligence and care in running the house, but also on account of her sting. She's also a bad veed, and vhatever other insulting names there are. Nov, it is true that all pearls are not costly: there are vater pearls, mock pearls, fake pearls. That is, one finds from time to time bad vomen as veil vho are not Hargarltae and costly pearls, but rrmrgiton, that is, foolish and barren dungheaps and pig sties, as they may be called, vho alvays do nothing but scream and grovl, grumble and sulk, and alvays have to have the last vord.... 4 7

Epplin concluded vith a varnlng to husbands

that they not hold their t*S£9i£ltgs *nd house-pearls cheap and consider them vorthless, but think of them as their crovn (Prov. 12:4)..., their eye's delight (Eze. 24:16), indeed as a gift of God (Sir. 26:3). Thus they should not treat her as a loose voman, or ignore her and then immediately toss her aside; one does not pick up pearls and toss them before the dogs (Csic] Matt. 7:6). So should a man not throv avay his Margaritam and house-pearl, nor should he treat her as a doormat, but he should follov Sirach's varning: Do not divorce an understanding and pious voman, for she is more valuable than gold. This vill happen...vhen he holds her dear:one takes care not to toss dovn a pearl, rather he holds it high and attracts many a merchant from far and vide, even vhen it endangers their lives. So a Christian husband should be vith his Margaritam, his Anna, Barbara, Christina, Dorothy, Eve, Mary, or vhatever her name might be. He should love her from 51

his heart, and let all good things flow from that heartfelt love, and he should make her his dearest, in accordance vith the Sixth Commandment...... He should live vith her in understanding (1 Pet. 3:7)....For just as a pearl can be macerated and eaten avay by vinegar, so that it dissolves, disinte­ grates, and vastes avay, so should a husband not be a lion tovard his pearl (Sir. 4:30), or harsh tovard her (Col. 3:19), but live vith her in understanding, and pay honor to her as the veaker vessel, as sharers of the grace of God vhich gives them life; then his prayers vill not be hindered.4•

The fruit of the love betveen husband and vife, of

course, vas children. NBrdlingen ministers from the late

sixteenth century on emphasized that children vere gifts of 49 God, bestoved upon Christian parents through his grace.

But these gifts vere not so much to be regarded as being possessions as divine trusts, for God could at any time 50 call these children back to him. God determined vhen children vere to be born, vhether they lived, and vhen they 51 vould return to him; Superintendent Johann Harcell

Westerfeld also asserted that God might choose the class of 52 family into vhich a child vould be born. NBrdlingen divines reminded their listeners to consider the bearing of many offspring to be a special sign of God's blessing; such a statement vas undoubtedly aimed tovard those vho, as in any age, considered their fruitfulness an economic bur- 53 den. As frequently as ministers referred to children as God's gift and grace, they spoke of their subjects as 54 'conceived and born in a chaste marriage bed". The city council minutes and consistory records of NBrdlingen 52

and other German citiea attest that illegitimacy and

"six-month babies” vere a constant nuisance in the early

modern era; this standard phrase could therefore be inter­

preted as a subtle message to the congregation to restrict 55 sexual relations to marriage.

The NBrdlingen ministers did not need to remind their

listeners of the high rate of miscarriages and stillbirths

in their society, nor of the frequency vith vhich mothers

died in childbirth. Said Christian Ernst in his funeral

sermon for Maria Magdalena Adam, a member of one of the

leading families in NBrdlingen vho had died in childbirth

at the age of nineteen.

Indeed, a single rough step can be harmful to the child in the vomb, as, unfortunately, daily experience shovs us. Such difficulties do not occur only among poor and common folk, but also among vomen of the very highest ranks.9 9

The NBrdlingen divines tried to allieviate the anxiety associated vith childbearing through their assertions that

God protected and nourished the child in the vomb. In one of the most interesting passages in all the NBrdlingen funeral sermons. Deacon Johann Heinrich Epplin described

Christ's protection of the infant from its conception to it months in svaddling clothes:

Christ protects (the infant) 1. in_Utero, in the vomb, for if he did not through his hidden pover support the child, it vould soon be extinguished like a tiny candle blovn out by a storm vind. One thinks of an unborn child, still enclosed in the vomb, hov it lies there; vho provides for it and maintains its life? Christ, vhose supervision preserves its breath. Christ pro­ tects the infant 2. in_partu, vhen the child is to be 53

born into the world; as it dangles between life and death, it should be delivered, but there is no strength left to give birth....Then the almighty, omnipotent hand of God, through the hands of the faithful midwife, does its best, and delivers the child of the mother, and releases the infant from the dark cell in which it was carried for nine months. For this one does not know how to thank God or any other. Christ preserves breath and life 3. in.falsciis, in the infant's cradle and swaddling clothes. When the child is born unto the light of day, what is his life? Mostly sleep, within which it does not know whether it is even alive. It stretches its little hands and feet and leaves everything to God....” 7

This excerpt is noteworthy for the author's interest, how­

ever unscientific it might be, in the state of the unborn

child; Epplin's closing description of the child in its

cradle and swaddling clothes also suggest a fair amount of

observation of infants, and represents an effort to follow

Luther's precept that one should attempt to see the world

through a child's eyes.

The NBrdlingen funeral sermons do not make direct

reference to the protection which parents were to give

their children; rather, the most detailed discussions of

this aspect of parental responsibility vas in the form of simile. Georg Hauff portrayed God as

a loyal father who, vhen he sees his children in a lane or on a street which is heavily traveled, or in a field among the hedges and shrubs where there are wild animals, takes his child on his arm, carries it home, and lays it on its bed, so it can safely lie there and sleep.■ *

Superintendent Wilhelm Friedrich Lutz compared the grave and God's protection with a mother's care: 54

When a mother puts her dear children to bed ahe secures the room so that a dog or cat cannot come in and vake up or frighten the child....**

God treats us and our families as a faithful mother does her children. When a storm is approaching or there is an uproar in the city she runs out, locates her children in the streets, brings them home, and locks them in a room so they cannot go back into the streets and suffer harm.... * 0

Parents vere take comfort in the thought that God 61 guided them in the raising of their children. They vere enjoined to instill obedience in their young, even if it necessitated corporal punishment. Georg Albrecht pre­ sented as an example Jakob Killlnger, vho after his daugh­ ter's death had raised his grandchildren,

and shoved them the same fatherly love and strict discipline as he had shovn his ovn natural children. And vhen he sav that the children vere not all alike, but that God usually had among the patriarchs placed good and bad next to each other, he did not deal vith it like Eli, but rather exercised sharp and earnest discipline vith vords, blovs, indeed, even vith confinement 1 That is laudable; vould God that every father did the same; then ve vould have more pious children in this children than ve unfortunately have.*•

Quoting Horace, J. D. Haak varned his audience that vicked parents could only produce vicked children:

The parents themselves came from bad seed and vere great sinners. But even vorse vices are to expected from their children.**

The foremost responsibilty of parents, hovever, vas to raise their children to be good Christians in order to serve both God and their community. This religious educa­ tion could not begin too early in a child's life, and here. 55

too, the example set by the child's parents vas crucial to

its ovn development. In a passage borrowed from Valerius

Heerberger's Psalter^Paradis, Georg Matthifts Beckh

explained that

Children should imbibe their parents' piety even to the thousandth member (Exo. 20:6). Especially vhen they follow in the laudable Christian footsteps of pious parents1 Yes! What God haB sometimes cut off from pious parents he often restores to their children and descendants....Parents can do their children much good when they are God-fearing, but much harm when they supplant God. Many times Little Hans must reap what Big Hans had sown.... * 4

The parent's religious habits vere thus to serve as a model for the child to imitate. An exemplary Christian

Hausmutter vas Superintendent Georg Albrecht's vife

Jacobina, who

went to Holy Communion every quarter-year, before vhich she made her confession. Many people, both spiritual and secular, can attest that she zealously vent to the sermons of God's Word on Sundays, holy days and week­ days, as well as to offices and vespers, read sermons at home, prayed fervently, never let a curse or swear­ word be heard from her her entire life, earnestly and diligently raised her dear children and servants in the fear of the Lord, and the correction,...(ant^ vas friendly, peaceful, neighborly, genial, and good- hearted toward many.*0

This passage contains most of the ingredients of what the NBrdlingen clergy considered a solid religious life.

In nearly every funeral sermon NBrdlingen ministers made it a point to mention that the subject was a steady church­ goer, often absent only vhen deterred by serious ill- 66 ness, and that he or she regularly vent to confession 67 and received Communion. Most subjects were also lauded 56 for their home devotional practices, vhich included pray­ ing, singing, and reading the Bible and other inspirational 68 books. The divines frequently cited specific pieces of devotional literature, no doubt as recommendations for their listeners' own edification. The favorites throughout the seventeenth century vere surprisingly orthodox, includ­ ing Johann Schmidt's Paradis^Gfirtlein, Heinrich MUller's

Erguickungs-Stunden, and Joshua Stegman's Hertzen-

Seufftzer. Even Georg Matthitts Beckh, vho at the turn of the eighteenth century incorporated massive bibliographies into his sermons, avoided popular vorks of strong Pietist 69 leanings.

Everyday conduct vas another important aspect of the

Christian's life vhich children could learn through imita­ tion of their parents. As noted above, subjects vere often called "neighborly”, friendly to others and charitable to 70 the poor. They vere obedient to their superiors (a mes­ sage vith social and political as veil as religious implica­ tions), kindly tovard their inferiors, and even-tempered 71 tovard all; and, like Jacobina Albrecht, vife of the author of the popular tract Fluch_ABC, they vere to avoid 72 blasphemy.

But parents vere not to limit their influence upon their children's spiritual development merely to providing models of behavior; they vere also to play a prominent role in the actual religious education of their children. Here 57 the clergy's cue was Eph. 6:4: "You fathers, again, must not goad your children to resentment, but give them the instruction, and the correction, which belong to a Chris­ tian upbringing.” "In der Zucht und Vermahnung zum Herrn aufferzogen" and "zur Forcht Gottes aufferzogen" are stock 73 phrases of the local funeral sermons. Both parents were to take part in the basic indoctrination of their children. The mother, who normally had the most contact with the infant, often taught the child its first prayers:

She diligently encouraged her dear little son to prayer and all good things when he had barely begun to babble, and he could say various lovely little prayers that he had learned from her.... 7 4

The Hiusvatter was the ijaugQ££g49§£* In 1608 Superintend­ ent Friedrich Franck described how the lawyer Wolfgang Graf

very zealously raised his dear children and servants in piety, not only every day of the week vith the Holy Bible, but also early on Saturdays, vhen he vould read aloud the scriptural text for the following Sunday, and then on Sunday morning the standard Epistle, both along vith the explications, as well as other pure authors, especially the late Doctor Hunnius. He diligently sent them all to church, and vhen they came home he vould test them over the sermon, and what they did not understand or grasp well enough he vould, as a proper, faithful Christian Hauflgrediger, further explain and explicate.7■

The basic religious education instilled by parents vas to be carried further by the local schools. There vas no set age at vhich a child vould first be sent to school, and most ministers simply state that a child entered school "as soon as he was capable (of learning^ ”; two sermons note that their subjects began their formal education at the age 58

of five (one boy having demonstrated "eine besondere 76 enthusia und ftthig Ingenium”). As the teacher stood in

it vas essential that he too be of flawless

character:

The life of the school-fathers (i.e., teacherq] is the rule for the schoolchildren. A schoolteacher with a just, holy, virtuous way of life can teach and edify a great deal. What youths see and hear catches like timber and they mimic it. As Boethius says, a teacher cannot lose his respect more quickly than through, and nothing is more harmful to children than, a reprehensi­ ble life, for the bad examples seduce and ruin the good in one, and the enticing desires pervert innocent hearts.7 7

In his sermon for Johann Georg Spttth, a local

schoolteacher, Georg Matthias Beckh asserted that it vas

the teacher's task to teach

not primarily and especially Vergil, Homer, Terence, Cornelius Nepos, and other pagan works, nor always practice that "Arina virumque cano", that is, plant all sorts of pagan sayings in them. Rather, every teacher in the Christian schools should concentrate on the Erogramma. 7 •

The "Programma" comprised studying the Bible and learning the catechism, psalms, and proverbs, as well as perhaps reading other devotional literature; Johann Caspar Haas, vho died at the age of ten, had already studied in school the catechism, Dieterich's book of proverbs, a confession and communion booklet, various prayer-rhymes, and the Fif- 79 tieth Psalm. The NBrdlingen church order of 1579 had stipulated cooperation between the church and the German and Latin schools in catechismal instruction: children would learn the catechism at school, and then attend the 59

Sunday catechism sermons, where the catechism would be

"preached, explained, and diligently practiced in the pul-

' 80 pit.” Over a century later Beckh recognized the neces­ sity of the continued alliance of pulpit and classroom:

And this Lutheran faith/justification, through which alone we are saved, must not only be taught by us Lutheran preachers in the pulpit...but the teachers in the schools must make it their foremost duty to teach the young people from their earliest years about this justification and show them how they must, can, and should go to Heaven and become eternally justified and blessed.* *

The religious lessons learned at home, in school, and at church vere to accompany the Christian throughout his or her life. The NBrdlingen clergy frequently remarked that, in the face of adversity, sickness, and death, the deceased had found comfort in the prayers and proverbs he or she had learned as a child; such remarks were likely Intended to in- 82 spire similar devotion among the living.

Although they certainly recognized the value of educa­ tion to the common veal of society, the NBrdlingen minis­ ters in their funeral sermons understandably discussed their subjects' secular education to a far lesser extent than their religious upbringing. Many vere praised for their diligence as students, especially in the realm of languages: Superintendent Johann Narcell Westerfeld report­ edly read Hebrew at the age of seven, "to his late father's 83 joyous pleasure.” Indeed, parents were portrayed as highly influencial in the child's education, teaching it its ABCs, sending it to school at the appropriate age. 60

lending it moral and financial support, and taking pride in

the achievements of the superior student. The young

Westerfeld, for example, proved such a diligent student

"that his late father developed even more hope in him”;

later Westerfeld vas sent to study in Buchsveiler, and then

at the university in Strasbourg "with this same father's 64 command and recommendation....” In her vidovhood Maria

Ursula Welsch found great comfort in seeing her sons 65 graduate from their universities; and the lawyer Johann

Reuter

had the place of honor in his father's house, for since his youth he had devoted himself to the study of the liberal arts and he attended prestigious, videly- famed academies, where he studied the truth of God's Word and the proper understanding of the civil lav....**

Parents still played a role in the choice of the son's career. BUrgermeister Caspar Adam, vho in his "zart blUhenden jugend" had already excelled as a student, was sent by his father to Geneva and France to study busi- 67 ness; in turn Adam sent his son Caspar to the local trivial school, then

As it was his father's intention to train him in business, he vas on his account removed from school and in his fifteenth year sent to Verona on 14. December 1644 by his dear parents. ••

Host of the vomen of the funeral sermons vere said to have known how to read and write; many also knew basic arithmetic, vhich vas of use in maintaining a house- 69 hold. Ministers recognized that females did have 61

potential as students: as Elisabeth Steinler

had early in life shovn intelligence, her dear parents, in the hope that she vould become a beautiful temple of virtue, raised her in a Christian manner and immediate­ ly sent her to school, vhere, along vith piety, read­ ing, vriting, and arithmetic, she vas instructed in vocal and instrumental music, vhich vas not only dili­ gently taught her, but she picked it up so veil that she brought her parents great joy and vas a source of astonishment to others.* 0

Comparison of this passage vith those describing the educa­

tion of boys signals differences in the upbringing of boys

and girls. Boys studied languages and the liberal arts and

vere groomed for public careers; girls vere said to have

learned merely to read, vrite, probably only in German, and

perform arithmetic. The reference to instilling virtue in

the young girl is also foreign to descriptions of a boy's 91 upbringing. The most marked difference betveen the education of boys and girls vas one subject vhich vas added to the girl's curriculum: the domestic arts. If a boy's education vas to prepare him for success in the public sphere, a girl's vas to train her for efficiency in the private sphere. This vas the education of a Hausmutter, and her mastery of cooking, seving, and general housekeep­ ing, in short, her "Hfiufiligkeit”, vere just as commendable 92 as her virtue and book-learning.

The NBrdlingen ministers spoke at great length on the subject of the child's responsibilities vithin the family.

Though the ministers rarely made direct reference to the

Fourth Commandment in their funeral sermons, they 62

undoubtedly kept It in mind as they preached on this sub- 93 ject. The debts and duties of children vere many.

First of all, children owed their parents respect and obedi­

ence. Subjects vho had "never” or "rarely” angered their

parents vere praised, vhile others vere lauded for their 94 "Kindlichen Gehorsam" and "Ehrerbietung”.

The cost of disobedience could be high. Johann Michael

Dilherr, in his Christian "mirror", told the story of a

vicked boy in Ingolstadt vho had struck his mother on several occasions. He died young, and a fev days after his burial it vas noticed that his hand vas reaching out from the grave. The hand vas covered up, only to appear again and again. Only vhen the mother vas brought to graveside to "strike back" at her disobedient son by vhipping the 95 hand did it finally disappear. NBrdlingen ministers could offer nothing quite as fantastic as that to their listeners, but they did perhaps find their tale of the dis­ obedient boy in the death of ten-year-old Johann Caspar

Haas. As Michael Schustern explained in young Johann's funeral sermon, the boy had

met up vith a schoolmate, and both, unmindful they had both been told by the Misses Baasen and Anna Dorothea in Grandfather Epplin's house that he vas not on any account to go beyond the gate, much less to a veil or vater, but that he vas rather to meet his mother in the shop and from there go to the Epplins' for the vedding. Straightavay £the boye£f got the idea to go svimming and cut rushes. They vent out by the Berger Tor, behind the BergmUhl, and up to the bridge at the StegmUhl, vhere he took off his clothes and ventured into the vater...."* 63

Johann strayed into deep water. Realizing hie danger, he

called for help, but it was of no avail, and he drowned.

Schustern in his sermon did not overtly link Johann's dis­

obedience with his death, but the subtle message must have

been apparent to his audience, which would have included children.

Even as adults children vere expected to display a

"childlike obedience" toward their parents. As seen above, they normally followed their parents' vocational direction, even vhen it required the abandonment of their studies, as had been the case vith the younger Caspar Adam. Georg

Friedrich Weng had gone off to war, but after "his late father expressed his desire in a letter that he come home, he placed filial obedience before his planned undertaking", 97 and he returned home.

Gratitude vas also expected of children. This grati­ tude was sometimes expressed verbally, as the fourteen- year-old Anna Catharina Weng had done in her written fare­ well to family and friends. To her father Anna wrote:

Next I would like to thank you for all discipline and respect which you instilled in me, and for punishing me daily for the bad things I did.**

To her mother:

I thank you for your discipline and respect, as well as for your loyal teaching, and that you raised me in all piety and encouraged me to everything good.•• 64

More often, however, children expressed their gratitude to their parents through actions. The greatest thanks vhich a child could offer his or her parents, the ministers taught, vas to care for and shelter those parents in their sickness and old age. Indeed, parents had the right to expect such aid, as Tobias Fabricius explained:

Dear children are their parents' hearty comfort. For fthe parents]} think, "When I am old and feeble, my child vill be my body. If I am no longer able to per­ form my duties, my son can do that, or otherwise uphold my name and lineage. And since I have many children, my son vill be my other guardian and father." Chil­ dren, especially obedient and pleasing sons are their parents' cane and crutch, on vhich in their old age they can rely. That is what all obedient sons do today vhen they come to the aid of their parents in their old age and serve them, advise them, help them, and take care of them.*00

As examples of loving children vho helped their aged parents Fabricius cited Tobias, Joseph, Solomon, Aeneas, 101 the daughter of Numidicus, and Cornelius Scipio.

The NBrdlingen ministers told of many subjects vho brought their elderly, widowed parents into their homes and cared for them until their death; such care, Georg Matthias Beckh assured his listeners, vould not go unnoticed by God, but 102 vould be rewarded by him.

A final responsibility of children vas to maintain the family name and property. As Fabricius explained, whether rich or poor, parents found great comfort in the thought that their line vould continue: 65

Pleasing children are their parents' heirs, for parents have the power to dispossess undisciplined children. If the parents have but little, it is nevertheless a joy that their name and line vill go on, whereas it is sad and melancholy when the shield and the sword are tossed into the grave. If the parents are rich and have no heirs, it hurts them deeply that their possessions and property vill fall into the hands of strangers.10 *

"Dear children are their parents' dearest and greatest

treasure," Fabricius concluded. He cited examples of lov­

ing parents throughout history, including Eberhard of Wttrt-

temberg, who in Florence vas content only vhen surrounded 104 by his children. Happily, Fabricius remarked.

There are still today upstanding like-minded parents who do not worry about their possessions so much, but consider their children to be their prized possessions and greatest treasures.10■

The parents of the NBrdlingen funeral sermons are loving

parents vho found great joy in their children. As noted above, they took delight in their children's achievements, whether in the classroom, at the university, in their careers, or even in their housekeeping. They would also 106 rejoice at a child's happy marriage. Not only natural parents emerge from these pages as loving, but stepparents and grandparents as well. Christopher Friedrichs has exam­ ined the high rate of remarriage, especially among widow­ ers, in NBrdlingen; many of the subjects had themselves re- 107 married at least once. The vicked stepmother was a 108 familiar figure in the folklore of this period; the

NBrdlingen clergy wished to dispel this image, and thus 66

emphasized in their sermons that stepmothers loved their

husbands' children as their own. Elisabeth Steinler had

brought to her stepchildren "not a disloyal stepmotherly, 109 but a proper motherly heart"; of Margaret Westerfeld,

the second vife of Superintendent Johann Harcell

Westerfeld, Sigmund Kisling had said:

In her painstaking upbringing, exhortation to true piety, beloved prayer, and the reading of Holy Scripture, and other useful exercises, partly in other ways through advice and action, completely indefatig­ able and well-meaning, she shoved herself to be and acted like a faithful mother tovard her dear stepchildren; and pthese childrerQ could not praise enough the great loyalty, respect, love, and kindness, and all blessings which they received from her and, after her death, did not know how to thank her enough. 1 * 0

Thus the NBrdlingen clergy taught that children should be a source of Joy for their parents; but, they warned, couples should not expect every aspect of their marriage to be so happy. The HauB-Stand, they observed, vas filled vith "Haufl^Creutze", trials like childlessness, disobedient children, poverty, illness, and death, vhich spouses faced 111 throughout their lives. The ministers explained that it vas God vho sent these crosses to Christians in order to inspire prayer and humility; vithout these burdens, "ve pray indifferently, or not at all; but vhen God sends us 112 crosses, ve cry out desperately...." In true Baroque fashion Johann Marcell Westerfeld played off the name of his subject, Bommeister, to discuss the "Lebens-Baum”: 67

The father's and mother's Tree of Life is also filled vith bitter fruits. There is effort; there is vork. Matrimony, however it might be honored by God, is, as the proverb says, a stand of misery "Ehestand: Wehe- stand* .... Its Tree of Life is a real cross-tree, where there are many cross-blossoms and cross-berries; the field of their occupation contains all the thorns and thistles of adversity and sadness which God places upon his own in this stand: placed on their bodies, placed on their children, placed on their servants, placed on their possessions. And vho can express the diversity of such difficulties?113

Childlessness was a common "Haufl-Creutz" in the early

modern era, and one vhich plagued NBrdlingen residents of every class: of the 61 married adults in the local funeral sermons, 11 had had at least one childless marriage.

Ministers found it necessary to address the stigma which society often attached to childlessness. This attitude, they explained, had its roots in Biblical times, vhen it vas considered shameful to be childless, "not only because everyone hoped to bring heirs into the Promised Land, but also because every voman believed that she could be the 114 mother of the Messiah.” But, they emphasized, God did bless the fruitless marriage, and childless couples could be happy: "eine ervdnschte Ehe / doch ohne Kinder-Seegen” 115 is a recurring phrase in the funeral sermons.

Equally painful to parents in the funeral sermons vere the deaths of their infants and children. Ministers con­ stantly reminded parents that such deaths occurred solely 116 according to God's unfathomable vill and plan; they vere to take comfort in the knowledge that "God wants 66

nothing but what is useful to them”, painful as it might be 117 at the present moment. Again, parents were to

remember that God merely entrusted children to Christians,

and that their death was therefore their inevitable return 118 to their heavenly father. Nevertheless, the NBrd­

lingen ministers understood the sense of loss felt by even the most faithful Christian at the death of a beloved

v 9 child. Assistant Pastor Johann Melchior Welsch found the roots of this grief in the fact that

children are the living images of their parents, flesh of their flesh, bone of their bone. Thus it hurts that flesh deeply vhen a piece is torn away and separated from the body.1 *•

Indeed, said Caspar Weng, quoting the theologian Paul Eber, vhen a child dies, the parent feels ”as though a joint from a finger on the hand had been severed; that certainly hurts, and nobody can believe that but those vho have 120 experienced it....”

As seen above, parents were taught to expect much from their grown children, such as comfort in their old age and the continuation of the family name and property. For this reason, explained Tobias Fabricius in his sermon for the

22-year-old Stephan Wechsler, parents naturally had greater cause to grieve the death of their children, especially 121 their sons. Thus Hanna had mourned her son Tobias' death, and even David vas inconsolable at the death of the 122 recalcitrant Absolon. Mothers, he continued, vere especially prone to excessive grief for their sons. 89

Borrowing Luther's words to Melanchthon when the letter had

wished to interfere with the battling dukes of Saxony,

*Tace, tu non habes bonam vocem”, Fabriclus warned that

So it happens at the death of children, especially the sons, that the parents, especially the mother, grieve too much over their demise and become resentful, they grumble against God, and say, "Why did God have to take away my son, my firstborn, my dearest and most obedient son? I would have rather given up my daughter or an­ other one of my sons. I don't know what God means to do with me, I don't know how I deserved this.* At that the husband should answer her and say, "Tage, Be quiet, woman, you are not right." Then friends should say along with Luther, Tace_muliert ngn_habes_bgnam_vgcem. Be quiet, woman, you are singing out of tune, you are not in your right mind, you are talking unjustly and sinfully. Rather do as Job did....The Lord giveth, and the Lord taketh away....*•*

From this dramatic passage two observations about familial

relationships and attitudes might be made. First, it would appear that great emphasis was still placed in this period upon the role of the eldest son as the future provider and heir of the family name, goods, and offices; it is curious

0 that he was perceived as the only child capable of perform­ ing these duties, as, rather than rely upon the abilities of a younger surviving son, the mother was willing to offer to God any other child, male or female, as a substitute for her "favorite*. Second, Fabricius here depicts the wife as the classic "hysterical woman”, the "weaker vessel” who must be calmed and reprimanded by her more rational 124 husband. 70

Although the mother of Fabricius' funeral eermon was

willing to sacrifice her daughter in the place of her

beloved son, other sermons suggest the deep sorrow which

other parents could feel at the death of their young daugh­

ters, especially when they were their sole surviving off­

spring. Johann Melchior Welsch, in his funeral sermon for

young Margarets Dorothea Knebel, the last surviving child 125 of nine born, compared the death of an only child with

a garden: when there are many trees in the garden, there is

cause for grief when one dies, but not despair;

So it is with children in a marriage: though it causes him great pain when one child who had bloomed like a lovely little flower is wilted by the biting wind of death, he who has many children in his marriage- garden can be comforted more easily than one whose only one was torn from him. For when the single joy is lost, the single young tree broken, the single flower is blown or eaten away, all hope which one had had in such children is lost, all enjoyment, delight, and happiness which one had had in them is shattered.*■•

Assistant Pastor Caspar Weng knew this grief at

first-hand. In the midst of his funeral sermon for

Jacobina Regina Welsch, a doctor's wife who had died in

childbirth, Weng made a startling digression:

As I write this I am overwhelmed by my heartfelt love for my dearest middle daughter, Anna Elisabeth Weng, who died with amazing joy eight days before the late Frau Doctor at the age of seven.... 1 *7

In the following three pages Weng described the death of his daughter, which had been preceded only six weeks earlier by the death of her five-week-old brother. Weng praised her faith, and her joy and prayers as death drew 71

near. Her epitaph read:

Here lies a child, so pious, vho was dear to her parents. Now dearer to God, who wished to deliver her So early from sin, distress, misery, death, and suffering; She died happily, and lives forever in Joy with God.

Related to childlessness and infant and child mortality

was the woman's special ijaufi^Creutz, the dangers of

pregnancy and childbirth. Four of the women of the

Ndrdlingen funeral sermons died in childbirth or within a 129 few weeks of giving birth; ministers used the occasions of their deaths as opportunities to direct comforting teachings glorifying the "calling” of motherhood to their female listeners in an age when the agonies and perils of childbearing were all too familiar to women of every class. In the words of Gerhard:

Ante exitum miseras oneramus matres, in exitu more vipereo laceramus: Before we come into the world we are a great burden to our mothers, and when we are born we are like vipers to them, ripping and biting them wretchedly.‘J#

Preachers explained that birthpains had their origin in

God's pronouncement to Eve after the Fall: ”1 will increase your labor and your groaning, and in labor you shall bear 131 children” (Gen. 3:16). Although these birthpains were

God's punishment on womankind for Eve's sin, the ministers were quick to emphasize that it was through these pains that a woman became blessed, according to 1 Tim. 132 2:14-15. Eve was also responsible for death in 72

childbirth, as she was the source of our mortality in 133 general. Here again, however, the clergy softened

this bleak teaching vith the assurance that the voman vho

died in childbirth died in her calling, and was therefore

blessed. The Biblical character most frequently invoked in

this context vas Rachel, vhose death as described in Gen.

35: 16-20 vas a common funeral text for women vho had died

in childbirth:

She died in the calling in vhich God had placed her, as he had blessed her vith offspring. ... She died and her soul vas taken unto Heaven, into the bosom of Abraham, into eternal glory and Joy....From this it should be seen that vhen pious Christian matrons must give their lives either during or after birth, their death is nevertheless a holy death.124

Ministers also offered passages from Luther and other

theologians as comfort to women:

Obdormit in partu, in vocatione et statione sua, in quam divinitus collocata fuerat, et occumbit sub cruce, quae a Deo imposita est mulieribus; Rachel died in labor, in her calling and estate in vhich God had placed her, and died under the cross vhich God has placed on the female sex, in a proper, holy estate. How can her death be anything but most blessed? She died as blessed as a soldier before his enemy, of which one says that he died on the bed of honor; as holy as the martyrs vho shed their blood for Jesus' teachings and honor; as blessed as a minister in his pulpit, as a ruler at the town hall or in his chambers; as blessed as a craftsman over his appointed vork in his office and shop; all their deaths are held worthy of the Lord.... 12■

Though all in this age vere avare of the dangers of pregnancy and childbirth, it vas nevertheless a shock to a family vhen the mother died "in her calling”, and husbands would indeed feel as though God had "ripped avay” their 136 spouses. Another HguB-Crgutg, however, vas capable of

strengthening the affectionate bonds of marriage: lingering

Illness. The NOrdlingen funeral sermons. In an effort to

heighten the Sterbekunst of the deceased, often vent Into

excruciating detail about their maladies and sufferings

throughout their lives. As Phillip© Aries noted, these

earlier illnesses were presented to the audience as evi­

dence of the subject's lifelong piety and practice in the

•E?_!DO£iendi vhich ministers vished their flocks to emu­

late; to the clergy, to postpone contemplation of death

until the deathbed vas to risk one's salvation, as the

patient vould experience the sudden panic and crisis of 137 confidence on vhich Satan preyed.

It vas in fact in the course of a long, debilitating

illness, the clergy taught, that a Christian couple came to 138 a full realization of their love for each other. Both men and vomen vere portrayed as kind, helpful, and loving tovard their spouses during illnesses vhich could take years to kill, but the most poignant scenes vere those of the husband expressing his deep-seated love and gratitude to the vife vho had selflessly nursed and comforted him in the last veeks, months, or years of his life:

Then he offered his dear vife, nov the grieving vidov, his hand and thanked her for her diverse care, loyalty, and effort vhich she had shovn him, day and night, unceasing and constant, throughout his lingering, severe illness, and said that God vould bountifully revard her for it elsevhere.* * * 74

Even significantly younger women, viewed by contemporaries

and moderns alike as callous golddiggers, had the capacity

to be tender toward their ailing, elderly husbands, as

Stephan Wechsler affirmed:

Without any flattery, I cannot praise the present sorrowful widow enough in that, although she was still in her best years, for several years she had to lift up, lay down, and feed her dear husband, who was an old, weak, and ailing man; indeed, she had to take care of him like a young child. In such circumstances few women would do their duty - many would in fact become confused and exasperated and wish the old man death and Hell. This (the widow) never displayed, but faithfully remained by her dear old husband, indeed, treated him as mother would. The Almighty God will undoubtedly let her enjoy his grace as well....140

Death was the final ijaufi-Creutz faced by Christian couples; death separated parent from child, husband from wife. Much has been said in recent studies of family life of the coldness which prevailed in early modern familial 141 relationships, but little of that aloofness is evident in the Nfirdlingen funeral sermons. Instead, there are numerous touching deathbed scenes, farewells to family and 142 friends, regrets at the absence of close family mem- 143 bers, last expressions of love and gratitude for years 144 145 of companionship, and torrents of tears. Again, the ministers' primary goal in retelling the final moments of the deceased was to offer the congregation a shining example of gter&ekunst, of a Christian's faith and courage in the face of death and Satan's last temptations, but in so doing they also presented vivid images of families at their most trying and most devastating moments. Nearly 75

every funeral sermon contains a detailed deathbed scene,

but one account is so haunting and revealing that it

deserves discussion at length: the death of Jacobina Regina

Welsch, vife of city physician Johann Harcell Welsch, in

November 1700.

A fever had set in after Jacobina gave birth to her third child, a daughter; in spite of all the doctor's 146 efforts and prescriptions to save the young voman, it soon became apparent that she vas approaching death. As her condition vorsened, Weng related, Jacobina began

to resign herself in Christian composure to God's vill, surmounted the illness and bodily pains vith great patience, and prepared herself beyond all measure for a holy end. And as it had alvays seemed to her that her life vould end either in childbirth or in childbed, she prepared herself for the end by reading diligently the Ulmer minister Herr H. Strttmayer's tfi!nmli8che_Labsal_ der_glaubigen_Seelen_vider_die_SchreckeQ_des_Tgdes. Early Sunday morning, after she vas seized by a severe fainting fit, she informed her husband that she vas not long for this vorld; at vhich, to symbolize her renunci­ ation of the vorld and all vanity, she removed her ring from her finger and handed it to her husband. When asked vhether she no longer vished to remain vith him and her dear children, she ansvered that she did very much, if it vere God's vill; but she must someday die, and God vished that it be nov, so she vould like to go vith her Savior Christ Jesus and vished nothing more than that she vould die very soon. Sunday night, as she grev fainter and fainter, she commended her dear children to her husband, adding that he should earnestly encourage them to prayer; God vould help them....Monday, near daybreak, vhen death, the last enemy, vould soon break in, and her hour of death drev near, and the spiritual enemy vished himself to be evident as veil (1 Cor. 15:26), she proved herself to be a true Jacobina Regina in her brave efforts and struggles.... O ’olloving absolutioiO she became so joyous that she addressed all spiritual enemies in courageous defiance and said, "All is veil vith me nov; neither sin, death, the Devil, or Hell can tempt me nov. I am 76

saved by grace through Christ's blood alone. Yes, sy Lord Jesust You have saved me from sin, death, Satan, and Hell; it had cost your Blood, on which I had placed my hope. Why should I be afraid of death and Hell's hoardes? I am a blessed child because I have relied on you." At this the late Frau bade farewell to all her friends standing around her, especially to her husband, whom she thanked heartily for his love and fidelity and vished him all the best; to her little son, vho called out longingly, "Mother! Stay!” and sought he throughout the house, screaming, "Mother! where are you?"; to her little daughter, whom she loved until the end, and in a moving way spoke to her. "You are the child of my labors; you caused me great pain in birth, and nov I must leave you." With vhich she finally vished all the best to her husband, vith both his small children,... and her sisters-in-law, vho shoved her constant love and care until her death.... 14 7

Seventeenth-century listeners and readers of this vivid account vere probably most impressed by this young voman's mastery of the ars_moriendi, as evidenced in her happy surrender to God's vill, her devotional reading, prayers, 148 and singing in her final hours, her vision, or "Vgr- sghmack", of Heaven, her heroic deathbed struggles vith the

Devil, and her revard, a gentle death "with a clear mind,

...smiling mouth, at once completely rejoicing and trium- 149 phant....” This same passage, however, suggests many details about familial relationships in this period. The entire scene is imbued vith an air of tenderness and trag­ edy, as the dying Jacobina tries to comfort her husband and child, vho have already begun to grieve her impending death. Her husband's confusion and, it vould appear, sense of abandonment as Jacobina removes her vedding ring vould seem to belie charges of marital coolness; her son's 77 frantic reaction to her death also auggeste the attachment which children could have for their parents. The dying's farewell to family and friends was a common practice in the early modern era, and many are to found in the Nttrdlingen 150 funeral sermons. In her farewell Jacobina demonstrat­ ed a deep love and concern for her surviving children vhen she asked her husband that they be raised in a Christian manner and tenderly bid farewell to her infant daughter, the "Schmertzen-Kind" whose birth had meant her death; also noteworthy is her relationship vith her sisters-in-law, who 151 remained by her side until her death.

The Nttrdlingen ministers recognized the great pain vhich many felt at the death of their beloved spouses, a pain which could surpass even that of the death of a child:

The death of a child certainly causes great pain in the hearts of tender-loving fathers and mothers....But the death of a dear spouse cuts even deeper into the soul.1■•

(Twhen Welsch's daughter had died earlier in the year, the loseO of course it was very painful, as though a part of his body had been cut off. But now that God had taken away the delight of his eye, that he has through death robbed him of his dear CJ*cobina[J Regina, queen of his heart, his soul feels such excruciating wounds, it is as though his heart has been cut in two by a sharp sword....1a *

Non dolor est major, quam violentia mortis Unanimi solvit corda ligata fide. That is: There is no greater pain to be found in this world Than vhen death in his cruelty separates two dear people.1■4

And, in a passage borrowed from Wittenberg theologian Paul

Eber: 78

When God tore hie dear vife from hie side It hurt nearly ae much am if one had violently torn a rib from hie body.1■1

This last passage, vith its reference to the voman "torn from the side” of her husband and its allusion to the rib torn from a man's side is a clear allusion to Adam and Eve, and could easily be interpreted as a subtle reminder that voman vas created to be man's helpmate at his side, and not to be his servant and Eufltuch.

As in the case of children, the clergy reminded the sur­ vivors that it vas God vho had removed their spouses accord- 156 ing to his vill, and they vere encouraged to take com­ fort in the thought that the deceased vas nov enjoying the 157 peace of heaven vith their divine father. Neverthe­ less, Caspar Weng empathized, it vas difficult for one to 158 look upon the corpse of a spouse, and most ministers, reiterating 1 These. 4:13, assured the family and friends that mourning vas permitted them vithin respectable, Chris- 159 tian limits.

Survivors vere to find comfort in the knovledge that their loved ones vere nov vith Christ, and in the hope that they vould all someday be reunited in Heaven, but until then the memory of the deceased vould linger and cause great sorrov. Barbara Hauff, the vidov of Deacon Georg

Hauff, vas so grieved at the death of her husband that she prayed to God "that he vould no longer keep her healthy, 160 but grant her a blessed end as he had to her husband”; 79

■he followed her husband to the grave a few days later.

During the Thirty Years' War the widowed city captain not

only faced the burden of commanding the local regiment, but

he had now lost his wife, "and day and night he no longer 161 knew where he should begin....” Others, the ministers declared, would forever keep the memories of their late spouses alive, fulfilling the dead's last wishes, and looking forward to their reunion in the heavenly kingdom:

Spouses who are close to each other let their hearts remain inseparable in death. The survivor retains his love for the deceased and shows it when a question arises about what is to happen after his death or about his last wishes concerning his children or his household. Or, when his own death draws near, he rejoices and thinks, "Now that I am going to my Christ the Savior, for whom I desire above all else, I am also going to that one vho is already with him, vho vas taken first: my husband, vho loved me; my vife, vho was dear to me."‘••

Her surviving husband, vho bitterly mourns her, and vho his entire life vill never forget her marital love and fidelity these past four short years (ah, far too short a time!), their marriage filled vith love and bless­ ings, for she had done him everything dear, and nothing hurtful (Prov. 31:12). He sends her vith 1000 sighs, with scalding tears, to Death's hill, God's acre, in­ deed to Heaven, and vill forever think only the best of his dearest Jacobina Regina.1 •a CHAPTER IV

LUTHERAN HAUSVa TERLITERATUR FROM THE SIXTEENTH

THROUGH EARLY EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES

The Lutheran funeral sermons vere a useful, albeit at times subtle, method of conveying to a potentially vide audience of listeners and readers basic notions of Chris­ tian marriage and family life. A more direct method vas found in the HausyNterliteratur, or handbooks for the

Christian household. Like the funeral sermon, this genre vas a part of a literary tradition vhich reached back into antiquity. Julius Hoffmann, in his study of the Lutheran

Hausvfiterliteratur of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century

Germany, discovered the roots of many of the prevailing themes of this literature, such as a religious basis for a vork ethic, vork as a sign of brotherly love, and the laudable virtues of honor and piety, in the vritings of

Hesiod, Xenophon, and Aristotle; in addition, Hesiod in­ cluded a discussion of marriage and familial relation- 1 ships. The Romans had composed household treatises as veil, though, ever more practically-minded than philo­ sophical and abstract, their vorks vere usually more interested in the actual functioning of a farm than in

60 81

exploring the responsibilities of the paterfamilias toward

his family, his possessions, his fellow man, and his city.

Cato the Elder might have longed for the return of the

old-fashioned virtue, simplicity, and masculinity of the

traditional Roman farmer, but his treatise was overshadowed

by Pliny the Elder's Natural_Histgry, which described in

exhaustive detail agricultural techniques, and Vergil's 2 Georgies, an hymn to the glories of the agrarian life.

Scholars and theologians of the Late Middle Ages were

familiar with these works, as well as with the "Haustafel",

those passages in the New Testament which dealt with

domestic relationships: Col. 3:18-4:1, Eph. 5:22-6:9, and 1

Pet. 2:18-20 and 3:1-7. These pagan and Christian sources

were largely available only in Latin, so their audience

remained small. Priests, however, did teach on this

material; one example is Berthold von Regensburg's cate­ chism sermons of the thirteenth century, which appeared in 3 Latin, but were originally delivered in German.

The new, this-worldly, humanist theory of education spurred renewed interest and effort in the realm of domestic literature: Cicero's translation of Xenophon became popular reading, while Leonardo Bruni translated

Aristotle into Latin. Original works appeared as well, including Leon Battista Alberti's Libri_della_famiglia (c.

1441) and Francesco and Ermolao Barbaro's De_re_uxoria, a work which Erasmus Alberus translated into German in 82 4 1536. The single original German treatise on the

subject in this period vas the Bamberg canon Albrecht von

Eyb's so-called "EhebUchlein", vhich first appeared in 1472 5 and enjoyed 12 editions in the next 70 years.

The greatest resurgence of household literature

occurred vith the advent of Lutheranism. The concept of

good vorks contributing tovard one's salvation vas replaced

by the "nev good vorks■, deeds Intended not to earn the

grace of God, but to serve him through service to one's

fellov human being and the fulfilment of one's ovn call- 6 ing. These callings vere many and vere equally pleasing

to God, vhether one vere king, BUrgertfieister, preacher,

baker, veaver, husband, vife, or child. The Lutheran fjaus-

vMterliteratur vhich arose vas therefore designed to ex­

plain to Christians their duties and hov they might best

fulfill them.

The first Lutheran vork in this genre vas the

Thuringian reformer Justus Menius' Oeconomia_christiana 7 (1529), to vhich Luther himself vrote the forevord.

This treatise's objective vas to instruct the Hausvgter hov

to run his household "christlich und recht", reminding him that this vas his God-ordained duty. Menius actually fol-

loved Aristotle's breakdovn of the responsibilities of each household member and placed great emphasis on the task of childrearing. As Hoffmann noted, Menius' domestic guide, in its exhortation to piety, its assertion of the maxim 83

that all In the household were to obey the Hausvater, and

its delegation of tasks, vas in the tradition of the an­

cient vorks, but a nev spirit vas evident in this vork as

veil, a belief that the Hausvater'b efforts Influenced not

only the velfare of his household, but his entire earthly

vell-being and eternal salvation as veil. Moreover, the

Hausvater vas reminded that he vas not able to do anything

vithout God, and that his gravest sin vas not that he let

the household fail, but that he believe that he vas capable

of managing that household vithout the help and guidance of 8 God.

Over the next tvo centuries a flood of literature of

various types focussing on the Christian household appeared

in Lutheran Germany. One popular form of this literature

vas the collection of sermons based on Luther's Small

Catechism; these sermons vere delivered to a local congre­ gation before being edited for publication for a vider audience. Again, the concept of the catechism sermon vas far from nev in Christian Europe; vhat vas nev vas its expanded content. To the standard medieval catechism of the Ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, and the Creed

Luther added the Haustafel, thereby making it a vital part of the most important religious teachings, material vhich 9 vas to be knovn and folloved by all. The Lutherans employed three basic, complementary methods to instruct their follovers in the Small Catechism: preachers read it 64

aloud to the congregation before and after the sermon,

regular catechism sermons were delivered during the week,

and children memorized the Catechism and vere tested for 10 their understanding of it in local schools. Popular

collections of Lutheran catechism sermons included those by

Cyrus Spangenberg, Christoph Fischer, and Johann Arndt; one

work cited frequently in the Nttrdlingen funeral sermons vas 11 Johann Conrad Dannhauer's Qatechismus-Hilch (1661).

Catechism sermons, -incidentally, vere less common in

Pietist circles: a rare Pietist collection is Philip Jacob

Spener's Kurtze.Catechismus^Predigten (1689), whose moral

contents did not, in Hoffmann's opinion, vary from the more 12 "orthodox" Lutheran teachings on the Haustafel

Another popular form of devotional literature dealing

vith household matters vere published wedding sermons. The

wedding vas the inauguration of a nev Christian household,

and many preachers saw this event as the perfect opportu­ nity to instruct both the newlyweds and their guests in the origins of the married estate and the expected duties of all family members. A good example of this variety of

literature is Paul Jenisch's four wedding sermons based on

Sirach, in which he discussed the divine origins of marriage, the virtuous voman, maintaining a peaceful marriage, and the parent's duties toward their eligible 13 daughters. A third form of Ha usv liter li ter atur vas the Hauspostill.

This book vas essential to the Hausvater's role as Haus- prediger, as it contained the pericopes, prayers, and songs for every Sunday and holy day of the liturgical year, as veil as morning and evening prayers for every day of the veek. In addition, folloving Menius' example, these books contained prayerB of supplication and thanksgiving for each task in the household, for the vell-being of each family member, and often also for every conceivable natural dis­ aster. Johannes Christianus recommended Psalms for various callings, including rulers, parents, servants, merchants, sailors, and singers, and for such situations as illness, imprisonment, siege, plague, sending children to school, before and after meals, childbirth, and a torrid summer or 14 harsh vinter. NBrdlingen's Georg Matthfius Beckh pub­ lished a prayerbook vith the irresistible title

God-Pleasing Home and Church Devotion Composed of 1217 Daily Prayers, Songs, and Contemplations for Morning, Evening, Estate, Duty, Work, Time, and Hour, Feast, Church, Confession, Repentance, Communion, and Virtue, General Emergency, War, Famine, Plague, Thunderstorm, Fire, Flood, Stormvind, and Earthquake, Travel, Birth, Illness, Dying, and Death.... 18

A final popular form of Lutheran household literature vas the treatise. These vorks ranged videly, from contem­ plation of a single problem to a survey of married life and the family in general. Friedrich Heuppel vrote a tract to guide fathers and mothers in the instruction of their children in the Small Catechism at home "so that they might 86

do better in the public examinations at church"; Paul

Jenisch bemoaned the poor upbringing of children in his

day; Johann Ellinger denounced the "Allamodischer Kleyder

Teuffel" rampant among women; Johann Irenaeus and Martin

Caselius both defended women; and Christoph Richter in the

early eighteenth century asked, "Whether a husband may in good conscience continue to have congugal relations with 16 his wife when she is pregnant?" Johann von Mtinster 17 discussed the many problems of betrothals and, in his

Tractatus_de_Polyteknia, imagined a dialogue between a rational husband and his fretful, at times almost hysteri­ cal, wife about their many children:

The mother complains: Dear husband, I am heavily burdened with many children. The husband comforts: Dear wife, weak shoulders can also be heavily burdened vith gold and silver.... Mother: Yes, dear husband, but I will become poor with so many children. Father: Nonsense, dear vife, for the children are rather your treasure and your riches.... Mother: But with such a large brood of children I live in great poverty....Dear husband, you talk very well and say many lovely things, but vho vill feed so many children?. ... Who will clothe the children?....But as I have so very many children I wish that God had given me another gift in their place, so that I could support the others. Father: Those last words are woman's talk ‘ •

Ehespiegel, or guides to a Christian marriage, vere also common forms of devotional literature. Authors such as Johann Spangenberg, Egidius Hunnius, and Johann Philip

Schierstab discussed the sacred origins of marriage, the duties of and relationships among the various household 87 19 members, and the crosses of life. The most unusual

vorks of this type came from the pen of Johann Michael

Dillherr, vho, in addition to the story of the disobedient 20 boy mentioned in the previous chapter, spun outrageous

tales of another bad child devoured by vlld animals, a duke

vho had seduced one voman, married another, and then com­

mitted suicide at his vedding feast, a theology student vho

vent mad on his vedding night after jilting a poor girl,

and a voman stranded on a desert island vho vas raped and 21 had tvo sons by apes.

Because this entire spectrum of devotional literature

from catechism sermons to Ehespiegel vere essentially based

on the same sources - the Small Catechism and Haustafel,

Old Testament passages such as the creation of voman (Gen.

3:18-24) and the "alphabet of virtues" for vomen in Prov.

31, the Song of Solomon, and the apocryphal book of Jesus

Slrach, included by Luther in his German Bible because of 22 its useful household teachings - it is not surprising

that their Lutheran authors tended to express similar vievs

and reach similar conclusions about the nature of marriage

and family life. These authors borroved from each other,

and ministers throughout Germany not only cited and recom­

mended their vorks frequently, but also incorporated

images, ideas, and clever proverbs from these vorks into

their ovn productions. In this case the clergy of

Nttrdlingen vas no exception. As seen above, the ministers 88

in their funeral sermons demonstrated a great familiarity 23 with the publications of their more famous colleagues;

moreover, they patterned thir own writings on the Christian

household on the current forms which had proven so success­

ful for others. An anonymous tract explaining the Cate- 24 chism appeared in NBrdlingen in 1700; Georg Matthttus

Beckh, one of the most prolific NBrdlingen ministers, pub­

lished a 'catechism and confessional booklet” in 1706 which

followed the standard question-and-answer explication of

the six essential points of faith found in any number of 25 Lutheran catechisms.

Three published wedding sermons by NBrdlingen ministers are extant: Beckh's sermons for Lorentz Christoph Welsch and Anna Engelhard in 1693 and for city physician Johann

Melchior Welsch and Jacobina Regina Hilbrandt (whose death 26 in 1700 Caspar Weng so dramatically portrayed) in 1696, and Weng's sermon celebrating the second marriage of Beckh 27 in 1702. The ideas contained in these sermons parallel those teachings of the NBrdlingen funeral sermons and in the devotional literature of Lutheranism's most eminent theologians. Once again, "holy matrimony” was a gift of 28 God; a happy, loving marriage vas an "earthly Paradise, 29 a Heaven on earth". Following Matthesius, Beckh taught that the purpose of marriage vas threefold, that is, pro­ creation, help and companionship, and relief from evil 30 lusts (1 Cor. 7:2). The ministers also reiterated the 89 31 standard phrases about children as God's gifts, the 32 33 crosses of married life, the sorrows of widowhood, 34 and the reunion of loved ones in Heaven. As in the

funeral sermons, the ministers spoke of the husband only in 35 terms of the fulfillment of his duties, but they went

into great detail concerning the wife's duties and her many

virtues. She was to model herself after the good women of

the Bible; Beckh suggested that Lorentz Christoph's bride

Anna Barbara follow the example of the five Annas, or

Hannahs, and pray fervently like Samuel's mother, maintain her household like Tobias' wife, be as loving as Raguel's wife, be an avid churchgoer like Phanuel's daughter, and be 36 as pious as the mother of Hary. Moreover, she was to be chaste, disciplined, diligent, modest in dress, and loving, not only in the early years of marriage, but in her 37 entire life with her husband. Beckh as well used the image of the pearl to describe a virtuous wife:

Pearls have Via_sanandi_et_cgnfortandi, a power to heal and strengthen; they guard against fainting-spells and heart palpitations: for this reason pearl-water is a good thing to have in the house for emergencies. In like manner is a noble house-pearl also a comfort to the house and a heart's strengthener. Her husband's heart can rely on her, she does everything dear, and nothing hurtful to him in his swoons, in weakness, and all discomfort. ... Pearls have Vim_exhilarandi, a power to refresh and to delight: so a pearl-like Barbara delights her husband, refreshes his heart, and always makes him happy. . . . Pearls have Vim_expurgandi, the power to purify and expel the poison; so a noble Barbara and disciplined wife has the power to drive out from the husband the poison of evil lusts....1• 90

A vife was to be friendly toward her husband: deriving

the word "Frau" from "freundlich”, Beckh warned that "no

man should call a female (Weib) a voman (Frau) unless she

is friendly, yielding, loving, and pious, and has heartily 39 cheered her husband!" A woman was to remember that she

was called "Frau”; if she became unfriendly or stormy,

simply hearing the word "Frau" from her husband vas to

cause her to think, cool her wrath, and make her friendly 40 again. It was also the duty of the vife to keep her

husband healthy through regular meals: "the kitchen's

medicine is often better digested and works better than the 41 best medicine from the pharmacy.” A bad vife could in 42 fact shorten her husband's life, but a good wife vas

her husband's comfort in times of stress and crosses:

A preacher, vho has much hard vork to do...can experience nothing nobler than a wife vho can put herself in his place, come to his aid vith love and friendliness, who, in a word, is a true helper and helpmate, a helper in easing the burdens of office, a helper in sweetening life's vexations....49

A Christian vife vas queen of her household, in charge of the management of her children and the servants, but she 44 vas not to rule over her husband. Rather, she was to keep in mind God's command that she love, fear, and obey 45 her husband. She had promised this obedience in her vedding vows, and to disobey her husband vas to violate those vovs, and thus God's lav. Women might not enjoy their subservience, but they had no recourse. Quoting 91

Dannhauer, Beckh asserted that "if it were a human command­

ment or an imperial final decree, women could protest

against it and file an objection; but this is God's corn- 48 mand, which permits no contradiction whatsoever....”

Women who dared to rebel against divine lav and vere insub­

ordinate toward their husbands committed perjury against

their vedding vows, violated the Fourth and Sixth Command- 47 ments, and risked eternal damnation.

Beckh encouraged Dr. Welsch's bride to observe him at

vork in order to learn from him. Patients came to him

daily seeking his help and then accepted his advice: so a

vife should seek out her husband's advice. Just as a

patient should not hide his doctor's prescription in the

window, so a vife should not ignore or disobey her hus- 48 band's advice or commands. In conclusion, Beckh of­

fered the doctor's vife following prescription for a good

marriage free from discord or power struggles between the

spouses:

Rx. Mouth-lock. Humility-water. Chastity-spice. Meekness-leaves. Patience-herbs. Each of these, mixed vith a handful of love-roses and subjection-flowers, prevents much grief in a marriage. Happy the one who can apply this properly.*•

Beckh published a third sermon on marriage, this on a

most rare occasion in the early modern era: the celebration of a fiftieth wedding anniversary, in this case that of 50 Johann Sophonia and Regina Eck In 1694. Equally

astounding as the longevity of both the Ecks vas the fact

that in those years Regina had borne seventeen children, 51 all of whom had survived infancy. This vas a joyous, blessed day, Beckh declared; God had demonstrated his majesty and grace in preserving both spouses, but espe- 52 cially Regina through her seventeen pregnancies. Old friendships are the best, and throughout those fifty years

Regina had proven herself a true helpmate to her husband; even nov she continues to care for and serve Johann as best 53 she could in her advanced old age. Beckh's final exhor­ tation to the Ecks to reflect upon their fifty years of mar­ riage summarized the duties, joys, and sorrovs vhich vere all part of a model Christian marriage:

First, did you find hov good it is that God established the married estate? that tvo are alvays better than one, for then they enjoy their vork (Eccl. 4:9)? Second, have you sensed hov, in accordance vith Scrip­ ture, you are pledged and bound to each other? Third, have you behaved tovard each other as God's commandment orders you? Have you, Herr Eck, loved your Regina as your ovn body these fifty years? Were you, Frau Eck, obedient to your master and husband, as to the Lord, in all things? So it had to be on both sides in order for your marriage to be blessed and happy. Fourth, had not God alloved you to experience the abundance vith vhich he blesses the married estate? Indeed 1 You vere fruit­ ful and multiplied 1.... Fifth, have you ever lacked for anything? Have you experienced the cross vhich God has placed on marriage? Have you not, Frau Eck, borne your seventeen children vith pains? Did you not have to subject your vill to that of your husband? Was he not your master? Have you not, Herr Eck, earned your bread by the sveat of your brov? Have you ever lacked for physical afflictions? What do you say? The eyes nov brimming, the tears say, "Yes!" and admit that it vas all true for you....84 93

The NBrdlingen clergy also published several household prayerbooks. Daniel Haak in 1709 published his two 55 versions of the Haufl2_und_Kirchen_Paradeis; in 1703 an anonymous Schul-Gebett_und_Kinder-Seufftzerlein appeared.

These vere the prayers of a model child, pious, loving, obedient to his or her parents, teachers, ministers, and eager to go to school and learn:

In your grace avert fire and all harm from this school; let no fear or frights awaken us from sleep. We wish to go to our schoolvork vith joy....■•

In 1704 Beckh published the Gott-gefailige_Haufl2_und

Kirchen^Andacht, a collection of 1217 prayers for nearly every possible moment and situation of a person's life.

There vere prayers for pregnancy and illness, for baking bread, for the various craftmen at their labors, prayers when going to bed, putting out the light, waking, dressing, for protection from storms, hall, fire, flood, drought, prayers at the appearance of a comet, and prayers for the dying. One prayer in vhich the ministers must have had special interest vas a prayer against dozing off or letting 57 the mind wander during church I Every member of the household had his or her own special prayers, the Hausvater for the protection of vife, children, servants, and proper- 58 ty from harm, the wife for a marriage blessed vith chil- 59 dren and for the wisdom to remain obedient toward her husband: 94

Lord Godl grant that I might be subject to my husband in all things allowed....And since I am a weak vessel gracefully be inclined toward me: let me as an obedient wife remain within the bounds of my calling.* 0

As in the Schul-Gebett, children prayed not only for the

protection of their parents and siblings, but for the well­

being of the entire community as well, a practice which

suggests the belief that, especially in the face of war or

other disasters viewed as God's punishment upon society,

God would perhaps be more willing to listen to the suppli­

cations of children than to those of their less innocent elders:

0 Lordl let my siblings, mother, and father Be commended to you. As well as all those who are related to us And the entire nation. Preserve us. Lord, from false doctrine, Protect us from the Devil, destroy his kingdom. Make us, 0 dear Lord, free From the tyranny of the Pope and the Turk....•*

Finally, there were the parents' mournful prayers at the death of a child:

You know a father's heart and true motherly fidelity: you know that what brings love brings pain. The death of a child is most painful; therefore do not blame four grief] on impatience, but simply on love.••

The Nttrdlingen publication which provided the most de­ tailed treatment of the subject of Christian marriage and family life was Georg Albrecht's 1645-1646 series of 75 sermons entitled Der_Hausstand. This work most nearly resembles the Ehespiegel, and yet it is more exhaustive, presenting an alpha-to-omega approach which is not to be

found in those other works. Albrecht was greatly indebted

to his predecessors and contemporaries: it will be seen

that in his sermons he borrowed heavily from the works of

Luther, Hatthesius, Jenisch, Hunnius, Arndt, and his own

father, Bernhard Albrecht, as well as from an amazingly

wide range of chronicles. Albrecht's talent at para­

phrasing was questionable, especially regarding biblical

citations - at one point he rendered the famous scriptual

passage, "Do not give the dogs what is holy; do not throw

your pearls to the pigs" (Matt. 7:6) as, "Do not throw

pearls to the dogs" - but in most instances he remained

true to the spirit of his sources. The result is a

fascinating mixture of spiritual counsel, biting polemic, delightful imagery, and tall tales, at once entertaining and highly instructive of current Lutheran perceptions of familial relationships. CHAPTER V

THE SCHOOL OF VIRTUE: GEORG ALBRECHT'S

d e r .h a u s s t a h d

The_Sacred_Nature_gf_Marr±age

On Hay 3, 1645, Ntirdlingen Superintendent Georg

Albrecht mounted the pulpit of the parish church of St.

George to deliver the first of a series of 75 weekly ser­

mons on the subject of the Christian marriage and family

life. It was on this date in the year 325, Albrecht began,

that Helen, mother of the emperor Constantine, unearthed 1 the Cross on which Christ had been crucified. Luther­

ans, more concerned with the crucified Christ than with the

tangible, wooden cross itself, had done away with the adora­

tion of the crucifix as practiced by Catholics on this

day. Nonetheless, the imagery of the cross was of great

importance within Lutheranism, for it was through one's search for and acceptance of the cross that the Christian became a true disciple of Christ (Hark 8:34).

Albrecht identified three principal crosses in this

life: those of the ministry and the secular government, and

"the greatest cross", that of the Hausstand. In this last estate one experienced many crosses dally; in the words of

96 97

Matthew, "each day has troubles enough of Its own" (Matt.

6 s 34).

Georg Albrecht knew the crosses of the ministry and

home at first hand. Born in 1601, in 1624 he joined his

father Bernhard as deacon of the Franciscan church in

Augsburg. In 1629, following imperial invasion and the

reintroduction of Catholicism there he and his Lutheran

colleagues were forced to flee his native city. Albrecht

became superintendent of the city of Geildorf, where he

remained until he was called by the city council in 1641 to

serve as city pastor and superintendent of Nfirdlingen, a

position he would hold until his death in November 1647.

Albrecht married only once, to Jacobina Matrin of Augsburg;

in their 22 years of marriage they produced nine sons and four daughters, of whom only two sons and at least two daughters survived. Jacobina outlived her husband by four 2 months.

Albrecht's series on marriage and the family was not the first cycle of sermons which he had produced in his career. In Geildorf he had completed a series of 75 ser­ mons on the joys of eternal life which had been interrupted 3 by his flight from Augsburg; since his arrival in NBrd- lingen he had delivered 35 sermons on the ministry and 52 4 on secular government. In the course of his series Albrecht would approach the

subject of marriage and family life under three basic sub­

headings: (1) the origins and bases of marriage (Sermons

I-VIII); (2) the events surrounding a Christian wedding,

followed by a "peregrination" through the entire household,

including discussions of the duties of and relationships

between its various members (Sermons IX-LXII); (3) the many

crosses of family life, and how to bear them patiently

throughout life and into death (Sermons LXIII-LXXI).

Albrecht defined marriage as

an order and foundation of God according to which a man and a woman with mutual consent betroth, pledge, and bind themselves to one another, that they might live together in a friendly and compassionate manner till death do them part; by which the Lord God might be served, the human race sustained, and all sin and immorality avoided....8

He employed various images to convey to his listeners basic notions about the nature and functions of marriage. In his second sermon the Nttrdlingen superintendent borrowed a concept from Paul Jenisch and built upon an etymology of the word conjugium, "a_comrnuni ilugo", for a discussion of the many ways in which marriage resembled a yoke. A yoke, he explained, binds two oxen together; in marriage God binds two people together so that they might bear those burdens of public and private life too heavy for one. A yoke prevents oxen from straying apart in the course of their work; marriage 99

binds the couple on the path of piety and love, for they hear that they do not live according to their own free will, but that they should do as God commands.... *

A yoke tames "gttil und unbfindig" oxen; marriage (it would

be hoped) breaks the wildness of youth by making young

people accustomed to the habits of virtue. A yoke is made

of four pieces of wood; the "house yoke" is composed of

four parts as well, namely, the spouses, the parents, the

children, and the servants. Numerous yoked oxen are indica­

tive of a properous farm; many happy marriages are a city's greatest adornment and source of pride. A yoke makes oxen

hungry; the cross makes a married couple thirst for God's comfort. Finally, at the end of a day's labor the yoke is removed and the oxen are led into their stalls for rest; in the twilight of their lives God will relieve the couple of 7 their yoke and lead them to their eternal rest.

Marriage was, along with government and the ministry, a component of the larger garden of society:

We can depict these estates as a garden: the government is the fence which protects the garden; marriage is the garden of plants and herbs; the Christian church is the pleasure-garden and the orchard, where the faithful are trees planted beside a watercourse, which yield their fruit in season (Ps. 1:3).*

More specifically, Albrecht perceived parallels between marriage and the Garden of Paradise. In Paradise, he ex­ plained, there had been various trees and waters, all of which could be found in the contemporary institution of 100 9 marriage. God planted a "fruit tree” in each house so

that the family might have food and clothing; the Tree of

Life protected the family's health; and the Tree of Know­

ledge tested the family's faith and understanding of good

and evil. The palm, Albrecht taught, grows best near a

spring or stream, Just as the Christian couple is best

nourished by Scripture, the "springs of deliverance” (Isa.

12:3). Moreover, the palm grows higher the more it is

pressed down; so a pious couple is victorious in its cross­ bearing through God. The olive tree is green year-round; so, explained Albrecht, should spouses "green and grow in faith and fear of the Lord, but especially in love, not only in summer, in good days, when things are going well, but also in winter, in adversity, for better or 10 worse...." The olive branch is the symbol of peace; the couple was to maintain peace and unity both among themselves and with their neighbors. The olive tree produces fruit; so, said David in Ps. 128:3, "Your sons shall be like olive-shoots round about your table." And

Just as the olive would in time be pressed for its oil, so a couple was to expect the "heart-press”, the cross, which would produce the "oil of many virtues", including faith.

The garden of Susanna, Albrecht believed, had contained lindens, noted for their bending nature (Lindigkeit);

Christian couples were to be yielding and understanding 11 with one another. 101

Albrecht also described six waters which could be found

in both Paradise and in the Christian household. There was

"cross-water", which had actually only appeared in the

world after the Fall; "restorative water" (Lab-Wasser>,

contained in the pure water of baptism and in the blood of

Christ in communion; the bitter sweat of labor; the lovely

pearl-like dew, symbolic of a peaceful marriage and refresh­

ing under the burden of the cross; the nourishing, life-

giving rain water; and spring water, which provided food, 12 drink, and protection from fire. Finally, Albrecht

noted that Christians could even learn valuable lessons from the animals of Paradise. The animals had obeyed God's command to serve Adam; if dumb beasts could be so obedient 13 to their Creator, why should not man do likewise?

Regarding his teachings, Albrecht clearly recognized the enemy within and without. In his conclusion to the

Hausstand sermons he admitted that

I don't know whether, or how, this material and these simple sermons have pleased my listeners, nor do I worry about it, for I know that whatever one says and preaches, the world still isn't satisfied. There are always foolish gainsayers who must gripe about and criticize first this, then that, and all along they understand it about as well as a blind man understands color. When one preaches about the ministry people don't find it edifying "because it only applies to the minister, who knows himself what his office involves” ....When one preaches about the government they'd say that it'8 not right to talk about the government in the pulpit every Friday. Nothing good comes of that; the people will just be made confused and stubborn....When one preaches about the household it's thought that they are simply women's sermons, though there is no person in this entire congregation, indeed, no one-day-old child, who has not heard his lesson.14 102

Nor VBs Albrecht unaware of the Catholic opponents to

his teachings. Albrecht wasted no time in confronting and

refuting them: as early as the second paragraph of his

first sermon, entitled ”Hov highly this doctrine is to be

regarded”, he attacked the "papist” "idolatry” of seeking

help and comfort through fervently kissing, praying to, and 15 worshipping the crucifix. Throughout his work he would

make frequent mention of Catholic critics of Lutheran teach­

ing on marriage. Among those singled out for their "shame­

ful” ("schfindlich") criticisms was Robert Bellarmine, who

had written that married people, who live "in the flesh”, could not please God, and that the conjugal act makes man 16 completely carnal, and thus incapable of godly works.

To the old proverb, "marriage fills the earth, but celibacy

Heaven" ("per Conjugium Terram, per Caelibatum Coelum impleri”) Albrecht countered, "But in order for Heaven to be filled it is first necessary to fill the earth; thus will Heaven be increased through marriage, and Hell through 17 the impure unmarried state. "

Sheer polemic, however, would not suffice to silence critics of the Lutheran doctrine of marriage. It was also necessary to present sound theological arguments proving that institution's equal stature with the other estates of earthly society. Albrecht set the tone for his entire series in his choice of Hebr. 13:4, "Marriage is honorable: let us all keep it so”, as the scriptural text for his 103

first sermon.

It was God's role in the origin of marriage vhich was a

primary reason why it should be so highly regarded. Not

only had God established marriage, but he had done so in 16 Paradise, before the Fall. Marriage was thus the

oldest of all human Institutions, as well as the only one

established while man was still in the state of innocence.

It was also the only estate specifically established by

God: according to Gen. 2:18, God had said, "It is not good

for the man to be alone. I will provide a partner for him." Neither the ministry nor secular government could make similar claims: God had delivered the first "evangeli­ cal sermon” after the Fall, but it was not until the time of Enosh that "men began to invoke the Lord by name” (Gen.

4:26). Government first emerged after the Flood, asseen in Gen. 9:6: "He that sheds the blood of a man, for that man his blood shall be shed....” In neither case, Albrecht argued, "did the Holy Trinity deliberate beforehand about their establishment" as had occurred for marriage in Gen. 19 2:16. Tertullian had written, "Antiquissimum quodque verissimum”, "the older, the truer”, an argument often used 20 by Catholics to denounce Lutheranism; marriage's most boisterous opponents were the monks; yet, Albrecht replied, marriage "was an institution. .. before a single monk was ever hatched in the whole world; thus no one should detract 21 from it." 104

Albrecht taught that marriage should also be respected

because of the many vays In which the Trinity had honored

it. Although he could easily have delegated an angel to

the task, God himself chose to be the "BrautfGhrer" at that 22 "first marriage" of Adam and Eve. In the second table of the Decalogue God had created a "fence" to protect mar­ riage, and he also granted certain privileges for married people, such as the Hebrew custom that a newlywed was exempt from military service for one year after his wedding

(Deut. 24:5). Christ had been born to a married couple and had performed his first miracle at the wedding of Cana.

Furthermore, in his teachings Christ had compared the kingdom of Heaven with a wedding feast (Hatt. 22:2) and, through the prophet Hosea, used the imagery of the bride­ groom and his bride to describe his relationship to his congregation (Hos. 2:19-20). The Holy Spirit honored marriage with the "beautiful bridal song”, Ps. 128, and 23 other scriptural passages.

To the question, "should one enter into the married state?" Albrecht gave a resounding "yes". The NBrdlingen superintendent found marriage useful and "good” on many levels. First, marriage was good physically, as it was a stong remedy against loneliness and the lusts of the flesh. Second, marriage was good for society. Through marriage the population would be maintained and all posi­ tions in society would remain filled. Marriage, 105 specifically monogamy, also contributed to public order.

Third, marriage was good economically, through the cooperation of spouses in maintaining their household.

True, Albrecht admitted, a man could as easily hire servants to help him in his work, but why should he not 24 rather find a wife whom he could trust? Fourth, marriage was good because of the bond of friendship which developed within it: "A friend or companion is always welcome, but better still to be man and wife" (Sir.

40:23). Fifth, ' marriage was good spiritually:

Clearly, young people can also learn about Christianity properly, but when we consider it more closely, all they have is the theorian, the pure knowledge. The however, or the practice, is gained in mar­ riage. Thus young people are sent to school and learn the catechism and various fine prayers, proverbs, and rhymes, and it all seems to have been in vain, for the children do not understand £what they have learnecG* But let them learn. The time will come when they will have to put it into practice, namely, in marriage, for marriage is the Schgla Theolggica, the spiritual school, where all articles of the fundamentals will be learned. For example, we often hear that God so loved the world that he gave his only Son, that everyone who has faith in him may not die but have eternal life (John 3:18). That is an indescribable love, which must cause wonder among angels and men; but no one can be­ lieve it more than one who is married and has children, indeed, an only son. He thinks: "The enemy lies impris­ oned, and he cannot be set free unless you give the life of your only, most beloved son for him.” Tell me, would you do that? "No, I cannot, my son is far too dear...”; so should you be amazed at the love of our heavenly father, who proved his love for us in Christ's dying for us while we were yet sinners and bitter ene­ mies (Rom. 5:8, 10)....You say, "When my child falls I help him up immediately”; in like manner, when we fall into sin we are not tossed away, for the Lord holds us by the hand (Ps. 37:24). "When my child is sick I pity him, and see, he's soon well again”; so when we are in dire straits God takes pity in his heart, and he is filled with tenderness toward us (Jer. 31:20). "When a 106

child desires something which is useful to him, I cannot deny it to him”; likewise when I ask something of my God, he gives it to me....1•

Albrecht also considered a loving marriage to be a

preview of the joys of Heaven:

When married people have a loving marriage, they think that they would like to live together in this way for­ ever, and when they are separated by death they cry bitterly. But we should take comfort in the thought that this physical marriage will undoubtedly be fol­ lowed by the heavenly; and because this is an indescrib­ able joy, God depicts it in marriage so that we might have a foretaste of this joy. 1. In marriage a couple has heartfelt love for one another; in eternal life there will be great love among the elect....2. In mar­ riage everything is held in common; in eternal life there will be a common joy.... 3. In marriage people pray and sing together; in eternal life, too, the elect will stand together in the heavenly chorus and sing.... 4. In marriage people talk to each other; in eternal life, too, not only will they relate the great deeds and the secret of God, but also everything good which he had done in this world.... 5. In marriage there is order among man, wife, and children, so that one is always higher than the others, but without any jeal­ ousy; in eternal life the clarity will be changed, within which one will surpass the other (1 Cor. 15:42 CsicH). 6. In marriage one lives in a house; so will we all live together in the Father's house

To be sure, in his enthusiasm for the married state

Albrecht did not completely dismiss the value of celibacy.

Following Hatt. 19:11-12 and 1 Cor. 7:7-9, he recognized 27 celibacy as a gift of God, but a most rare gift.

Albrecht discussed the various advantages of the single life: the cross was much lighter for the single person than for married couples, who were forced to watch family mem­ bers suffer. As they had no family to support, unmarried 107 people did not need to work as hard, nor did they have wor­ ries about birthpains or caring for and raising children.

The single person also had more time to devote to service 2d to the church. However, Albrecht argued, celibacy was not to be understood as a state of perfection, nor was it 29 to be held superior to marriage. Rather, he concluded that married people were in fact more worthy of praise than the celibate. "Believe it or not,” he asserted, there was greater chastity within marriage than in celibacy, for mar­ riage contains those burning desires and lusts with which 30 the unmarried must struggle.

Why are monks and nuns so highly regarded by the papists? Becuase of their chastity; everyone thinks of them as angels. But married people should take comfort in the thought that they are much better than the monks and nuns. Where are the nuns who are so pure in body and spirit? There's not one in a hundred. But a pious wife can be pure; she will be blessed through mother­ hood - if only she continue in faith, love, and holi­ ness, with a sober mind (1 Tim. 2:15). The nun parrots her psalter without understanding it, thinking that through many words she will be heard (Matt. 6:5). The wife prays in spirit and in truth (John 4:24), in great fervor, for distress teaches us to pay attention to the word (Isa. 26:16). The nun tortures her own body and creates her own cross, which God had not commanded; the wife waits until God sends the cross, and then she is patient and waits for aid. The nun has her painted, graven image with which she makes a show; the wife has children which God himself created, and she leads them back to God in prayer. The nun relies upon her works, hoping that she might earn eternal life through them; the wife trusts in God's grace and compassion, believes that God placed her in this estate and supports her within it, comforts her under the cross, and releases her from it, and will lead her to eternal happi­ ness. * 1 loa Marriage was also more useful than celibacy in the fact

that it peopled the world and maintained all offices of

society. Finally, marriage was holier than celibacy, as it

provided more tests of faith and opportunities for spiritu- 32 al exercises than did the unmarried state.

Before turning to the more practical aspects of mar­

riage, Albrecht approached one final question: if God made

all marriages, was he then also the creator of bad mar- 33 riages? To this question he answered in the affirma­ tive through his choice of scriptural text, Dan. 4:35:

"...All dwellers upon earth count for nothing and he deals as he wishes with the host of heaven; no one may layhand upon him and ask him what he does.” God placed people in bad marriages either to punish them or to test their faith. To the godless bad marriages were a punishment.

Young people, Albrecht complained, were often disobedient, snobbish, and disrespectful toward their parents; this the parents were often forced to suffer silently, as "the 34 children had gotten too big for them to control.” At this point God would intervene and saddle the child with a bad marriage to torment it day and night and bring it to regret its wicked behavior toward its parents. Children who married against their parents' wishes faced a similar fate, as well as those who wallowed in immoral behavior 35 simply to spite their parents. In a previous sermon

Albrecht noted that others who were placed in bad marriages 109

were those who scorned God and the institution of marriage:

There can be no worse grief than when two people must live together who deep in their hearts hate each other; ...such people have the most wretched life on earth and a foretaste of Hell....**

To the pious, however, a bad marriage was a test of

faith, a cross, Just as other Christians were often bur­

dened with childlessness, bad children, or long sickness.

The trial of an unhappy marriage was to instill patience,

to make one aware of his or her sins, and to teach one to

pray. A bad marriage was also a test of marital love.

Happy couples are loving couples, but too often those cou­

ples would break apart, separate from bed and board, and

eventually stop speaking to each other altogether at the first sign of trouble. Albrecht urged those who were

having marital difficulties to try to improve their situa­ tion. As Luther had noted, every couple inevitably has its squabbles, and an argument does not necessarily mean the 37 end of the marriage. Albrecht's prescription for an ail­

ing marriage was that

First of all, God must be called upon to bring the two hearts back together again. Next each should fulfill his or her task: the man should live with his wife in understanding and honor her as the weaker vessel (1 Pet. 3:7), and the wife should be subject in obedience to her husband, as befits her duty (Col. 3:18). If this happened all the time, many bad marriages could be made good again.** 110

The_Beginnings_of_§_Chrietian_Warriage2._Parental_Consent_

!Q£j_Harltal_Lgve

In his first eight sermons Albrecht discussed why

marriage was to be honored by all; in the remainder of his

series he delineated how all were to honor marriage, that

is, how Christians were to live honorably within the state

of marriage. A prospective couple took the first step

toward building an honorable marriage, Albrecht taught,

when they sought the consent of their parents to the match.

It is interesting to note that, as has been seen in the

funeral sermons, Albrecht portrayed the children as taking

the initiative in seeking out a spouse, rather than the parents merely arranging a marriage for their children.

This is reflected in Albrecht's choice of text for his first sermon on parental consent:

Samson went down to Timnath, and there he saw a woman, one of the Philistines. When he came back, he told his father and mother that he had seen a Philistine woman in Timnath and asked them to get her for him as his wife (Judges 14:1-2).»•

It was God who created all marriages, Albrecht explained, but parents were his agents on earth, so it was essential that children gained their approval before they married.

The parents' authority in such matters was grounded in divine law, both under the general mandate of the Fourth

Commandment that children obey their parents and, more specifically, in various scriptural passages, such as Deut.

7:3 ("neither giving your daughters to their sons nor Ill

taking their daughters for your sons'), Jer. 29:8 ("take

wives for your sons and give your daughters to husbands"),

and 1 Cor. 7:37: ("he who marries his maiden or daughter 40 does well"). Indeed, Albrecht noted, not one pious

person could be found in the Bible who had married without 41 the consent of his or her parents. Natural law also contained the notion of parental consent: in Euripides' play Andromache Hermoine, when pressed by a suitor for her agreement to marry him, chastely replied, "My father will arrange my engagement soon enough, so I am not at liberty 42 to give an answer.” If heathens recognized the import of parental consent, Albrecht remarked, certainly Chris­ tians should do so as well. Finally, imperial law and local governments declared that marriages contracted with- 43 out parental consent were Invalid.

Consent, Albrecht reminded his listeners, was to be granted not only by the father, but by the mother as well.

And why should she not have a voice in the decision? Our mothers, after all- bore us for nine months, suffered the pains of giving us birth, and nursed us. Lawyers might have disputed the necessity of a mother's consent, but the

Bible gives numerous examples of children who sought the advice and consent of their mothers when they wished to 44 marry, even when their fathers were still alive. It should be remembered that Samson approached both his father and his mother when he desired the Philistine's hand. The 112

Catholics taught that only the mutual consent of the

spouses vas required to make a marriage valid, regardless 45 of any parental opposition, but Albrecht believed that

the example of Esau, who married a Canaanite woman to spite

his parents and was accursed (Gen. 28:8-9), clearly demon­

strated God's disapproval of such behavior. Again, those

who married without their parents' consent soon found

themselves in a wretched marriage:

They live together like dogs and cats, like lions and dragons, one punishment after the other. What's worst is that they may complain to no one. They should be able to take refuge with their parents, and they run to them, knowing that one will reproach them with, "You brought it upon yourself 1" Finally they despair and they run away from each other, and ultimately if they don't repent, they are reunited in Hell___

In turn, Albrecht reminded parents of their responsibilities towards their children in the realm of marriage. He advised them to hold firm to the Fourth

Commandment and their paternal authority ("vfitterlichen

Gewalt") and not to give their consent to clandestine marriages.

Nowadays it seems that Liberi_vere_liberi and parentes If the young Master son or the young Miss want a wife or a husband, they will eventually tell the father, that is, "I've taken a wife; if you don't approve, well, you must", and parents give their consent, saying, "If you have taken one, keep her, I don't want to separate you.” No, that's no Christian father's speech. As long as you live, you're still the father, so use your paternal power and say, "No, I won't, I don't want you to have this one or that; if you won't obey, you'll bring a curse upon your off­ spring. ” Such a betrothal is useless. Read Luther where he lists seven reasons why a clandestine betroth­ al is not a valid marriage. You say, "My child 113

betrothed himself with an oath; should I break it?" Answer: That's a difficult problem, and here one should take Into consideration the children's conscience, when it is running properly and honorably; but when the father has Just cause for opposition, he should not be afraid. There are two things here: God's law and a frivolous betrothal. One must give way to the other - should God's law give way to the frivolous oath? Far from itl Thus yields the frivolous betrothal, which God lets lapse through true repentance and fervent prayer.4 7

Albrecht realized, however, that some parents abused

the authority God had granted them over their children's

futures. Some parents believed that their consent alone

was required to create a marriage, and so they forced their

unwilling children into unions, usually for reasons of

money or social standing. Albrecht abhorred this practice,

which he, like Luther, equated with the mutilation of one's 48 own child. A proper marriage, he cautioned, must be

entered into freely; when one or both of the contracting

parties are opposed to the match, then it becomes an il­

legal, ungodly marriage. God had created man and woman

that they might come together out of joy and love and

remain together willingly out of heartfelt sentiment; to

compel a couple to marry was to sin against the Creation 49 itself. But, some parents would argue, in time the children, though forced into a marriage, would in fact

learn to love one other. This Albrecht flatly denied.

There is nothing lovelier than the playing of lutes, but when the lutes aren't in tune with each other, one can play as expertly as he wishes, but there still isn't a pretty resonance. So in a marriage without consent there is nothing lovely, and though one 114

believes that they can still set it right, they experience that the longer it goes the worse it gets.* 0

Other parents refused to grant their consent to what

were clearly honorable, pious marriages. Albrecht per­

ceived various motives underlying such behavior. Some

parents, he observed, wished that their children remain in

the home so that they would not need to hire and pay serv­

ants to do their housekeeping. Others were more concerned

with the wealth of a child's suitor than with his or her

piety or good name; when approached by a child for their consent, the parents Immediately asked, "What does he

have? What is he worth? If he doesn't have anything, it 51 doesn't matter that he's honorable or pious." Still other fathers were so avaricious that they refused to allow their children to marry so that they might be required to pay a dowry. Such men, Albrecht declared, were "god­ less unnatural parents" who did not deserve the name 52 "father".

In conclusion, Albrecht reminded his listeners of the advice which Luther had given to children who found that their parents either tried to force them into a loveless marriage or refused to give their consent to an honorable marriage. First the child was to discuss the matter with a close friend so that he might convince the stubborn father of the worthiness of the match and advise him not to abuse 115 his paternal authority. Should this fail, the child was then to approach his or her minister or, as a last resort, 53 the local consistory.

On the other hand, Albrecht warned his young listeners, they were not to interpret his words as granting them free license to marry whomever they wished, ignoring their parents' objections:

Disobedient children will say, "That was a good sermoni In my opinion my father's been told that he must not force me or stand in my way. So I'll take who pleases me; if my father doesn't like it, too bad for him...." No, that is not what you heard; what I said, and say again, and what God says in his Holy Word is that the father must not force his son into love or hinder his well-being. From this it doesn't follow that you can take whom you want, rather it is commanded that the father provide for you. Harry your daughter, and you have done a great deed: he doesn't say, "Daughter, marry yourself", but "You, father". If you can't wait until your father advises you and decide to provide for yourself, you are intruding upon his parental author­ ity, and you sin against God and enrage your father to the point that he will not give his consent to your contract. Imagine: You, daughter, have advised your­ self and chosen a young man who is faultless, but since this took place without your parents' consent, the father won't approve of it. Why? He must have a reason? No, this reason is enough, that is, that you have forgotten the command to obedience toward your parents....■♦

Thus it was the duty of Christian parents to insure that their children entered into honorable marriages with good, pious Christians. This could not be achieved by letting one's daughter romp about the city's markets to 55 catch the eye of all eligible bachelors, nor by con­ vincing a daughter that she must "land” a certain rich man, for this could only end in disaster: 116

Others let themselves be blinded by money, and there the parents are often bigger fools for money than the young: as soon as they know of a rich man they convince the daughter that she should get him, not caring whether it would turn out well or not. Honey, money, that's what they must have, and when it later does turn out badly, the children must scream about their par­ ents, not to mention accusing them in the presence of God.»*

Rather, when a child expressed a desire to marry the

parents were to inquire about the beloved's character be­

fore granting consent. Of men it was to be asked, is he

pious? is he honorable and sincere? can he earn a living, 57 run a household, and support a wife and children? The

requisite virtues of potential brides received more de­

tailed discussion from Albrecht. Here he used the familiar

notion of a woman's internal and external beauty, already 58 seen in the local funeral sermons. A woman's inward

beauty was founded on piety, the source of all true love 59 and the "root of all virtues” She was to embody the

virtues of the Biblical women, "the obedient Sarah, the

understanding Rebecca, the clever Deborah, the humble

Naomi, patient Hannah, loyal Michol, the sensible Abigail,

God-fearing Judith, tender Esther, modest Susanna, devout 60 Hary, and others....” She was also to be a good housekeeper. Albrecht placed considerably less value on a woman's external beauty. The combination of piety and great beauty in a woman was most rare, he warned; too often beauty led a woman to pride, finery, and snobbery. Love 117

springing from the enchantment of a beautiful face often

drove a man to immorality: for example, David fell into

adultery with the dazzling Bathsheba (2 Sam. 11:4-5) and

Amnon committed incest when he raped his beautiful half-

sister Tamar (2 Sam. 13:14). Love founded on beauty alone

could not last, but would burn out soon after the marriage 61 took place, especially among pregnancies and illness.

To summarize his opinions regarding the value of internal

versus external beauty, Albrecht posed the following problem:

If Sirach were alive today and a father came to him and said that he had three daughters for his son, the first pious and God-fearing, the second beautiful, the third rich, and then asked which among these was the best and should be chosen, Sirach would immmediately answer, "A virtuous woman."**

Albrecht also advised parents about what should be avoided in prospective marriages. First was a disparity of religion: it was impossible, he said, for one who loved God and his word to feel heartfelt love for one who did not 63 love God. "Two different faiths in one bed is seldom good, and when a pious and a godless person come together, 64 there too is nothing but terrible heartache...." Sec­ ond was a disparity of wealth, especially when the woman was the wealthier of the pair. A rich man might be permit­ ted to take a poor bride, but under no circumstances was a poor man to marry a wealthy woman, for that would rob him 65 of his freedom. Indeed, Albrecht found this danger so 118

acute that he dedicated a full page's discussion to the

problem, invoking Lycurgus, Plutarch, Luther, and Valerius

Herberger as witnesses against the practice. Herberger

told the story of a poor man who married for money: after

the wedding he opened his Bible, and his eyes fell on

Sirach's warning that "when a woman makes a man rich, he

must expect tantrums, shamelessness, and outrage” (Sir.

25:22). He made a note next to the passage, ran to his

minister to confirm its meaning, and cried, "Ah! poor me! 66 If only I had read and thought about this before!"

Indeed, Albrecht seemed to perceive the practice of commoners marrying wealthy women as a threat to the natural social order:

It usually happens that when a poor man takes a rich wife, she wants to be his master, and when he says something that she doesn't like, she opens her mouth and snaps at him, "You bum! You would have been a beg­ gar if you hadn't married me!" So it goes when one looks only at the money. Thus is it best when one looks for piety above all else....*7

Third, Albrecht warned parents that they not allow marriages involving great disparity in age. As Hatthesius said, "a hard nut and a broken tooth - that's what a young wife and an old man are” ("Ein harte Nufi und gestumpter 68 Zahn / ist ein junges Weib und alter Mann!"). Such a difference in age, he believed, was the root of jealousy and quarrelling among couples. Finally, Albrecht advised against matches that cut across social classes: "alliances between noble and common, eminent and lowly are worthless 119 69 and do no good....”

Albrecht followed his discussion of parental consent

with a series of sermons describing preparations for a

respectable Christian wedding, from the announcement of the

wedding to proper wedding attire and the wedding banquet, 70 with its food, music, and dancing. Here the key words

were modesty and moderation. Guests were not to gorge them­

selves at the banquet like pigs at a trough, nor were they

to sing so loudly that they disturbed the neighbors; des­

pite the criticisms of the Calvinists, dancing was permit- 71 ted to Christians, but again within the proper measure.

Office-holders and ministers were to refrain from dancing,

however, as well as old people, who in their ”steel-grey

beards" looked more foolish than the young. What would

visitors to Nttrdlingen think of our city, Albrecht asked,

if they saw unbridled revelry at a supposedly Christian 72 wedding?

Moderation was also to be a guiding concept in the

matter of marital love. The Christian marriage rested on

two building blocks, faith in God and marital love. There

were many marriages today, Albrecht regretted, that were

"torn and collapsing” ("zurissene und baufSllige"); this

woeful situation he attributed to the fact that so many

marriages were based on improper love. Love inflamed by

the Devil, which took the form of passionate, sensual love, burned out quickly: Luther had recalled a number of couples 120 who had married out of passion, but then had abandoned each 73 other within six months. Such "foolish, heated" love, such "fevered, fleeting" love, that is, the type of love experienced by young people in their "KuSmonat", Albrecht warned, could not stand the test of time. Crosses and misfortune would come upon the couple, they might suffer poverty, the husband might become eccentric, or the wife 74 ill, and soon that love would die. Immoderate love was 75 also the root of jealousy. In such love wrath and passion were intertwined, and it was easy for a passionate husband to suspect any man who spoke to his wife or to watch his wife's every gesture, word, or deed for hints of flirtatious or adulterous behavior:

If that honest woman looks at another man, the jealous husband assumes that it is with the eyes of a whore; she beckons the man, talks to him, and the husband thinks that it stems from an adulterous heart, and that everything that the others had been telling him about her is true....7*

Jealousy ate away at the soul, and drove many to mur- 77 der; moreover, jealousy had the power to destroy households:

As soon as jealousy enters the heart, all desire to maintain the household disappears. The husband says, "Why should I work so hard for my wife when she's in love with another man? If she's giving him her love, she'd probably also slip him money." The wife says, "Why should I want to take care of the house? I'm not keeping house for myself, but for some other woman my husband's crazy about....”7*

Finally, jealousy caused people to forget about God and prayer and ruined not only a couple's reputation, but the 121 79 reputation of their children and descendants as veil.

The basis of a Christian marriage was not to be such a

sensual. Immoderate passion, but rather a rational, pure,

heartfelt love, a love whose Intensity remained vlthln

proper measure ("gevlsse Ma8”). This love caused one to be

concerned with the beloved's salvation and remained strong

even under the heaviest of crosses. Above all, it grew

with time:

In the beginning love's flame is small, but it grows larger and larger every day in the couple's hearts, so that after such pious people have lived together for 20 or 30 years they feel much more love for one another than they did in those first years....*0

According to Finnish custom, Albrecht related, when a man

gave his daughter in marriage he would take a rock and

strike it with his sword so that fire would spring from it

to demonstrate how the fire within the stone could be re­

vealed, and yet remain within the stone. This ceremony was

meant to symbolize the heartfelt love between man and wife:

their love was visible in their deeds, but it remained 81 buried in their hearts.

To grow and thrive within the heart, however, marital

love required the couple's efforts. Albrecht recommended two basic tonics: piety and understanding. Couples were encouraged to attend church regularly to hear the Christian message of love and unity; if those in disastrous marriages would only begin to go to church together, the superintend­ ent observed, they would see how the love in their hearts 122 82 would begin to increase daily. Albrecht also found

confession and communion useful in strengthening marital

love as well as faith:

Love is also fortified when spouses go to confession and communion together, one having beforehand reconciled himself or herself with the other and granting heartfelt forgiveness where there has been injury, and then immediately taking communion, with the idea that from then on they would lead a repentent, pious, loving life; certainly the Holy Spirit would knit this bond and make certain that the Devil could never tear it apart.•*

Indeed, the devil Asmodeus was forever attempting to shat­

ter the bonds of marriage, and Albrecht saw no better de­

fense against his wiles than fervent prayer. If a couple

noticed that their love was weakening, he advised, they

should pray to God for his help to restore the strength of 84 their marriage.

Marital love could also grow when spouses treated one

another with understanding and compassion. Spouses needed to learn to think like their mates, Albrecht said, as well

as to respect the opinion of the other. Men should not always act upon their thoughts but, in certain matters, they should follow the advice of their wives. This coop­ eration could be a source of even greater love between 85 spouses. Married people were to be patient with one another. "Spouses aren't angels, they're human”, Albrecht reminded his listeners, and as humans they were fallible, prone to low spirits and mistakes. God is able to forgive us our sins; in like manner were spouses to learn to "look 123

through their fingers” at each other's mistakes. For ex­

ample, If a husband were In a bad temper, his wife was to

comfort and soothe him; after his mood passed he would be as grateful that he had such a dear wife. Patience and

understanding were also necessary in times of illness;

there can be no heartfelt love in a marriage in which one 87 spouse wishes its ailing mate dead.

QQD£€£tion_and_Birth

From the subject of marital love Albrecht turned to 88 God's "wedding present", children. Here he treated

many of the same themes as have been found in the local fu­

neral sermons, yet, due to the nature of his series, he was

able to provide much more thorough discussion of most top- 89 ics than had been possible in the eulogies. Albrecht,

like the authors of the funeral sermons, recognized children as God's gifts, gifts that were granted couples 90 through God's grace and removed according to his will.

These gifts were most adorable, Albrecht observed:

People are frightened by huge, deformed people, but everybody loves children; even when we don't know them we still say, "Oh, what a beautiful child" - "what a dear child” - "what a darling little angel", we hug and kiss it, even if we're not related to it. Clearly, only a thoroughly wicked, inhuman monster could ever do a child harm...." 1

Harried people, of course, loved children most of all, and most were eager to produce offspring. Couples wanted children because of the great joy they brought into their 124

lives, and because children could care for them in their 92 old age and carry on the family name after their death.

Many couples, however, were saddened by their apparent in­

ability to produce children; to them Albrecht addressed a 93 sermon on the problem of childlessness.

The Nttrdlingen superintendent reminded his audience

that in Old Testament times women had considered childless­

ness a curse, as every woman was hopeful of bearing the 94 Messiah; in the seventeenth century, he observed, many

people continued to view childlessness as a curse, a cross,

a punishment from God. Childless couples often believed

themselves "robbed” of the many uses of children. They

could not enjoy the thought that they had contributed to

the multitudes in Heaven or to the number of the elect, nor

that their children benefitted earthly society through service in the ministry or government; on a more personal

level, barren couples were faced with the realization that their family name would end at their demise. Childlessness frequently placed enormous strains on a marriage, as others began to ask why a healthy young couple was unable to have 95 children and spouses accused each other of steril- 96 ity. Many childless couples also began to question

God's will and power, or to fear that their marriage was 97 not pleasing to him. Albrecht reminded his listeners that all are unworthy of God's gifts, so that no one has the right to demand of him what he in his wisdom has denied 125 98 us.

Wouldn't we consider that man a thick-skulled fellow who would go into a rich man's house and demand that he give him something? Wouldn't the rich man say, "I don't owe you anything"? This God could say as well, for children are his gift, and he is indebted to no one; so how can you be so audacious that you would quarrel with God? (Isa. 45:9-11)**

Albrecht offered his childless listeners cold comfort

when he enumerated the "advantages” of childlessness. Bar­

ren women were free of birthpains: he imagined that "if a

barren woman were brought to the side of a woman in the

most agonizing moments of labor, she would lift up her 100 hands and thank God that he had spared her from this."

Childless couples were also relieved of the heartache of 101 troublesome children. Perhaps most poignant to the people of NBrdlingen, a city now all too familiar with the hardships of war, was the thought that the childless were spared the torment of watching their offspring suffer amid

God's punishments to society:

People who have no children always fare better than those who are burdened with many. When war comes, those who are childless need only worry about their own skins and lives; when inflation comes, they figure out what to do, for they have only themselves to feed; when plague hits and they must die, they do so gladly....But when children are involved these punishments are even harder and more bitter. In war many people don't ask about their house, or what inside they might lose, nor does it really matter if someone tears the house down; but when one must watch somebody slaughter and strangle his children before his very eyes,... it rends his heart. Many can endure inflation alone, but when the children are standing there, the sucking infant's tongue is cleaving to its palate from thirst, the children are begging for bread but no one offers them a crumb (Lam. 4:4), that wrenches the heart. In times of plague many would willingly die and be glad to be 126

released from it; but when the youngsters are standing around the bed, that makes one sick at heart, and he dies in pain and lamentation.10*

Albrecht's advice to childless couples was that they should remain patient and submit to God's will. Sometimes

God waited until a couple had been married for many years 103 before he granted them children; if they were too im­ patient, he might answer their prayers with undisciplined 104 children. Albrecht suggested that barren couples who truly wanted to raise children should consider taking in the children of others who could not afford to support 105 them; under no circumstances were they to follow the 106 example of Sarah and use a surrogate mother. Child­ lessness was not to be thought of as a curse, but rather as yet another test of piety. Children were a corporal, not a spiritual, blessing; childless couples were to remember that the number of children one had was no basis of salva­ tion, and that, though they had not received this temporal, 107 corporal blessing, they too could win eternal life.

Some couples, on the other hand, perceived bearing many 108 children as a curse from God. This Albrecht could not understand. People never complained when they had much mon­ ey, he observed, so why did they complain when God blessed 109 them with many children? Here, as in the matter of childlessness, people were questioning the will of God.

Just as God determined whether a couple would have 127

children, he would decide how many it would have, according

to his plan. Thus it often occurred that a wealthy couple

was childless, but a poor couple had a house full of

children. In the latter case the parents were not to

worry, for God would help them find a way to support their 110 brood. God granted many children to couples to test

their faith, as well as to provide them with a greater

incentive to work:

When a man has no children, or Just a few children, he isn't very willing to work much; he thinks, "Why should I strain myself too much and work long hours when I have only myself and my body to support?”, gives himself over to carousing, and squanders his money. But a man who has a house full of children and an honest bone in his body works early and late, stays clear of all excess, thinks, ”In this way I'll take care of my wife and children”, saves his money, and makes certain that his wife and children are fed, for otherwise he'd be worse than a heathen.... Thus is he able to avoid laziness and many sins.11*

Albrecht warned that those who took measures to insure that

they had no children, either through sterilization, inten­

tionally marrying a person who was sterile, or through con­

traception (the means of which Albrecht declined to dis- 112 cuss) merited God's punishment. Abortion and infanti- 113 cide were clearly the Devil's work. People were not to bemoan the fact that God blessed them with many children but, as did his other creatures in Nature, rejoice in their

"full nest":

Look at the birds under Heaven: together they hatch many young, but they are never unwilling, nor do they ever kill them. Indeed, they are even happier when the nest is full.... 114 128

It vas impossible, Albrecht said, to explain how in fact conception occurred: this scientists had attempted to understand from ancient times to the present day. Avicenna had called conception "the greatest miracle in Nature”, and

Galen said that "only God and Nature understand this 115 work." Marital sex, Albrecht emphasized, was not the cause of conception, for if that were true, all married 116 people would have children. What was clear from such passages as Job 10:10-11, which describes God building the fetus, was that God was the cause of conception, for he gave "seed” a "hidden power” to form a human in the womb, develop all its limbs, and bring it into the world at the 117 proper time.

One source of confusion for Christians was the relation­ ship between marital sex, conception, and sin. Once again attacking Catholic doctrine, Albrecht explained that neither marriage nor marital sex were sinful, as God had established both in Paradise before the Fall. Had Adam and

Eve remained in the state of innocence, they would have produced children in a marital union devoid of any wicked desires. Although carnal desire for one's spouse was part of God's curse upon Eve, and hence upon all mankind, mar­ riage and sex within marriage were still to be considered 118 good, as Augustine himself attested. The taint of sin with which all humans were born thus originated not in the sexual act per se, but in "the first drop of blood (or 129 119 seed) out of which we are created". All were "poor

sinner8" from the moment of their conception, a condition

which would be washed away by the waters of baptism.

Because marital sex was not sinful in itself, couples were

not to be shy about announcing a pregnancy for fear that

others might think them unchaste. This fear was unfounded,

Albrecht assured them, for they were merely following God's 120 command in a state established by God.

A child might be conceived in pleasure, but it was to

be borne with pain. Albrecht discussed the discomforts of

pregnancy in great detail. A woman could expect to suffer

"headaches, dizziness, toothache, bad digestion, various catarrhs, lameness, and weakness in all limbs", as well as 121 unusual cravings in her pregnancy. To help his audi­ ence empathize with the pregnant woman Albrecht asked them to consider the following comparison:

If a person (either a man or a woman) were to carry a stone as heavy as a child for six months - carry it of course not in the womb, but just around the neck or in the hand - how much would that person complain? It would take a strong man to carry such a stone around for so long. Now, think about it: how must a poor, weak woman feel (who has previously been called the weaker vessel (1 Pet. 5:7)) when she must carry this burden day and night for nine whole months?1••

Albrecht traced the origin of these pains to Eve's sin

(Gen 3:16), as well as to woman's lust and her penchant for 123 finery. The months of pregnancy were a treacherous time for a woman, and, in addition to praying to God for 130 patience and hie protection, she was to avoid any circum­ stances which could harm the infant or induce premature birth or even miscarriage: these circumstances included anger, depression, immoderate eating and drinking, hard work, falls, sudden movements, running, dancing, riding, 124 and frights. A woman who drank to excess during her 125 pregnancy could only produce an alcoholic child; moreover, in the seventeenth century it was still believed that what a woman felt or saw could severely deform a child. Johann Spangenberg told the tale of a woman of

Eisenach who, terrified by a malicious neighbor, gave birth 126 to a rat-like child; in 1558 a frivolous pregnant woman of Mansfeld witnessed the execution of two bandits on the wheel: she was later said to have produced a child 127 whose arms and legs were broken.

Even greater than the pains and dangers of pregnancy were those associated with childbirth. These pains, too, stemmed from God's curse upon Eve, and thus were suffered 128 by all women regardless of social standing. Giving birth was certainly more dangerous than any man's work:

A man's work is hard, but it doesn't kill him. On the other hand, a poor woman in her labor pains must often work herself to death, and her soul departs. Many times one must rip the child from her body, or cut it out, as many examples would tell us. Thus did Euripides' Medea say, "I would rather go into battle three times than to give birth once. ,,M 131

Nor in many cases did the pains cease after childbirth:

women often experienced discomfort for several weeks after

the delivery. For this reason, Albrecht explained, God had

established the custom of childbed, the six weeks' confine­

ment of a woman after giving birth. The Levitical mandate

of childbed as a period of purification had of course been

abrogated by the New Covenant, but God still wished that

the practice of childbed be retained in order to allow the 130 woman to recuperate. Many women, however, ignored

God's advice, abandoned their beds within a few short

weeks, and subsequently suffered grievous injury; unsympa­

thetic husbands forced other women to resume their strenu­

ous household duties before they had completely recov- 131 ered.

Throughout the pains and dangers of pregnancy, child­

birth, and childbed women were to keep in mind the holiness of their work. Albrecht echoed Johann Matthesius' asser­ tion that, like the minister in his pulpit or the soldier on the battlefield, the woman who died in childbirth died 132 in her calling, and was therefore blessed. Despite the curse of labor pains, and the derision of Catholic critics, pregnancy and childbirth, like marriage itself, were honor­ able and pleasing to God:

God created it, so it is an honorable calling, much more honorable than all those nuns and Beguines who praise their harsh orders so highly and slander matri­ mony as a fleshly stand within which one cultivates lust. I ask them: who gave them their order and rules? They might answer: this or that abbot. Where did he 132

come from? Answer: the Pope. Where did he come from? From the Pharisees, whom Christ called the vipers' brood (Matt. 3:7) Where do pregnant women get their pregnant bodies? From God. These pains? From God, who said, "I shall increase your labor and your groaning...." Thus they have a proper godly call­ ing, the likes of which those in orders can't claim.* Ja

Albrecht further Informed women that it was God's will

that they nurse their own children. Recent scholarship has provided numerous detailed studies of breastfeeding and wetnursing in the early modern era, often linking the de­ cline of wetnursing and the rise of maternal breastfeeding not only with a sinking Infant mortality rate from the late seventeenth century, but also with the advent of "modern" 134 parental affection. How prevalent the practice was in

1646 NOrdlingen of sending out infants to wetnurses cannot be accurately determined, but Albrecht apparently believed that it was a significant enough problem to warrant specif­ ic discussion. Albrecht called breastfeeding Christian, right, and natural. A biblical example of a pious woman who nursed her own child was Hannah, mother of Samuel (1 135 Sam. 1:22-24); and though there was in fact no scrip­ tural evidence that Mary had nursed the infant Christ, both

Lutheran and Catholic authorities, Albrecht asserted, 136 taught that she had done so. Lutheran theologians 137 agreed that women were to nurse their infants, and yet many women did not, either out of ignorance or wickedness.

This situation Albrecht deplored; indeed, his sermon in 133 defense of maternal breastfeeding contains some of his most nimble arguments and most biting criticisms of human behavior.

The pagans said that neither God nor Nature created anything in vain. If this were true, Albrecht asked his female listeners, why, in their minds, had God given them breasts? "Certainly not as a decoration, or for one to expose casually and thus excite the young men into lech- 138 ery," but rather to feed and nourish their young.

Albrecht believed that God also expressed his wish that women nurse their infants by filling their breasts with 139 milk only when they gave birth. Nature as well taught women to breastfeed through the examples of other mammals: lions, wolves, and bears were ferocious animals, and yet they nursed their young, as did bats, sea cows, whales, and 140 porpoises. Even dragons, he said, nursed their young.

Thus it was a pity that Christian women should be worse than the dumb beasts and repudiate what Nature had planted 141 in all creatures.

Albrecht provided further arguments in support of mater­ nal breastfeeding. That God had placed the breasts not on a woman's feet, but on her chest, near the heart, indicated that a woman who had heartfelt love for her child could not deny it her breast; to do so would be an "inhuman, horrible 142 thing". Albrecht also suggested that infants had an innate, though limited, knowledge of classical languages: 134

Tell me, Mother, what is your child's first word? Isn't it Mamma? What does Mamma mean? It means breast, udder, that dn which one sucks. Now listen I Your poor child is screaming and asking you in all your benevolent motherly love to give him your Mammam or breast. How can you have such a hard, brazen heart and not want to offer it to him? Any sensible person can decide whether that shouldn't create a bad conscience. And when a mother is so impious and refuses to do it, then the child screams and cries and nobody can quiet him. Why? He's complaining about his cruel mother, who,has so grossly forgotten all motherly love....*♦*

Children who were nursed by their mothers loved and re­ spected their mothers more than did those who had been entrusted to wetnurses:

A child never loves a mother who bore him but did not nurse him as much as that child does whose mother both gave him birth and nursed him. That first child has only half a mother and half a love. If mothers want to be beloved of their children when they are grown, they should show them motherly love in their child­ hood. ‘ * 4

Indeed, it was believed that a mother's refusal to breast­ feed her child could inflict medical and psychological damage to them both. If a mother did not nurse her child, 145 her milk could turn sour and Induce serious illness.

An Infant became accustomed to its own mother's nourishment in the womb; a change of diet, in the form of another wom- 146 an's milk, could be lethal to a fragile baby. "For­ eign milk" could also completely change the child's humors and personality. It was said that children who drank 147 goat's milk grew up lecherous; as the infant drank the wetnurse's milk it also imbibed her vices. One child who had had a wanton wetnurse began to chase girls at the age

of ten, and wicked wetnurses were largely to blame for the 148 monstrous Caligula and drunken Tiberius. Wealthy

women, too lazy and vain about their figures to nurse their

children, would be dumbfounded when their children began to

display a variety of dreadful vices; the source of the chil- 149 dren's misbehavior was clearly immoral wetnurses.

Martin Chemnitz, one of the leading theologians of the late sixteenth century, attributed the rise in prostitution to the growing popularity of wetnurses: attracted by the comfortable life afforded the wetnurse, they intentionally became pregnant, then offered their services to rich 150 women. "If women weren't so lazy, soft, and impious that they had to hire wetnurses, such a loose slut wouldn't 151 dare do something like this," Albrecht declared. In­ deed, a woman who refused to breastfeed her child did not 152 deserve to be called a mother, but a "stepmother".

In conclusion, Albrecht recommended that Christian mothers nurse their own infants if they wished to insure that their children grew up pious, chaste, and disciplined.

Of course, there were some women who were physically unable to nurse their children; in such cases they were instructed to seek out virtuous married women to serve as wetnurses.

It would be better to raise the infant on water or beer, he said, than to hand it over to a prostitute turned wet- 153 nurse! Maternal breastfeeding had bountiful rewards: 136

In addition to the deepened love a child felt for its mother, there was also a greater measure of gratitude:

It can happen that your child will have to feed and nourish you. If you breastfed that child, he vill think, "My mother nourished me vith her own blood and nursed me vith her milk. Aye, I would have to be an ungrateful fellow to deny her food...."1*4

Finally, breastfeeding was part of the joy of motherhood:

I won't mention the joy which mothers get from nursing, during which they play with their Infants and their heartfelt love is inflamed even more....1**

A more quantifiable problem than the abuse of wetnurs­ ing was the high mortality rate among infants and children.

A quick look at resident baptism and burial statistics for

1645 and 1646 NBrdlingen attests that that city, like the rest of early modern Europe, was all too aware of the 156 frailty of young life:

1635 Baptisms:...... 131 Burials: - Total residents (Adults, children, infants) . . 164 - Infants (under 1 year) ...... 39

1636 Baptisms:...... 226 Burials: - Total residents...... 146 - I n f a n t s ...... 75

When a child of one year, one month, oreven one day died, Albrecht observed, parents often began to grumble and question God's judgment. Mothers in this situation felt the greatest frustration:

I carried this child of mine with great pains for nine months, I gave birth to it in mortal danger, and now, when I should be experiencing joy in it and vith it, God comes and takes it away. What use was giving birth? What was the use of those labor pains that I endured for it?**7 137

Indeed, it might seem unfair to many that God allowed

some people to live 60 or 70 years or even longer and yet

extinguished the life of a child who might have grown up to 156 be a minister or secular ruler, but Christians were to

keep in mind at all times the words of Job, "The Lord gives

and the Lord takes away” (Job 1:21). Again, children were

not the parents' outright possessions, but were rather

"movable property” ("fahrende Haab") loaned to them by 159 God. For this reason parents had no right to begrudge

God's repossession of what was his. Moreover, all humans had an appointed tenure on this earth known only to God

(Job 14:5), a life span predetermined to the exact year, 160 month, day, and minute. The wages of sin were death, and all humans were born sinners; it was God's choice when those wages were paid, whether early or late in life (Rom.

6:23)

Couples whose children died young were to console them­ selves that God had not destroyed their young, but had mere- 161 ly removed them. Many had been removed from spoiling 162 or uncaring parents, while all had been spared the seductions of this wicked world: it was better that a father see his young child in the grave than his grown 163 child on the gallows. Parents were also to consider the possibility that God had removed their children because he knew that, had they lived, they would have been bad, dis­ obedient children, seduced in later life or perhaps killed 136 164 In a duel. It was only natural that parents would

mourn their lost children, but, Albrecht warned, this was

to be done with moderation and In the remembrance of the 165 reunion of all the faithful In Heaven.

Hu§bands_and_Wives, PS££Qts_and_Children

Albrecht borrowed a rather unusual analogy from Johann

Spangenberg to describe the Christian household:

A household can be compared to a fine monastic order. The cloister is the house itself, around which God has made a sturdy wall in the Sixth and Tenth Commandments to protect it from intruders; the prior is the father, the head...; the abbess is the mother, who keeps her eye on the doings of the household (Prov. 31:27). There are many orders: in the beginning there were the Benedictines, who were blessed by God...; soon there were the Crusaders, on whom God placed many crosses and sufferings,...the Carthusians, who lacked meat and food,...and then the mendicants, who were so poor that they went about barefoot and naked....They all have rules by which each knows what he should or should not do. Harried people should be one flesh, and they too have their canonical hours when they pray, in the morning, when they go to work,...and in the evening, when they go to bed, entrusting themselves and their children body and soul to God's protection....Isn't that a lovely order? It's more useful and more necessary than any order of monks or nuns that can be found among the papists....*•‘

The essential duties of a Christian Hausvatter were threefold: to provide for, protect, and govern his fami- 167 ly. Scripture commanded that a man provide both food and clothing for his family: 1 Tim. 5:6 taught that "if anyone does not make provisions for his relations, and es­ pecially for members of his own household, he has denied the faith and is worse than an unbeliever.” Man and wife 139

were one flesh (Gen. 2:24); no one ever hated his own body,

but provided and cared for It (Eph. 5:29); thus a san who

denied his wife food and clothing brought harm upon himself

as well. Nature also mandated that males support their

young. If male lions and birds loved and provided for

their offspring, should not Christian men do likewise for 168 their children, who otherwise had no means of support?

Indeed, not to support one's family was un-Lutheran and in

violation of the catechism, the Lord's Prayer, the commun- 169 ion ceremony, and the vows of baptism. For this reason Albrecht advised men who wished to marry to consider seriously their ability to support a family, an especially difficult task in the continuing shadow of the Thirty

Years' War:

People often jump into marriage without any thought beforehand; it's enough if a young man gets a wife or a daughter gets a husband, and they don't consider wheth­ er they know enough to be able to support themselves. Afterwards it becomes like Cana, where the reproaches flew on the first day, and one wished the worst for the other. For this reason one must pay great attention to the household.17 0

Albrecht recognized that there were many Christian men lis­ tening who despite all efforts found it impossible to sup­ port their families under the current wartime conditions.

These men the superintendent comforted with the reminder that God would provide for them, as indeed he undoubtedly 171 had already for many Nttrdlingen families. 140

The second duty of a Christian Hausvatter vas to pro­

tect his family from all harm, even if It cost him his 172 life. Not only vas he to protect family members from

physical injury, but he vas also to defend their honor and

maintain the peace at home. The "marriage devil” Asmodeus

employed his wiles to break apart marriages through discord

and dishonor. He made wives disobedient toward their hus­

bands, he caused young couples to fight under the pressures 173 of wartime shortages, and he utilized stepchildren,

servants, and neighbors to inflame arguments between 174 spouses. There were also many wicked people in the

world who schemed to destroy the reputations of spouses, 175 such as seducers, rapists, and slanderers. The Haus­ vatter was, vith God's help, to defend his family from all these evils. Those who spread rumors about family members were to be brought before the local government for punish- 176 ment; couples could best avert slander by leading vir­ tuous lives. Hen should avoid bad company, drunkenness, and cursing, while women were not to be insubordinate to­ ward their husbands, run around town, or visit "suspicious 177 houses".

The third duty of a husband vas to govern his family. 178 He vas the "commander of his house", charged with maintaining order and discipline among family members. He vas to be especially careful in his relationship with his wife: as the weaker vessel, she vas dependent upon and 141

subject to him, but he was by no means to treat her as a 179 slave or doormat. True, Scripture prescribed that

women must fear their husbands (Eph. 5s33), but this was

not to be a servile fear which caused a woman to tremble

before her mate, but a loving fear in which she recognized 180 him as her head and loved, respected, and obeyed him.

The husband was to make certain that his wife conducted her

household duties diligently and seek her advice on appro­

priate matters. How Pilate and Julius Caesar must have 181 wished that they had listened to their wives 1 In all

his dealings with his spouse the husband was to steer a

middle course, neither too lax or too strict, for to be too

lax would be to abdicate all authority in the home, and to be too strict would be to subjugate his wife to harsh 182 tyranny.

To be sure, there were many men who abused their author­ ity and played the lion in their homes (Sir. 4:30). Such men Albrecht called "house-fools” ("Haus-Narren") and

Nabals, after the churlish husband of Abigail (1 Sam. 25).

A Nabal was Impious, seldom to be seen at church services; when he did attend he would laugh at the sermon and leave early; when brought before the minister for correction he would promise reformation, then immediately break his 183 word. He was bullheaded, he never listened to his wife's sound advice, and he often looked upon his family 184 "as if he wished to eat them”. He only thought of 142 today, never planning for the future, and thus never set 185 aside provisions for possible shortages. He abused his vife, beating her, even breaking her arm over the slightest mistake or, worse yet, in a drunken fit:

Many show their manhood when they're full and drunk, beating the wife and children out of the house. "Can you see that I'm the master of this house?" In a for­ bidden way, when they seem insane,...cursing and swearing to the point that the house could collapse. Wife and child tremble body and soul as if the Devil himself were there; all the money that they've earned disappears; he says nothing good to the wife, saying, "I'm the master of the house!". Or else he associates with other good-for-nothings and runs out of the house at night into all sorts of haunts; and when the wife punishes him for this, asking why he does this, he hits her and kicks her like a dog, saying, "I have all the power to do what I want! Why? Because I'm the master of the house!"*••

He believed all rumors against his wife without question, 187 immediately running to the government for a divorce.

He vas given to laziness, bad company, gluttony, heavy drinking, and whoring, oblivious to the welfare of his starving family. In many cases he would end up swinging from the gallows, to the great shame of his surviving 188 family.

Hen of this sort could be found in every level of society. In return, they were abhorred by all society:

The Devil is so powerful that he blinds them, and they don't see the danger, shame, and ridicule into which he has led them. Everyone looks at them, talks badly about them, "That is the impious, accursed man”, "blas­ phemer", "snorter”, "harsh Nabal", and "unsympathetic dog”, "He doesn't deserve to have a vife and child. 143

Before a man entered the state of matrimony, he was to

ask himself whether he could maintain the "middle course"

of a Christian Hausyatter's rule, or whether he was so

spiteful and stubborn that he too would follow in the foot­

steps of Nabal. If more people in NOrdlingen had reflected

upon this question before they had married, Albrecht sug­

gested,

much unhappiness would be prevented; but when one just leaps in without any consideration things go as they may, and it's no wonder when the rule becomes a tyran­ ny. We unfortunately have enough examples of this in our city....‘•0

Albrecht proposed a cooperation between local ministers and government to deal with men who abused their authority as Hausv&tter:

The ministers do so in the pulpit when they zealously discuss this subject, for if any teaching is needed in this city, it's this one, think of it what one may. If preaching doesn't help, then the ministers should visit these men privately and try to stir their consciences with God's Word; as long as they remain such Nabals that they refuse to reform, they should be refused confession and Holy Communion. The government should offer the ministry its hand and punish in various ways these stubborn house-fools who place no value on either God or his Word, so that all disorder in the house­ hold will be cleared away and the wrath of God averted.‘* 1

Women who were married to Nabals were advised to toler­ ate their husbands. Indeed, in seventeenth-century NBrd- lingen they had no choice but to remain vith their hus­ bands, as only adultery or desertion were considered behav- 192 ioral grounds for divorce. As it was likely that her wicked husband ignored his household duties, it vas 144

necessary that she become more diligent in the execution of

her responsibilities to guard the entire household from 193 economic ruin. Tyrannical husbands were sent to women

either as a punishment or as a test of faith; in either

case, a woman was to take comfort in the thought that hers

was not an eternal marriage. Though the law forced them to

remain together in life, in death they would finally part 194 and follow separate paths - she to Heaven, he to Hell!

The Christian Hausmutter had three primary responsibil­

ities as well: she was to be obedient to her husband, be

pious and moral, and maintain a good household. Women were to remember that God had created woman from man for man, and that God in his wisdom had made woman subject to man as 195 punishment for Eve's sin. Moreover, the natural order taught women that they were to be obedient to men, for men were the stronger of the species and women were dependent 196 upon them for food and protection. God was male, as were the angels in the Bible; and men filled the foremost occupations in society:

Who rules land and people? - the man. Who feeds and protects the subjects? - the man. Who feeds the wife and children? - the man. Who invents all arts and sciences? - the man. Who plows the field? - the man. Who travels through the land? - the man. Who sails the sea? - the man. Who does all the work? - the man. Who conducts all trade and business? - the man. And so on.1,7 145

Thus a wife was to yield to her husband's superiority

in all matters that were not contrary to God's lav. She

was not to be critical of his faults, as she certainly was 198 not perfect herself. Again, hers was not to be a ser­

vile obedience, but a heartfelt desire to follow her hus- 199 band's will. Love should not merely be on a woman's

tongue, but should be visible in her obedience as 200 well. Host of all, a woman was not to make a fool of her husband by seizing the leadership of the household.

The "Siemann”, or the domineering woman, was a stock figure in the "TeufelbUcher” and other literature from late medi­ eval times; Luther as well had found her to be a most repul- 201 sive and sinful figure. In his discussion of the husband's duties Albrecht made frequent reference to the grasping, domineering "Siemann”, which he believed was a gross violation of Scripture and the natural order. It was only natural, he believed, that women would want to rule, so when they were given the least amount of license they would begin to thirst for complete dominance over their 202 husbands. Only a fool and an impious man would permit his wife to rule his house, Albrecht said; it would be as if the wife had forced him to put on her clothing. A tyrannical woman inevitably brought ruin upon her house­ hold: men were therefore to guard against possible house coups and women were to remember their ordered place within 203 the household. 146

The second essential duty of a housewife was that she

remain pious and virtuous. Wealth and good parents were

not enough to make a woman a good wife, Albrecht warned: 204 she must be chaste as well. She was to maintain a

virtuous manner, avoiding all bawdy songs, gossip, and

swearing. Those who wished to sample how well supposedly

Christian women could curse were advised to visit the local 205 market and buy a half-penny's worth from themt

Albrecht presented the example of Jezebel to demon­ strate to women personality traits to be shunned. A

Jezebel, he taught, was an impious woman who loved her livestock more than God; she might pay lipservice to true religion, but then she would lead her husband and children astray with her superstition and attempt to drive the local 206 minister out of town. A Jezebel was vain and sensual, occupying her entire day with making up her face, playing with her jewelry, standing before her mirror, and then run­ ning off into town in clothes which revealed her arms and breasts, hoping to entice the men into immorality. Pagan women, Albrecht noted, would have preferred death to such shameless behavior, and yet a Jezebel revelled in it. A

Jezebel was lascivious, willing to play both the seductress and the seduced; she was greedy and unjust, and had a tongue as sharp and poisonous as a scorpion's sting; her husband was ashamed of her, and she brought financial ruin 207 upon her household. God gave such women as wives to 147

men either as a test of their faith or as a punishment,

either for their wild lives as bachelors or for marrying 208 without parental consent. Too many men chose wives one the basis of beauty alone, Albrecht complained again, without consideration of possible personality flaws, and thus found themselves wed to Jezebels:

When one marries one often.only looks at the outward gifts, like beauty, riches, and genteel lineage. Nobody thinks about piety, and when one begins without God, then it goes on without him, and there is nothing to expect but disaster. Nobody buys a horse without asking about all its flaws and looking it over from every angle; no house is bought without one first going through every room and looking around before the sale is made. But into that bargain that lasts longest, often until the end of one's life, one jumps so uncau- tiously that one asks neither God nor a good friend about it, and it turns out that he embitters his whole life. What's best is that one can resell a horse or a house, but one must keep his millstone and carry it around until separated by death....*0*

Hen whose wives were impious and immoral were to at­ tempt to reform them by pointing out their faults to them and sending them to church; if these measures failed they were to resort to the government, which knew how to correct 210 and punish such people. As in the case of women mar­ ried to "Nabals”, these unfortunate men were compelled by law to remain with their wives until death, at which time

God would either send them virtuous Christian wives in place of their Jezebels or, if they had died themselves, release them from their "purgatory" on earth to enjoy the 211 peace and unity of Heaven. 148

The third duty of a Christian wife was that she manage her household efficiently. Every city needed a guard to watch its gates and preserve the city from all harm; so a

Christian housewife was to be the "guard" of her house, watching over and administering all activity within it.

Her ability was to give her husband such confidence that, when he was absent, he need not worry about the state of his household, and her diligence was to save her husband 212 work and allow him to rest. To symbolize a woman's loyalty to her household the Greeks had painted images of women on snails, with the following story: Once upon a time there was a wedding, to which Jupiter had invited all the animals. The snail arrived very late to the wedding, and when later asked by the god for an explanation, he answered that one's own hearth was better than anything. In his * anger Jupiter decreed that, if his home pleased the snail so much, he could carry it on his back. So a woman should be, the moral went: her home was to please her above all else, and she was to be happy to stay at home and maintain it; if she needed to leave the house, it would only be briefly, on business, and while away she would constantly 213 keep her house in mind.

Indeed, Albrecht considered one of the primary elements of "domesticity” to be a woman's willingness to remain at home. The ancient Germans had had the custom that when women married they would remove their shoes and nail them 149 to the wall as a sign of their intent to stay at home; nowa­ days, Albrecht lamented, women ran about town 'is if it 214 were Fasching". To remain at home, he admitted, was not enough, for many lazy women stayed home and did no­ thing. The virtuous wife worked. The most common house­ hold task for women was spinning; when women span they were to think of the "inventor” of spinning, the spider, which

Pliny had called the model of domesticity for its 215 diligence. In managing the household women were to keep in mind the beehive, remarkable for its smooth opera­ tions and efficiency. This management included dealing with the servants, who were to be closely supervised. The good housewife did not merely ask her servants whether they had completed their chores, but inspected their work her- 216 self to insure that it had been done properly. House­ hold management was not an easy task: a woman needed exten­ sive training to master all the facets of her household duties. For this reason it was essential that mothers teach their daughters the domestic arts from an early age, however difficult it might be to convince girls, or upper-class mothers, of the necessity of this education:

Many daughters would like to have a husband, but they don't think of housekeeping, but of whoring, drinking, here and there enticing and gawking at bachelors. Later, when they marry, they think it'll go on as be­ fore; they can't do anything, nor do they want to do anything. They live in such a way that the dog and the cat are the best creatures in the house....The mothers are highly responsible for this, for they train Ctheir daughters^ not in housekeeping, but in arrogance and frivolity, thinking that it would be an insult to their 150

social status if the young miss put her hand in the muck and learned a task properly.a17

The woman who ignored her duties, or who was constantly seen leaning out of her window gossiping or running about town, or who stayed in bed until the midday meal was served did not deserve to be called a Hausfrau, but an "Aus- 218 frau”, and she brought economic disaster and shame upon her husband; conversely, a woman who was a diligent housekeeper was a joy to her husband, and together they 219 would enjoy the temporal and eternal blessings of God.

Together husband and wife had a fourth responsibility:

"the instruction, and the correction, which belong to a

Christian upbringing” (Eph. 6:4). (Albrecht noted that although Paul in this passage had actually addressed fa­ thers alone, he had not intended that mothers be excluded 220 from sharing in this responsibility.) This instruction and correction had four facets, which the

Nttrdlingen superintendent represented as the four teachers in life. First there was the theologian, or the minister, who led his flock to Christ. Then there was the schoolteacher, who instructed youth in the languages a n d . arts so useful to society. Third was the ethics teacher, the Hausvatter, who instilled moral values in his children. The fourth teacher was the craftsman, who trained one in his calling. The cooperation of these four teachers was vital if society were to have good people, 221 good Christians, and good citizens. Albrecht had

preached at length on the church and the school as builders 222 of character; now he turned to the crucial teacher,

whose Influence often determined success or failure among

all the others: the parent.

Albrecht employed a simile very familiar to early

modern pedagogues and theologians when he enjoined

Christian parents to think of their children as young 223 plants. A child, he explained, was "planted in

Christ” through baptism, watered with Scripture, pruned

through strict discipline, and espaliered on a career.

Like a plant, a child was most pliable when it was young,

so it was best to bend and shape it, that is, to mold its

character, at as early an age as possible. Just as a tree grew harder and more unyielding with age, so a child as it 224 grew became less impressionable; parents who delayed exposing their children to the rudiments of piety, educa­ tion, and discipline often found that their offspring had become unteachable, intractable, and thoroughly wicked.

Piety was not an innate virtue, Albrecht said; for this reason it was necessary that Christian parents introduce their young children to the concept of God and the habit of 225 worship. They were to take their children to church, 226 question them about the sermon, and pray with them.

Intensive study and explication of the articles of faith and the Catechism would later take place in the church and 152

classroom, but it was considered essential that parents

begin early in a child's life to support its spiritual

growth. As was often said in the local funeral sermons,

the religious lessons learned as a child would be retained 227 throughout life.

Parents were to be equally supportive of their chil­

drens' secular education. Schools benefited all of soci­

ety, as it trained ministers, scholars, doctors, lawyers,

and civil magistrates, as well as moral, disciplined, good 228 citizens and Hausvfitter who could read their Bibles.

Infants certainly were not born with scholarly knowledge,

children could not teach themselves, nor were most parents 229 were qualified to teach them; thus were they obliged

to send their children to school and, a clear and ominous

message to many in the audience, pay their childrens' quar- 230 terly tuition promptly. What a better world it would

be, Albrecht declared, if we spent our money on schools 231 rather than on soldiers I

Perhaps the most difficult element of a Christian

upbringing was discipline. Here parents needed to find a

"happy medium”, neither too lax nor too strict with their

children, for deviation in either direction could be

harmful to them and their offspring in both temporal and eternal terms. Lax discipline had many roots, Albrecht observed: the devil's wiles, uncaring godparents, or the 232 absence of prayer in the family. One of the most 153

common sources, however, was the parents' excessive love

for their children. Parental love was natural, but many

parents developed a blind love, an "Affenliebe", which 233 drove them to spoil their children. Mothers were

often to blame for beginning the process:

Such unorderly love is sometimes found in both parents, but especially in the mothers, who don't know how to use their love properly. If the father wants to be stern and hit Cthe child]], the mother intervenes, tears the child out of his hand and says, "Hey! that child is mine! It was painful enough for me when I brought it into the world." With that domestic discipline is suspended, and if the father doesn't want a bad marriage he must give in, which certainly isn't right. When the servants see that, they won't do anything, for the mother will be hostile to anyone who so much as says a word against the little suckling babe. 0, that impious, foolish blind lovel"*4

Other parents undermined their childrens' discipline by themselves leading undisciplined lives, cursing, never at­ tending church, criticizing the minister, fighting, carous­ ing, and chasing women. Still other parents were too im­ mersed in their businesses to worry about their childrens' welfare:

What I have to say is incredible, but it's true: people pay more attention to their livestock and cattle than to their children. When a man has a number of animals, he takes care of them, he can't do enough for them. If one is sick, he hires a servant or a dairymaid, who must watch over the cow day and night....But when one has a house full of children, when does it ever occur to him that he should hire them a teacher, or even just send them to school? No Hausvatter goes to bed without making sure that all his livestock are in their stalls, and if one pig is missing, then he'll run through the whole town looking for it. But who asks where his child is? where it's hiding? He thinks, "It'll find its way; when it's run around long enough, it'll come home on its own". . . . CSuch parentsj don't think they're so bad because they've amassed a lot of money for their 154

children, believing that the children are helped enough when they've got money and possessions.... Thus it happens that one often pays more attention to wealth than to wisdom, with the result that discipline is noticeably hindered.•■*

Albrecht in fact recommended harsher discipline for the

children of the wealthy than for farmers' children, noting

that an undisciplined, wicked adult in the government was

more harmful to society than a mean farmer in the 236 fields. Children who grew up without proper

discipline, and the parents who raised them, often met

wretched ends. Go outside the city walls, Albrecht sug­

gested, and look at the dogs chewing on the bones of 237 Nttrdlingen's bad childrent It was not uncommon that

badly-raised children would die on the gallows, where they

would publicly denounce their parents:

There have been many young people who have come into the hands of the hangman who have cried from the gallows, "If my parents had raised me better I wouldn't have come to this fate - they spoiled me - may God bring them to their graves...."■*•

There is a well-known story about a young man who was ruined through his parents' negligence, so that he fell into disgrace and. vice and ultimately was sentenced to the gallows. On the ladder he requested that his mother be allowed to come to him; when she did, he acted as though he wished to whisper something in her ear, but then he bit it off, saying, ”0, you impious mother I Had you raised me better, the hangman wouldn't be doing this to me!">a*

Luther had said that parents could in no better way merit the torments of Hell than by ignoring their chil- 240 dren; Albrecht added that bad children would stand as 155

accusers against their negligent parents at the Last Judg- 241 ment. To be sure, Albrecht did not vish that parents

be overly strict toward their children, for such abuse

could inflict both physical and psychological damage: in

many cases, he recognized, an angry father could be more 242 brutal than a hangman. What the NOrdlingen superin­

tendent advocated was moderation in discipline. Punishment

was not to terrify a child, but rather to improve him.

Just as a gardener found it necessary from time to time to

use a knife to trim and shape a growing young plant, so

loving Christian parents occasionally needed to follow the

advice of Sirach and use the rod of correction on their 243 children. Furthermore, they were not to react "as though a mortal sin had been committed” and create an up- 244 roar whenever a teacher beat their children, but rather ask teachers to administer strict punishment and 245 thank them when they did so. Parents were not only to correct their children, but they were also to pay attention 246 to them and be aware of the company they kept. With proper love, attention, and discipline children would grow up to be a source of pride and joy to their parents, as 247 well as a crutch in their old age.

A final responsibility of parents was to prepare their sons for a career. Education of some sort, Albrecht de­ clared, was the greatest gift that parents could give their children; however, he admitted, not all children were 156 248 equally gifted In the realm of book-learning. Parents whose children proved less promising as scholars were not to force them beyond their capacities; rather they were to 249 steer them toward a career as a craftsman. The proper functioning of society depended upon able people in every occupation, such as ministers, magistrates, farmers, millers, bakers, weavers, and smiths. Though the learned professions carried with them great prestige, the crafts were to be neither ignored nor scoffed: if all were doctors, Albrecht reminded his listeners, all would 250 starve. He therefore recommended that parents observe their less scholarly children closely to determine what they enjoyed, and then find a craft which suited their in­ terests. In no way were parents to be ashamed to make a craftsman out of a child, regardless of the family's social position. It was better that a child learn an honest craft useful to society than to lead the life of a lazy squire 251 who benefited neither God nor the world.

Albrecht discussed the reciprocal duties of children 252 toward their parents but briefly. Here he directed his attention less toward young children "who are still under the rod” than toward adult children, who frequently ignored their filial obligations. NBrdlingen, Albrecht be­ lieved, was plagued with recalcitrant children of all ages:

Nowadays nothing is complained about more than the dis­ obedience and wickedness of children, who won't let themselves be disciplined either verbally or with the rod. If they're young, they're impliable and bad; if 157

they're grown and at the age of discretion, however, they're even worse. They insult their parents, they find fault with them, they even raise their hand against them and hit them - they let them become impoverished in their old age, and won't give them so much as a little piece of bread - they're ashamed of them, especially when Cthe parents^ are common folk. This causes many elderly fathers and mothers to cry bitterly and wish that they had drowned such godless children in their first baths.*

In all of nature, he observed, only humans treated

their parents so disparagingly. Chicks followed the hen,

eaglets flew behind their parents, yet man's nature had

been so perverted by sin that, although a rational crea­

ture, he could not follow and love his parents without the 254 guidance of Scripture. Parents had invested so much

effort, pain, and care in their children: they had given

their children life, educated them, and guided them toward

marriage, but when many children had grown and established

themselves in the world they suddenly looked down upon

their parents as too common, too uneducated, or too poor to 255 merit their respect and obedience. Children, however, were greatly indebted to their parents, and throughout their lives they were to remember their many responsibili­ ties toward them. Children owed their parents respect and love; they were to follow their parents' advice in the development of virtues and to seek their consent when they wished to marry. They were to be patient with their parents, who were only human and therefore prone to err, especially in their old age. Finally, they were to express 158

and display their gratitude both toward their parents for

all that they had done for them and toward their heavenly

Father for having given them Christian parents, for he

easily could have entrusted them to "Turkish, pagan, or

impious" parents who would have led them into spiritual, 256 mortal, and eternal misery.

Xhe_Crgsses_gf_Life

Those who followed Albrecht's advice in his sermons and

led pious, diciplined lives were likely to find great joy

both on earth and in Heaven; however, in this life that joy

would occasionally be subdued by the shadow of the cross.

Young couples were to remember that the cross was the "but"

("doch”) in life: when they wed they were very happy, "but"

in time life's many crosses would surface within their mar­ riage to test their faith, their patience, and their love 257 for each other. There were three major crosses to be found in a Christian marriage: illness, marital strife, and poverty.

Albrecht's discussion of bad marriages and poverty was essentially a recapitulation of the lessons of previous sermons; those entrapped in unhappy marriages he exhorted to patience, those suffering from want to diligence and 258 economy. Many couples were fortunate enough never to be visited by those trials, but none were exempt from the cross of illness. Illness was inevitable in families, 159

Albrecht taught; indeed, in many homes it seemed that there

was hardly a week in which one family member was not 259 sick. An ailing Hausyatter, the household's provider

and protector, was an especially difficult cross:

It is a heavy cross when the head of the household is bedridden, for then everything languishes. The mother is distressed, the children stand around the bed, Call] grieving and weeping, their tears pouring down their cheeks, calling and crying, "0, my father! my father! Will death take you away from us? What will become of me, a poor widow, and us, abandoned orphans?"•* 0

Albrecht observed that although the ultimate source of illness was the sin of Adam and Eve, people also frequently made themselves sick through immoderate habits in eating and drinking. When illness struck, a Christian was to be patient, reflect upon past sins,; and contemplate the Joys of eternal life. Host importantly, one was to surrender to

God's will, accepting death if it came, thanking God if in his wisdom and omnipotence he effected a miraculous 261 cure. Albrecht reminded his listeners to care for and be patient with their ailing spouses, whom they had vowed to love in sickness and health; those who comforted the sick and dying, whether family members or neighbors, would 262 reap rich rewards at the Last Judgment.

Just as inevitable as illness within a family was death. A good marriage in which two hearts had grown to be 263 one was the happiest life on earth; thus it was diffi­ cult for spouses to endure the greatest pain, the death of 160

a spouse, which tore apart those two hearts. The ancients,

Albrecht said, had had an emblem which portrayed God hold­

ing a chain which bound the hands and bodies of a couple to

one another. Behind the couple crept a figure with a key

to open the massive lock which secured the chain, thereby

removing the bonds and separating the spouses. The figure,

of course, was Death, who had found the key to the lock in 264 man's sin. Young couples especially were to remember

that death made an end to marriage, and that it could come

swiftly and unexpectedly. Too often, Albrecht warned,

young people were too much in love to think of death; they

made plans for the future, blind to the possibility that

one might suddenly and, in the eyes of men, prematurely be 265 removed by death. As Albrecht had stressed before,

God had established for every person on this earth a specif- 266 ic lifespan; as it was impossible for humans to know

in advance their hour of death, it was essential that they prepare themselves throughout their lives for its arrival.

The methods of lifelong spiritual preparation for death were familiar to the Nfirdlingen congregation; in addition,

Albrecht suggested that people set their earthly houses in order to avoid any squabbles among family members over their inheritance either around the deathbed or following 267 one's death. The death of a spouse was indeed a pain­ ful experience, but, as had been advised throughout the funeral sermons, mourning was to be in moderation, and the 161

survivors were to remember that the deceased was now

released from the crosses of life and awaiting them in

Heaven, where all would be reunited to enjoy God's 266 blessings into eternity.

Albrecht's final sermons focussed upon three spe­

cial problems in marriage: adultery, desertion, and di- 269 vorce. Albrecht considered adultery to be the most shameful, damaging, and accursed of all vices, for it vio­

lated the state which God had established in the Garden of 270 Paradise. An adulterer, he taught, was like the cuckoo: a cuckoo laid its eggs in other birds' nests in order to avoid the bother of hatching them; the adulterer avoided the many responsibilities associated with marriage and stashed his or her illegitimate children in strangers' homes. The cuckoo forgot where it had left its young; so too the adulterer forgot about his pregnant mistress. The cuckoo was hated by all; the adulterer was scorned by God 271 and the world.

Indeed, the adulterer brought shame and financial ruin onto his entire family, as well as a blot on his own character "which neither the Rhine nor the Danube could 272 wash away”. Adultery damaged a person both body and soul. Not only did the adulterer through his sin break all ten Commandments at once, but he was also susceptible to various maladies, including lice, the *French disease”, and 273 other "beggars' diseases”. Perhaps most tormenting, 162

however, were the pangs of conscience which eventually

haunted the adulterer:

...Finally the conscience awakens and says, "Look! You committed this and that adulterous act; there and there you pleased an innocent person and destroyed her honor and her modesty. How you undoubtedly have a wrathful God and eternal damnation! Oh, God, how will you survive?” That is an inexpressible pain which often drives one in his death throes to reveal the little bit of whoring which he committed twenty years ago, if it doesn't first drive him to utter despair and suicide...."•T 4

As, in Albrecht's words, "nobody pays attention to our

poor sermons, but lets us scream our throats out" on the

subject of adultery, he suggested that the secular govern­

ment "boldly grasp the ministry by the arm” and together 275 punish adulterers in Ntirdlingen. "Punish," he cried,

"punish, dear government, punish, bravely pull out your sword against all immorality.. . " ; if adultery remained unchecked God would punish the entire city, as indeed he 276 had already. The patriarchs had put the adulterer to death (Lev. 20:10), a practice which had been reaffirmed as recently as 1562 in Saxony; "unfortunately”, Albrecht noted, in his age the whip had replaced the sword, but no adulterer could escape the eternal punishment which God 77 exacted.

Another common marital problem in the seventeenth 278 century was desertion. It was not unusual in this period that a husband occasionally was absent from his family for great lengths of time, either for business 163

purposes or to fight In the ever-continuing war; however,

Albrecht said, there were also many men and women who

abandoned their families without any legitimate reason or

calling. This was malicious desertion, in which one spouse

left his or her family without the consent of the other,

allowing years to pass without contacting the family or, 279 more importantly, sending it financial support. Deser­

tion broke the bond of marriage and was a sin against both

the God who established marriage and the minister who had 260 wed the couple. Desertion also implied adultery, for

it was difficult to believe that one who had so callously

abandoned a spouse had had the conscience to remain 281 chaste.

In an age when travel and communications were slow it

was often difficult for authorities to determine true cases

of abandonment. To help prevent confusion between spouses

Albrecht recommended that a man go to war or away on busi­

ness only with his wife's previous knowledge and consent.

He was not to remain away longer than was necessary; many

men, it seemed, found the current war a convenient excuse to avoid familial responsibilities for years at a 262 time. If a man was kidnapped or imprisoned while away with his wife's consent, she could not take legal action against him, but was required to wait and pray for his 263 return. Albrecht explained the standard procedure for attempting to locate presumed desertors. First it was to 164

be determined whether the missing person had in fact stated

a reason for leaving; if so, then the person was to be

sought out and encouraged to return. If the person could

not be found, then it was to be announced in an official

proclamation, from pulpits in various locations on three

consecutive Sundays, and in notices posted on the church

doors that that person, or anyone knowing the whereabouts of that person, was to appear before the consistory on a given date. If the missing person failed to appear before the court, the members were to consider the facts of the case, such as the reason for that person's departure and the characters of both the desertor and the deserted, and then pass judgment upon the case, either pronouncing the deserted free from the bonds of marriage or enjoining him 284 or her to continue to wait for the spouse's return.

Indeed, the character of the deserted could strongly influence the consistory's decision whether to grant a divorce on grounds of desertion or not. If a woman were young, pious, and virtuous, had loved her husband, and had not given him just cause to abandon her, she would be granted a divorce if her husband did not return within a short period; if, on the other hand, she were a shrew,

Albrecht believed that she should be advised to wait or look for her husband for a very long time, for it was her 285 tempestuous behavior which had driven him away.

Though various cities did have set waiting periods of four 165

to ten years for desertion cases, Albrecht did not agree

that a city should establish such a prescribed period, for

every case vas different; rather, judges should base their

decisions on the individual circumstances of each 286 case. It vas absolutely necessary that an abandoned

spouse receive the government's permission before remarry­

ing, for simply to assume that the missing person were dead

and remarry could cause, in the vords of the N5rdlingen church order, "various confusion, disturbance, and compli- 287 cations" if the spouse did in fact reappear.

Adultery and desertion were the only circumstances con­ sidered by both Albrecht and the NBrdlingen church order to be acceptable legal grounds for divorce. The Council of

Trent had rejected divorce on any grounds; however, the

Lutheran interpretation of Matt. 5:32 ("If a man divorces his wife for any other cause than unchastity he involves her in adultery; and anyone who marries a divorced voman commits adultery") permitted divorce on the grounds of 288 "Ehe-Bruch", or the breaking of the bonds of marriage.

To Albrecht, adultery and desertion were both forms of

"Ehe-Bruch", for in the act of adultery or desertion the guilty party shattered the marital bond and was no longer 289 one flesh with his or her spouse. Albrecht stressed that in order to be granted a divorce, it was necessary to prove through eyewitness testimony that the charge of adul­ tery was valid, and did not merely stem from mistrust. 166

Even If a spouse had undeniably committed adultery, the

other vas not to haul that person before the local govern­

ment Immediately, but vas privately to attempt a reconcilia­

tion vith the fallen spouse. Only if the spouse displayed

no remorse for his or her sin vas the matter to be brought 290 before the local consistory. The Lutheran consistory,

Albrecht explained, comprised both ministers and magis­

trates, the spiritual authorities to deliberate the theolog­

ical aspects of the case, the secular the legal aspects.

It vas essential that the church be involved in the

process, for not only vere Scripture and the Ten Command­

ments to be the guides in marital cases, but it had been

the ministry vhich had originally joined the couple in 291 matrimony. Folloving Luther, Albrecht advised that,

if a divorce vas indeed granted, the innocent party vas to

vait at least six months, or better yet a year, before

remarrying, lest that person give the impression of being

too eager and of having had an adulterous relationship 292 vhile still married. Albrecht considered either death or banishment fitting punishment for the convicted adulter- A er; that person vas not to be permitted to remarry until 293 the innocent ex-spouse had done so.

Through his sermons on the Hausstand Albrecht hoped to be able to deepen his audience's understanding of Christian marriage and family life. Much of vhat he taught reiter­ ated ideas expressed in the local funeral sermons for over 167

half a century, but in hia aerlea he also had the opportun­

ity to approach topics usually considered inappropriate for

times of bereavement, such as adultery, desertion, divorce,

and the birth of monstrosities. In creating his ovn Ehe-

sgiegel Albrecht in fact mirrored contemporary Lutheran

thought on the subject of domestic values. The signifi­

cance of Albrecht's vork therefore lies not so much in its

original thought, of which there is actually but little,

but in its assimilation of such a large quantity of devo­

tional literature on the subject into a coherent whole.

The values extolled from the pulpit of Nttrdllngen's parish church of St. George on Thursday afternoons echoed those of

Lutheranism's greatest theologians. Further research might reveal whether these same teachings were heard under similar circumstances in other early modern Lutheran cities as well. CONCLUSION

"PATRIARCHAL MODERNITY"?

The city of NBrdlingen was located far from the centers of Lutheran thought, yet the local ministers in their moral teachings demonstrated an amazing degree of familiarity with contemporary Lutheran attitudes and literature. In­ deed, to summarize the teachings of the NOrdlingen clergy on marriage and the family is to summarize those of the majority of Lutheran reformers and theologians in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Point-for-point the

NBrdlingen sermons and devotional literature parallel the most popular Lutheran works of the day on the subjects of the sacred nature of marriage, parental consent, the duties of each member of the household, relationships between family members, and the crosses of life as tests of faith and love. There was also concurrence in the perception, of woman: on the one hand she was "the weaker vessel", subject to her husband in all thingd, naturally inclined toward gossip and finery; on the other hand she was "the queen of the house", supremely capable in running her household, which included not only housekeeping and childrearing, but also thie supervision of the servants and the management of 169

any domestic production. To many in our age this combina­

tion of servility and nobility might seem contradictory, if

not utterly offensive and degrading, but in the seventeenth 1 century it seemed to be a perfectly logical concept.

These teachings remained constant throughout the era: theo­

logians might have argued about the permissible degree of

consanguinity or whether post-nuptual impotence or criminal- 2 ity were also valid grounds for divorce, but in their essential values regarding the estate of marriage Johann

Schmidt, NBrdlingen's Georg Matth&us Beckh, and even the

Pietist Johann Philipp Spener did not differ noticeably from Luther himself.

This homogeneity of thought is evident in the NBrd- lingen funeral sermons. To be sure, the biographies in sermons of the late sixteenth century are briefer and less informative than those of a century later, but this is not due to lack of interest in familial matters in this earlier period, but is rather a testimonial to the expansion - some would say "bloating” - of the seventeenth-century sermon in general. What Friederich Franck and Gottlieb Regner did say about their subjects' domestic lives was offered again and again to mourners throughout the seventeenth century.

Another constant element in early modern Lutheran homiletics and devotional literature was anti-Catholic polemic. The NBrdlingen clergy apparently realized that a funeral was an unseemly time for polemic, but on other 170

occasions they were far less inhibited. Georg Albrecht, it

has been seen, was an especially fervent critic of Catholi­

cism. At every opportunity the superintendent, the refugee

from recatholicized Augsburg, virulently refuted Catholic

claims to the spiritual supremacy of monasticism to matri­

mony. In the face of Catholic propaganda, plus the steady

flow of imperial troops into NOrdlingen, it vas essential

that Albrecht ease any qualms that his congregation might have had regarding marriage and marital sex, so he continu­ ally assured his listeners and readers that marriage vas an estate most pleasing to God and that monasticism, with its fraudulent claims to good works and chastity, vas an impos­ ture. The fold vas to have neither pangs of conscience nor qualms about its salvation.

Following such a study of desired models of Christian behavior the question naturally arises, "What vas the actu­ al pattern of life in early modern NOrdlingen?" Autobio­ graphical works, such as those popular among the Pietists, could have revealed much about personal relationships and experiences, but these are not to be found in NOrdlingen.

If one is to gain a glimpse of daily life in NOrdlingen, it must be through the filter of the records of the local city council and consistory. Even here it is impossible to conduct an exhaustive study of local practice, for the minutes of the consistory, the main civil body for marital disputes, decrease in volume with the outbreak of war in 171

1618 and break off completely after 1667. Added to this

problem ie the common complaint among researchers of

marriage case-law in Lutheran Germany that a large

proportion of cases remained unresolved for a variety of

reasons, either because the charge was dropped, the case

was settled privately, the parties reconciled, or a party

died or left the city. Moreover, busy city secretaries

recorded little more than the parties involved, the charge,

and the verdict in another large proportion of cases.

Under these circumstances it would be foolhardy to

attempt a quantitative study of NOrdlingen marriage case-

law from the late sixteenth through seventeenth centuries.

"The success or failure of the German Reformation" in

Nttrdlingen in terms of domestic bliss cannot be gauged until historians conduct an entire range of statistical studies of neighboring and distant communities, large and small, Protestant and Catholic. However, it is possible at least to survey those detailed court cases in NOrdlingen which might suggest or deny the acceptance of and adherence to Lutheran teachings regarding familial relationships.

To paraphrase Albrecht, "NOrdlingers were not angels, they were human", and as descendants of Adam they were prone to fall. The cases brought before the Nttrdlingen con­ sistory and city council covered the spectrum of marital in­ fractions, from adultery, desertion, physical abuse, and clandestine marriage to impregnation and breach of promise. 172

Here as in other German cities the names of the ruling

elite are conspicuously absent from the court records:

either they led spotless lives or they settled their cases

privately to avoid the public humiliation of an appearance

in court. The spiritual elite did not fare as veil. In

August 1625 the pregnant, unmarried daughter of an unnamed

NOrdlingen minister and her lover, a theology student, were 3 convicted of immorality; they vere both imprisoned.

The NOrdlingen city council and consistory held firm to

the belief that adultery and desertion should be the only grounds for divorce. Georg Gering begged the government for a divorce "one hundred thousand times over and in the name of the Last Judgment" on the grounds that when he married Anna Eckhardt six months ago he had no idea that she was a shrew. He told of how she had called him a dishonorable man, how she ordered him to beat his children by his first wife, how she cursed him. With tears in his eyes he expressed his wish to be free of this "Bestia", even if it meant that he must flee the city. Seven months later the long-suffering Gering returned to the court with a list of articles petitioning a divorce. She embittered his life, he argued, she beat his children "like the

Devil”, and when he tried to intervene on behalf of his children, she would attempt to knock him into a corner.

Was that not sufficient grounds for divorce? he submitted. 4 The case ended unresolved. 173

Those who approached the consistory and city council

with tales of their husbands' or wives' adultery and

desertion received more sympathetic treatment than had

Gering. In the case of desertion, the consistory did not

abide by any fixed period of absence for an alleged deser-

tor, but judged each case according to its merits.

Catharine Stfihlin was granted a divorce from her husband 5 Hans, who had disappeared eight years ago, as well as to

Haria Jungart from her husband Hans, missing for sixteen 6 years. Barbara Stromeyer, however, failed to receive a

divorce from her husband Hans Neyler, even though he had

abandoned her and their four children ten years ago; after one year he had written to her, but now she had no idea

whether he were alive or dead. For unspecified reasons - by custom deliberations were not entered into official 7 minutes - the consistory refused to accept her petition. 8 Fewer divorce suits involved adultery alone. The city council punished adulterers harshly: one man was 9 stripped of his citizenship and banished from the city, and the goldsmith Karl Neuber, who had expressed his heartfelt repentance for his transgression, claiming that the Devil had driven him to the act, was banished. Only upon the supplication of his wife and children, who were probably suffering economically from his absence, was he 10 allowed to return. 174

Among the most frequent charges brought against

Nttrdlingen residents vas that one vas a "bad householder"

("ttbler Hauflhalter"). This term vas used of men and vomen

vho for a variety of reasons vere said to have led "disor­

derly" lives. Georg Breidner spent all the money he 11 earned, vhile another man squandered 600 fl. in a short 12 time. Melchior Nttll struck his vife because he had 13 vanted more to eat; Lasarus Burger ate and drank to

excess and then beat his vife "too hard” ("mit (lbermttsslgen 14 schlagen”). Three vomen vere found guilty of immoral- 15 lty, drinking, and seducing young men; Anna Keuflin drank as veil, led an "unchristian" life, cursed her hus- 16 band, and raised her children to be disobedient. A fight broke out in the Spet home vhen Apollonia accused her 17 husband of impotence; the Nttlls appeared again before the city council after attempting to set their house on 16 fire during a rov. And then there vere Paul and

Margareta Pritz. Betveen February 1616 and August 1619 the name of this couple appeared no less than 49 times in the 19 city council minutes. Such people vere usually fined, imprisoned briefly, and varned "to run a better household" in the future. Those vho did not reform could suffer the humiliation of a public appearance in another arena:

Furthermore, it has been decided that Melchior Herpfer, veaver, his vife, and eldest daughter should be sent to the honorable ministry this evening on account of their troublesome, godless, and vicked lives; Friday they vill be presented in the church and a sermon vill be delivered about them. Likevise Michael Seitz and his 175

spouse, for they conduct an equally evil house­ hold___

Another large percentage of cases brought before the

NOrdlingen consistory and city council Involved clandestine

marriages, parental consent, Impregnation, and breach of

promise. The courts abided by the church order and nulli­

fied marriages entered into without parental consent; in

addition, the guilty couple would be fined and impris- 21 oned. Parents then as now could become quite bellig­

erent at the thought of a child taking an unacceptable

spouse: one father fumed that "he would rather send his son 22 to Turkey” than to allow him to marry his beloved, while another in similar circumstances asserted that he would rather "chop off his son's head" than grant con- 23 sent. Other fathers refused consent to a match until the prospective sons-in-law could prove that they could sup- 24 port their daughters. In most cases it was the angry father who appeared in court, but the mother's opposition 25 could be equally frustrating to young lovers.

Less easy to judge were suits filed by young women charging men with impregnation and breach of promise. In these cases extensive questioning vas often required to wrest from the accused and the plaintiff alike the whole truth regarding the date and circumstances of the tryst, exactly what words vere spoken when the marriage vas allegedly offered - a point which might determine whether a 176

SBQnsalia_de_futuro had in fact been pledged - whether a

gift, such as a ring, had been given, and whether there had 26 been any witnesses to the proposal. Usually there were

no witnesses, as the woman claimed that the proposal had been made in a back room, in a cowshed, or in bed. The accused often initially denied having offered his hand, though in further testimony he might confess to having done so. There was no set pattern to the verdicts in these cases; in some instances the couple was ordered to marry, 27 in others the man was pronounced free of his oath.

One case is especially revealing of the survival of traditional values in the seventeenth century: the case of 26 Barbara Felber versus Hans Danbacher. Barbara had accused Hans of the paternity of her child, to which he had confessed in the hospital. Now, however, he denied that the child was his. Barbara admitted that when they became lovers they had not promised to marry, but when she learned that she was pregnant it became her wish, and that of Hans' father as well, that Hans would "make an honest woman of her” ("Sie zu ehren bringen”) at the appropriate time.

This too Hans denied, saying that "he did not want the girl". At this point Hans' father stepped forward to con­ firm that his son had confessed to the paternity, but that he did not want to marry Barbara; he requested that the consistory settle the dispute. The court, however, "did not wish to rob him of his patriarchal authority” ("man 177

voile ihne seines vfltterlichen gevalts nicht berauben"),

and advised father and son to withdraw to discuss the

matter privately. They did so, and when they returned to

the chamber the father announced that his son would marry

Barbara, although he remained quite unwilling ("aber noch

venig lust darzu"). Hans asked that the marriage take

place in two years; the father persuaded him to wait only

one year; ultimately the wedding date was set for six

months hence.

Throughout these marital cases a primary concern of the

Nttrdlingen government was that order be maintained. Not

only did this concern stem from its role as the defender of

the cgrgus_christianum, the Rsacred society", but from its

awareness of the possible social and economic consequences

of disorder as well. The Christian household was believed

to be the building block of society; if it failed to func­

tion properly, then the stability of the entire social order vas threatened. Too many disorderly households could create widespread confusion and chaos in the city; too many inefficient households could spell ruin to the local econo­ my. The ruling elite must therefore have approved of the

Nttrdlingen clergy's steady admonitions to its congregation to be moral, orderly, and diligent in their work. More­ over, the people were to maintain the social status_gug.

Throughout the early modern era governments passed ordi­ nances regulating such things as dress and wedding 178 29 banquets; in the Nfirdlingen sermons, especially in

Albrecht's Der_Hausstand, there are repeated reminders to

marry in one's own class, dress according to one's class, 30 and to be respectful of one's superiors. This is not

to imply, however, that the Nfirdlingen government manipu­

lated its clergy to achieve autocratic ends; rather, govern­

ment and church consciously worked hand-in-hand to create a

community which was at once stabile, prosperous, and pleas­

ing to God. To fail in this task was to risk social dis­

turbance, financial collapse, and the wrath of God in the

form of war, plague, or natural disaster.

Scholars of our time have tended to downplay the role

of religion in the formation of mentalities, choosing

rather to emphasize political or socioeconomic influences.

In the realm of familial attitudes, Lawrence Stone dis­

cussed but briefly what he perceived to be the connections

between Puritanism and "repressive" and "paternal" familial

attitudes; Edward Shorter ignores the influence of reli­

gious values altogether in his survey of "the making of the

modern family". The evidence from Nfirdlingen, however,

suggests that political, economic, and religious motiva­

tions were inseparably intertwined in the minds of the

ruling elite. The same city council that punished thieves

and protected trade could burn witches or interpret the 31 appearance of a comet as a sign of God's displeasure.

The local church order, a civic ordinance, followed 179

contemporary Lutheran theology, and the city council and

consistory in their deliberations of marital cases adhered

to that church order's mandates.

Seventeenth-century Nfirdlingen's primary points for the

dissemination of information to the populace vere the tovn

hall, the school, and the church. The pulpit of St. George

vas an excellent platform for moral teachings, as there the

ministers could easily incorporate such lessons into their

sermons on Sundays, veekdays, holy days, and other special

days of public prayer, as veil as at veddings and, it has

been seen, even at funerals. The pattern of life the

ministers lauded most highly vas that of the local ruling elite, vho in the funeral sermons served as examples of

Christian virtue.

A continuing debate in the history of the family has centered upon the c Ib b s in vhich the ideals associated vith the "modern family” first arose. Stone claimed to have found its earliest traces among the gentry of the late seventeenth century; Shorter believed that it first emerged only in the post-industrial era, as among lover-class female factory vorkers in Landshut vho "passed the sacri­ fice test" vhen they took advantage of a paid maternity 32 leave to nurse their nevborns.

What has become evident from the previous case-study of

Nfirdlingen is that the very ideals considered essential aspects of the "modern family" - affection, concern for the 180 physical and emotional welfare of family members, the sense of Irreparable loss at the death of loved ones - were al­ ready familiar concepts In that city at the turn of the seventeenth century. NOrdlingen had neither a noble nor gentry class; though its wealthiest citizens enjoyed com­ fortable lives, they were far from the richest in Germany.

In modern terms, they were merely an upper-middle class.

With its predominance of trade and clothmaking occupations

NOrdlingen was a true "bourgeoise" society. This the exam­ ple of NOrdlingen most closely fits Aries' theory that the modern traits of the seventeenth-century family, the fore­ runner of the modern family, "was limited for a long time to the nobles, the middle class, the richer artisans, and 33 the richer laborers."

It was not the intent of the NOrdlingen divines, how­ ever, that these values remained limited to the higher social classes. The funeral sermons were indeed overwhelm­ ingly eulogies of the political and spiritual elite of

NOrdlingen, but these lessons were meant to apply to all levels of society. Albrecht, too, targeted his midday Haus- stand sermons to all classes. Although in his discussion of spinning he cited such noble women as the daughters of

Charlemagne and of Augustus, his "excursion into the spin­ ning room” was basically an attempt to employ an image familiar to women from the highest to the lowest levels of 34 society. The actual effect of these teachings upon the 181

lower classes in Nttrdlingen cannot be determined at this

time; what is significant about the funeral sermons, wed­

ding sermons, Albrecht's series, and the Nttrdlingen devo­

tional literature is religion's efforts to influence and

create certain perceptions of familial relationships within

an entire community.

The government of Nttrdlingen, whose policy may justly be called "paternal”, ruled over a society whose values can only be called "patriarchal”. Today the term "patriarchal” is often used of this period with a sneer to denote an af- fectionless, authoritarian society, but this was far from the model of Christian behavior which the Nfirdlingen minis­ ters idealized. To be sure, this remained a male-dominated society, but the Hausvatter was to be filled with love toward his wife and his children, and though he was the lord of his household, he was not to abuse his authority and become a "lion in his house” or a tyrant.

Was the early modern period in Nfirdlingen "The Bad Old

Days"? Did parents, aware of the high infant and child mortality rates, avoid developing emotional attachments toward their children, as Aries, Shorter, and Stone would have us believe? Not Caspar Weng, who interrupted one funeral sermon to eulogize his eight-year-old daughter.

Were marital relationships so cool that spouses were quickly forgotten after their death? Not in the case of

Margareta Hauff, who lost her will to live after her 182

husband's demise; nor in the case of city physician Johann

Melchior Welsch, who vas so bereaved over the loss of his

vife Jacobina Regina in 1700 that he became nearly obsessed with the subject of death, devoting the last twelve years 35 of his life to the composition of a Sterbekunst. Al­ though the extent of the practice of wetnursing cannot readily be determined for NOrdlingen, Georg Albrecht's description of the bond which develops between mother and child as a result of breastfeeding, the love, and even the sense of play, suggest at least an awareness among some people of the seventeenth century of the joys of mother­ hood. Shorter asserted that mothers in traditional society failed the "sacrifice test” by refusing to place the wel­ fare of their infants above all else in their lives; the

NOrdlingen funeral sermons, however, are filled with stories of men and vomen who passed that test not only on behalf of their infants, but also of their children, spouses, and parents. Parents were portrayed in their ceaseless efforts to provide for the physical, spiritual, emotional, educational, and vocational welfare of their children; wives and husbands selflessly cared for their aging, ailing spouses, even to the detriment to their own health; adult children vere a crutch and a source of joy and comfort to their parents in their advanced years. 183

Certain aspects and attitudes concerning marriage and family life have changed over the centuries. Divorce is now possible on the mere grounds of incompatibility or the nebulous "irreconcilable differences”. In some circles, but by no means in all, a woman is no longer regarded as

"the weaker vessel” or as man's helpmate bound to domestic chores and housekeeping, but as an independent individual whose talents and abilities to achieve and lead in society are on an equal footing vith those of any man. Many atti­ tudes and emotions, however, have remained constant. Numer­ ous Christian denominations today emphatically maintain the notion of a wife's subservience to her husband. Parental consent is no longer required of a valid marriage, but parents still fell crushed and fathers can still become furious when their children elope with unacceptable lovers.

Shorter has applauded the dwindling influence of parental consent as a blow for love and against patriarchal authori- 36 ty, but, it might be argued, in following their own emo­ tions and desires modern children often ignore the sound advice of wise, loving parents. In the creation of one essential familial bond they can thus callously and self­ ishly destroy another. Furthermore, many adult children still sense the traditional obligation to devote themselves selflessly to the care of their elderly parents; today the image of the consummate grown "wicked child" is that of one who, for the sake of his own convenience alone, packs off 184 his unwilling parents to a nursing home, where they will languish and die forgotten by him. Seventeenth-century

Nttrdlingen was indeed premodern and patriarchal. But the family values which that city's ministers extolled in their sermons and devotional literature - love, concern, guid­ ance, sacrifice, discipline, moderation - can be found today in a typical Sunday sermon or in the pages of Family

Circle. NOTES

Chapter_I 1 Rudolf Sohm, Das_Recht_der_Eheschliessung_aus_dem_ deytschen_und_cangnischen_Reght_geschichtlich_entwicke.lt (Weimar: Herman BBhlau, 1875); ibid., Kirchenrecht, Vol. I: Die_geschichtlichen_Grundlagen, Systematisches Handbuch der Deutechen Rechtswissenschaft, ed. Karl Binding (Leipzig: Duncker & Humbolt, 1892); Emil Friedberg, Das_Recht_der_Ehe- Bchlie8ung_in_Beiner_geschichtlichen_Entwicklung (Leipzig: B. Tauchnitz, 1865); ibid., Yerlobung_und_TrauungI Zu- gleich_als_Kritik_ygn_Sghmi_Das_Recht_der_Eheschliessung (Leipzig: B. Tauchnitz, 1876); Joseph Freisen, Geschighte_ des_Cangnisghen_Ehereghts_bis_zum_Verfall_der_Glgssen- litteratur (Paderborn: F. SchBningh, 1893); Adolf von Scheurl, "Luthers Eherechtsweisheit 1. Artikel (All- gemeines)', Sammlung_Kirchenrechtlicher_Abhandlungen Pt. 4, pp. 437-524; ibid., "Luther tlber die Ehescheidung”, Sammlung_Kirchenrechtlicher_Abhandlungen Pt. 4, pp. 463-500; ibid., Die_Entyicklung_der_kirchlichen_Ehe- schlieBungsrechts (Erlangen: A. Deichert, 1877); Hans von Schubert, Die_evangelische_Trauungf ihre_gesghichtliche Untwicklung_und_gegenyBrt±ge_Bedeutung (Berlin: Hans Reuther, 1890); Rudolf Schttfer, "Die Geltung des kano- nischen Rechts in der evangelischen Kirche Deutschlands von Luther bis zur Gegenvart. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Quellen, der Literatur und der Rechtspechung der evange- lischen Kirchenrechts", Zeitschrift_der_Sayigny2 §tiftung_ fUr_Rechtsgesghichte 36, Canonische Abteilung, Vol. 5, pp. 165-413; on literature, Hermann Beck, Die_Erbauungslitera- tur_der_evangelischen_Kirche, Pt. I: Vgn_Dr. M. Luther_bia_ Hartin_Mgller (Erlangen: Andreas Deichert, 1883). On theology, Paul Althaus, The_Ethics_of_Martin_Luther, trans. Robert C. Schultz (Philadelphia, Fortress Press, 1972); Johannes Heckel, Lex_charitatis( eine_Juristisghe_Unter- sy9 hung_aber_das_Recht_in_der_Theglggie_Martin_Luther:s. Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, new series No. 36 (Munich, 1953); Heinrich Bornkamm, Luthers_Lehre_vgn_den_ zvei_Reichen_in_Zusammenhang_seiner_Xheglggie, 2nd ed. (Gtitersloh: C. Berthelsmann, 1960); an example of pastoral interest in sixteenth-century Lutheran domestic values is Emmett W. Cocke, Jr., "Luther's View of Marriage and the

185 186

Family”, Religion_in_Life 42 (1973), pp. 103-116; a more scholarly study is Robert Kolb, "Parents Should Explain the Sermon: Nikolaus Von Amsdorf on the Role of the Christian Parent”, Lutheran Quarterly 25 (1973), pp. 231-240. 2 Derrick Shervin Bailey, Sexual_Relation_in_Chris- tian_Thought (New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1959); Elise Boulding, The_Underside_gf_HistoryjL_A_View_gf Wgmen_Thrgugh_Time (Boulder: Westvlew Press, 1976); Vern L. Bullough, The_Subgrdinate_Sexi_A_Histgry_gf.Attitudes £2 K9 £c*_Wgmen (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1973); G. H. Joyce, Die_chr±stliche_Ehe. Eine_geschichtliche_und dogmatische_Studie (Leipzig: Jakob Hegner, 1934); Waldemar Kaverau, Die_Refgrmatign_und_die_Ehe. Ein_Beitrag_zur Kulturgeschichte_des_sechszehnten_Jahrhunderts, Schriften des Vereins fOr Reformationsgeschichte 10 (1892-1893), No. 2; Ingeborg Weber-Kellermann, Die_deutsche_Fanillie. Ver- @uch_einer_Sgzialgeschichte (Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp Verlagj 1974). 3 Hartvig Dieterich, Das_grgtestantische_Eherecht_in 0§?ytschland_bis_zur_Mitte_dee_17. Jahrhunderts, Jus Ecclesi- asticum, Vol. 10 (Munich: Claudius Verlag, 1970); Olavi Lfihteenmfiki, Sexus_und_Ehe_bei_Luther, Schriften der Luther-Agricola-Gesellschaft. No. 10 (Turku, 1955); Ivar Asheim, Glaube_und_Erziehung_bei_Luther. Ein_Beitrag_zur Q§gchichte_des_Verhaitnisses_ygn_Theglggie_und_PAdagggik, Pfidagogische Forschungen: VerBffentlichungen des Comenius- Instituts, Vol. 17 (Heidelberg: Quelle & Meyer, 1967); other studies of Lutheranism and education include Friedrich Hahn, Die_evangeliBche_Unteryeisung_in_den_ §2bulen_des_16._ Jahrhunderts, Pttdagogische Forschungen: VerBffentlichungen des Comenius-Instituts, No. 3 (Heidelberg: Quelle & Meyer, 1957); and Werner Reininghaus, Elternatand, Qbrigkeit_und Schule_bei_Luther, Pfidagogische Forschungen: VerBffentlichungen des Comenius-Instituts, Vol 38 (Heidelberg: Quelle & Meyer, 1969). 4 Lfihteenmfiki, pp. 15-17. 5 Philippe Ari^s, Centuries_of_Childhogdj._A_Sgcial Histgry_gf_Famlly_Life, trans. Robert Baldick (New York: Vintage Books, 1962), p. 10; Michael Hitterauer and Reinhard Sieder, The_Eurggean_Family£_Pgtriarchy_and_ £artnershig_frgm_the_Middle_Ages_tg_the_Present, trans. Karla Oosterveen and Manfred HBrzinger (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1982), pp. xiii-xiv, 137. 6 Mitterauer and Sieder, p. xiii. 7 Ari^s, op. cit. ; Jean-Louis Flandrin, Familienj. EQziglggie_-_tikgngrnie_-_Sexual i tSt, trans. Eva 187

Brttckner-Pfaffenberger (Frankfurt a. M.: Verlag Ullstein, 1978). 8 T. P. R. Laslett, ad., Househgld_and_Family_in_Past Time (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972); an excellent survey and bibliography of the various methods current In family history is Michael Anderson's Approaches to_the_History_of_the_Western_Familyl 150021914, Studies in Economic and Social History, ed. T. C. Smout (London: The Macmillan Press, 1980). 9 L. K. Berkner, "The Stem Family and the Develop­ mental Cycle of the Peasant Household: An Eighteenth-- Century Austrian Example”, American__Histgrical_Reyiew 77 (1972), pp. 398-418; L. K. Berkner and J. W. Shaffer, ”The Joint Family in the Nivernais”, Journa1_gf_Family_Hist.gry 3 (1978); Anderson, pp. 65-84; two standards of the psycho- historical school are Lloyd de Mause, ed., The_Histgry_of Childhggd (New York: The Psychohistory Press, 1974), and David Hunt, Parents_and_Children_in_Histgryi_The_Psychglggy gf_Family_Life_in_Early_Mgdern_Frange (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1970. 10 Aries, pp. 329-331. 11 Edward Shorter, The_Making_gf_the_Mgdern_Family (New York: Basic Books, 1975), pp. 169-170. 12 Ibid. , p. 229. 13 Ibid., pp. 168-204, 255-268. 14 Lawrence Stone, The_Family1 Sex_and_Marriage£_In England_150Q2l§Q0 (New York, Harper & Row, Publishers, 19777. 15 Ibid., pp. 257-269. 16 Anderson, pp. 41-45; E. P. Thompson, rev. of The Family, Sex_and_Marriage£_In_England_150Q2l§Q0 by Lawrence Stone, New_Sgciety, 8 Sept. 1977, pp. 499-501, in which Thompson also refers to "Edward Shorter's recent historical imposture"; Alan Hacfarlane, rev. of The_Family1 Sex and Marriagei_In_England_150Q2l§QQ by Lawrence Stone, Histgry and_Thegry 18 (1979), pp. 103-126, in particular pp. 113- 123 on Stone's alleged misuse of evidence. 17 Klaus Arnold, Kind_und_Gesellschaft_in_Mittelalter u. Renaissance. S®iisES9g_yQ£l_I®K£®_3!iE_QegSdAsh£§_der Kindheit, Sammlung Zebra, series B, Vol. 2 (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schttningh, 1980); Alan Hacfarlane, lhe_0rigins_gf English_Individualism£_Xhe_Family1 Prggerty_and_Sgcial_ 188

l£9Q§il^9D (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976); Anderson, p. 45. 16 Thompson, pp. 500-501. 19 Hacfarlane, rev. of The Family,, Sex and Marriage, pp. 113-123. 20 Gerald Strauss, Luther^.s_Hguse_of.Learning^ lQdogtrinatign_gf_the_Ygung_in_the_German_Refgrmatign (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978); for a sound criticism of Strauss, see James H. Kittelson, "Successes and Failures in the German Reformation: The Report from Strasbourg", Archiv_fUr_Reformatignsgesghichte 73 (1982), pp. 153-174; ibid., "Visitations and Popular Religious Culture: Further Reports from Strasbourg", Pietas et_Sgcietas, eds. Kyle C. Sessions and Philip N. Bebb (Kirksville, Mo.: Sixteenth-Century Publications, 1985), pp. 86-101. 21 Steven E. Ozment, When_Fathers_Ruled£_Family_Life in_Refgrmatign_Eurgge, Studies in Cultural History (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1983). 22 Thomas Max Safley, "Marital Litigation in the Diocese of Constance, 1551-1620", The_Sixteenth_Century Journal 12, No. 2 (1981), pp. 61-777 Ibid7, LetlNg_Man_Put Asunder j._The_Cgntrgl_gf _Marriage_in_the_German_Sguthvestj._A Cgmgarat.iye_St.udy, i55Qni§QQ» Sixteenth-Century Essays and Studies, No. 2 (Kirksville, Mo.: Sixteenth Century Publica­ tions, 1984); Lawrence G. Duggan, rev. of ibid., American H4§tgrical_Reyiev 90 (1985), pp. 438-439. 23 Emil Sehling, ed. , Die_evangelischen_Kirchengrd- Dy0 9 §D_^es_XVI. Jahrhunderts, Vol. 12: Bayern, Pt. 2 Sghwaben (TUbingen: J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1963), pp. 375-376. 24 Georg Albrecht, Hierarchiga_Oeggngmicai._Das_istj. Der_Haus-Stand_/_Aus_sgnderbaren_Biblischen_Texten_/_in *tiQ*l_yQd_Siebenzig_unterschiedenen_Predigten._.,.,abgehan- delt(Nuremberg, 1657). 25 Eberhard Winckler, D±e_Leichengredigt_im_deutschen Luthertum_bis_Sgener, Forschungen zur Geschichte und Lehre des Protestantismus, 10th series. Vol. 34 (Munich: Chr. Kaiser Verlag, 1967); Rudolf Lenz, ed., Leighengredigten §ls_Ouellen_histgrischer_Wissenschaften (Cologne: Bfihlau- Verlag, 1975); P. Constantin Pohlmann, "Die theologische Konzeption der Barockpredigt", Theglggie_und_Glaube 49 (1959), pp. 30-38; Martin Schian, Qrthgdgxie_und_Pietismus im_Kamgf_um_die_Predigt. Ein_Beitrag_zur_Geschichte_des 189 endenden_17. und_des_beginnenden_18. Jahrhunderts (Giefien: Alfred Tfipelmann, 1912). 26 Winckler, pp. 14-25. 27 SA Nfirdlingen, Unbound funeral sermons qto., Apollonla Schmid, 1.10.1601, p. 1: "...dafl die Leichen- predigten nicht eigentlich von vegen der Todten und Ver- storbenen / sondern viel mehr von vegen der Lebendigen angestellt und verordnet (sind)...." 28 SA Nfirdlingen, Unbound funeral sermons qto., J. Flanser, 9.10.1587, p.8: "Nit anderst / als venn an etlichen orten einer / der sein lebenlang ein Gottslesterer / Hurentreiber u. gevesen / etwa ein silbern Becher auf ein ort setzet / befihlet / venn er verde abdrucken / solle man solchen / noch vor der Leichpredig / dem Prediger geben / daB er seiner im besten gedencke. " 29 WA II, p. 166. 30 Albrecht, Der.Haus-Stand, p. iv.

Chapter_II 1 Christopher Friedrichs, Urban_Sggiety_in_an_Age_gf_ War ^Nfirdlingen, i^SO^iZiQ (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979), pp. 6-7. 2 Ibid., pp. 114-116. 3 For an overview of Nfirdlingen's political structure, see ibid., pp. 13-14; 198-221. 4 Ibid., pp. 28-34; 214-221. 5 Ibid. , pp. 239-287. 6 Ibid., pp. 202-204. 7 Alfred Schultze, Stadtgemeinde_und_Refgrmatign, Recht und Staat in Geschichte und Gegenvart, no. 11 (TUbingen: J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1918; Bernd Moeeller, "Imperial Cities and the Reformation”, in ibid., Imgerial_Cities_and_the_Refgrmatign:._Three_EBaays, trans. H. C. Erik Midelfort and Mark U. Edvards, Jr. (Philadel­ phia: Fortress Press, 1972), pp. 45-49. 8 Hans-Christoph Rublack, Eine_bUrgerliche_ B®*9 E!D§tign. Nfirdlingen, Quellen und Forschungen zur 190

Reformationsgeschichte, vol. 51 (GQtersloh: GUtersloher Verlagshaue Gerd Mohn, 1982), pp. 26-29. 9 Rublack, p. 79. 10 Ibid. , pp. 94-95. 11 Ibid., pp. 95-97; for the text, Emil Sehling, ed., Die_evangeliechen_Kirchengrdnungen_des_XVIj Jahrhunderts, vol. 12: Bayern, pt. 2: Schvaben (TQbingen: J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1963), pp. 285- 288. According to Rublack, p. 97, it is uncertain whether Kantz performed the Hass in this fashion at this early date, though it is possible. 12 Rublack, pp. 97-100. 13 Ibid., p. 100. 14 Ibid., p. 96. 15 Ibid., p. 110. 16 Ibid., p. 100. 17 According to Sehling p. 283, the authorship of church order is unknown 18 Ibid., p. 107. 19 RP 5. Nov. 1589; 25. Sept. 1605; Teutsche Schul- akten no. 12 (6. Nov. 1598) presents a poor picture of the efforts of the local teachers in teaching the Catechism; TS no. 35 (27. Sept. 1644) reports that the children had learned their catechism, psalms, proverbs, and prayers. 20 RP 13. April 1603; 25. Sept. 1605; for the cherry pit incident, 0B 1641-88, 237b-239a (10. July 1665). It was such impious behavior, the city fathers claimed, which had prompted God to warn the city of his disapproval through the "grausamb und erschrocklich" appearance of a comet that year. Ibid., 334b-335a (15. Jan. 1675); ibid., 340b-341a (3. Feb. 1676) 21 RP 13. June 1625. 22 RP 17. July 1629; on chairs, Konsistorialakten 16. Jan. 1594, p. 149. 23 RP 1. Feb. 1631; 4. Feb. 1631; for the text of the proclamation and sermons, see Georg Albrecht, NjBrdlingisch- er_Klag-Bufl;;Bett2 und_Fast-Tag (RB qto. 614:12 (1645). 191 24 RP 26. July 1627. 25 RP 3. June 1656. 26 RP 1. Apr. 1641. After a "trusted person" sug­ gested Albrecht for the position, a BUrgermelster sought out information from a printer vho knew Albrecht. Mean­ while court secretary Hillprand vas sent to one of Albrecht's sermons "unbekandter veifi" and sent back a glowing report, noting that his present congregation was unwilling to lose its pastor. A BUrgermelster then traveled to Augsburg, where he also received good reports regarding Albrecht and read a tract and two sermons by him. for references to the "Probpredigten” of other ministers, 9. and 13. May 1566 (Friedrich Franck); 4. Nov. 1597, also Konsistorialakten 3.-4. Nov. 1597 (Georg Heyl); 11. Jan. 1627 (Tobias Scheiblin at Schweindorf); 17. Feb. 1635 (Johann Heinrich Epplin); 30. Oct. 1693, 16. March 1694 (Georg Matthias Beckh); 14. Dec. 1696 (Johann Melchior Welsch). 27 RP 24. Dec. 1565; 9. May 1566; 20. Feb. 1656; 15. May 1668; 27. May 1675; 6. Jul. 1681; 16. March 1694; 23. July 1694. 28 Rublack, p. 74. 29 RP 4. and 9. Dec. 1628; 4. Feb. 1629. 30 RP 4. Feb 1658. 31 Eberhard Winckler, Die_Leichenpredigt_im_deutschen Luthertum_bis_Sgener, Forschungen zur Geschichte und Lehre des Protestantismus, ed. Ernst Wolf, 10th series, vol. 34 (Munich: Chr. Kaiser Verlag, 1967), pp. 14-15; Richter, pp. 149-168, 211-217; for examples of early Christian funeral sermons, see Funeral_0rations_by_Saint._Greggry_Nazianzen and_Saint_Ambrose, trans. Leo P. McCauley et al., The Fathers_of_the_Church, vol. 22 (New York: Fathers of the Church, Inc., 1953); Cruel, Geschichte der_deutschen Predigt_im_Mittelalter, pp. 237-244? 32 Winckler, p. 19. 33 Ibid., p. 21. 34 WA 17, I, pp. 196-227 (10. & 11. May 1525); WA 36, pp. 237-270 (18. & 22. August 1532). 35 WA 36, p. 237, 18. 36 Winckler, p. 32. 192 37 WA 36, P* 245. 38 WA 36, P» 238, 18-27. 39 WA 17, I# pp. 202-203; WA 36, pp. 237 -240. 40 WA 36, P« 248, 19-31. 41 WA 36, P» 243, 21-23; ibid.. p. 244, 14. 42 WA 17, I» p. 205, 3-6; WA 36, p. 254, 16-20. 43 WA 36, P* 245, 12-19. 44 Ibid., P* 246, 22-27; p. 253, 14-15. 45 Ibid., P* 245, 21-23; p. 251, 16-20. 46 Ibid., P* 247, 21-31, p. 248, 12-31. 47 WA 36, P» 254, 25-34, 48 Winckler, pp. 42-49; Hugo GrUn, "Die Leichenrede im Rahmen der kirchllchen Beerdigung 1m 16. Jahrhundert", IheologiBche_Studien_und_Kritiken 102 (1930), 289-312; for examples from the church orders, Richter I, 277 (Hannover, 1536): "...von Todt undt Aufferstehung Christ! und der Christen, dadurch in uns erkenntnifi unser selbst, Gottes- furcht und hoffnung defl kUnfftigen lebens erveckt und erfrischt verden." Sehling IV, 488 (Pommerene); ibid., II, 130 (Stolberg-Schwarzburg), ibid., II, 486 (Pfalz). 49 E.g., Johann Hatthesius, Leychgredigten_auB_dem ^yQ^tzehenden_Capitel_der_I. Epistel_S. Pauli_zun_Cgrin- thern. Vgn_der_aufferstehung_der_Tgdten_und_evigem_lebeni. Der_erste_Theyl (NUrnberg, 1565); ibid., Leyth_Predigten Johannis_MatthesiJ_/_Ander_theyl (NUrnberg, 1565). 50 Winckler, p. 238. 51 Ibid., p. 50; Cyrus Spangenberg, Fttnf_und_Funfft- zig_Leichpredigten_/_aus_dem_Eyangelisten_Ighanne. Vgller sch8ner_Lerei_und_hertzliches_Christliches_Xrgsts_/_Sg Di9bi:_§li§iQ_b®Y_d5Q_§99E§bDisBen_/_deren_in_Christg_seelig ¥9 E§tgrbenen_/_dienlighj._Sgndern_augh_bey_betrUbten_und krancken_Leuten_zu_lesen_/_nUtzlich (Ursel, 1586); Christoph Fischer, LIIII. Leichgredigten_/_aus_dem_Alten Testament_gengmen_/_gegrediget_zu_Halberstadt_im_Sterben_/ da_die_Pestilentz_regiert_/_und_fglgende_in_druck_yerferti- get.,.,.. (Ulssen, 1580); Andreas Pancratius, M. Andreae Pancratii_Christ1iche_Leichgredigten. 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Cl UI I 0 ni ai ai 3 AI AI OI 0 I 01 131 Cl Cl C I I UI I I I U HI AI P I NI 9 31 Cl PI X Cl OI ffll 01 I O >1 llv an oi » o I 01XI fl 31 I IS AI HI Cl 01 <1 AI fl Cl 31 AI >1 VI Cl 3 UI I 31 P I N UI 31 Cl U AI Cl I HI Cl (fl an h i •pi oi -pi u VI Cl El C I P I 31 El H l ~ AI HI I XI H AI 01 OI AI I AI 3 fll Cl 01 UI ~ I P I AI P I 31 Cl HI AI HI UI C IN oi h i h i a n 191 fll Cl HI 01 C fli pi ~ x i hi an 01 P PI HI I HI UI 01 C Q l AI HI AI .1 HI El * oi i ai ci an in ui oi an in h i 31 an 3 in pi *->i an h AI El UI H an an co oi pi hi ai a an an mi ui ai AI A I Oil Cl 31 AI HI AI fll in HI H OI AI AI in an -p i o i o i i ni u 31 I 31 H 01 I SIP HI HI O Cl an PI UI H HI I 31 AI 3l HI P ••I HI I I Cl HI HI PI OI AI I HI HI h i an ui an ui s i at oi an a i h h i o i o i u >4 UI Vfl fll sol UI 31 U UI AI fll HI 31 UI H OI AI UI OI Cl XI Cl 01 AI UI X OI I h i £ i an ui 3i an 3 h i ai ui s ai c i i a AI 31H UI UI 01 013 31 HI I HI sfll AI < 01 UI fll Cl sol XI HI AI UI AI AI I 31 an x i »i 01 NI SSI U Cl Q l UI ~ AI 31 VIE XI UI ~ XI PI SI Oil U UI Oil VI fll XI >1 ~ HI AI 01 31XIXI UI HI 013131VI NI 194 56 Georg Albrecht, Seelige_Sterbkunst_/_bey_ geBchw±nden_und_gefShrlichen_SterbenBlMufften_/_der_ Evangelischen.Pfarr^Gemeln.zu.Geildgrff_/_iufi_dem_ersten_ Versicul_ge8_Sterbgesangs_/_Wann_mein_StUndlein_yorhanc[en_ ist_/_u. in_zw81ff_unterschiedlichen_Predigten_deutlich_und treulich_yorgetragen (Ntirnberg, 1649); Joh. Theo. Enslin, liche_Re±Tn2 Gebet_in_Krankhe±t_und_TgdteB2 Ngth_nut2:2 lich_zu_gebrauchen (Ntfrdlingen, 1659). 57 RB qto. 613:6 (Nov. 1633). 56 For the list, see appendix. 59 Maria Magdalena Adam (unbound LP qto., 14. Oct. 1655); Johanna Barbara Weng (RB qto. 615:15, June 1664); Daniel Gundelfinger, on the NBrdlingen city council 1634- 1636, worth at death 10,000 f1., but occupation unknown (Friedrichs, p. 334; RB qto. 613:11 (Jan. 1638). 60 City council member Joachim Flanser, d. 1587; for the wealth of council members at their deaths, see Friedrichs, pp. 330-334; mean and median wealth of NBrdlingen citizens, ibid., p. 321. 61 SA NBrd Kirchendienerakten, 18. April 1683 (J. H. Epplin's request for medicine for his family); 4. Aug. 1596, 20. Apr. 1603 (Frid. Franck); 11. Jan 1580, 17. Dec. 1599 (Theophilus Regner) 62 For relation, see Friedrichs, p. 192. 63 E.g., RB qto. 613:24, 29 (Mar. 1647). 64 Friedrichs, p. 195. 65 Sehling, XII, ii, 392. 66 These hymns can be found today in the Lutheran hymnal. 64 Sehling, XII, ii, 392: "geschicht die predigt, darinnen das volk gelehret, erinnert und vermanet werden soil von sterblichkeit und schwachheit des menschlichen geschlechts, von ursachen der sUnden und todes, von erlBsung, so durch Christum Gottes Sohn, unsern Heiland, geschehen und von auferstehung der. toden und trost des ewigen lebens oder dergleichen." 68 RB qto. 613:25, 56 (Apr. 1649): "Der Gott / der euch ewre Margaretham von der Seiten hinweg genommen hat / der wirds euch wider geben dorten im Ewigen Leben. ..." Unbound LP qto., Matthaeus Seng (16. Nov. 1636): "Ade Welt 195

/ Ade Gut und Gelt / Ade lhr liebe Freund / Weib und Kinderlein / kompt bald hernach / das Ewige 1st air nun lieber...." RB qto. 615:15, 26 (June 1684): "In kurtzem werdet lhr Sle wider aehen / und zvar In unvergleichlich schSnerm Schmuck als hler / und Euch mlt lhr ergStzen in alle unauf htSrliche Evlgkelt."

Chapter_III 1 RB qto. 615:20, 61 (Apr. 1703): "...als hat Er auf In den Hell. Ehestand nach Gottes Ordnung slch zu begeben entschlossen. .. . ”; also RB qto. 614:8, 103 (May 1671): "von Gott gestifften Ehestands...." 2 RB qto. 615:14, 39 (Jan. 1684); RB qto. 615:17, 95 (Jan. 1695); RB qto. 613:7, 31 (Apr. 1629). 3 RB qto. 615:17, 95 (Jan. 1695). A RB qto. 615:14, 39 (Jan. 1684). u RB qto. 615:20, 81 (Apr. 1703). Dc RB qto. 615:25, 51 (Aug. 1695): "Da...vorzustehen sich urn eine getreue GehUlffin umzusehen. ...” 7 Sehling, XII, 11, pp. 347-348; pregnant women were not allowed to remarry until they had given birth. See also Friedrichs, pp. 66-68; an example of remarriage soon after the expiration of the mourning period is seen in the funeral sermon for Catharina Barbara Beckh, wife of minis­ ter Georg Matthias Beckh, on 17. Jan. 1701 (RB qto. 615:29 1/fol.) and the wedding sermon for Beckh and Sophia Veronica Herzog on 7. Feb. 1702 (RB qto. 615:30). 8 RB qto. 613:7, 31 (Apr. 1629): "...nach dem er sich ein zeitlang in dem betrUbten Wittwenstandt auffgehalten / und befunden / daB ihm als einem alten erlebten Mann nicht gut / daB er allein sey / und in seinem hohen Alter eines getrewen GehUlffen und Ehegatten zum hSchsten bedUrf ftig ■ 9 RB qto. 615:20, 83 (Apr. 1703): "...dleser seiner ersten HauB-Ehre durch den Zeitlichen Todt beraubet / da- durch Er in den betrtibten Wittiber- und seine damals aller- seits noch unerzogene Kinder in den verlassenen Wttisen-_ Stand gesetzt worden; als wolte die Beschaffenheit seines HauB-Wesens eine gleich sorgfttltige Ehe-Frauen und Mutter erfordern / darum Er...die andere Ehe beschritten....” 196 10 RB qto. 615:16, 103 (June 1690): "auff vorher- gehendea andttchtiges Gebet zu Gott in dem Himmel....”; RB qto. 615:20, 83 (Apr. 1703): "nach andttchtigem Gebet...."; RB qto. 613:20, (32) (June 1617); RB 613:22, 26 (Oct. 1637); RB 613:12, 37 (March 1638); RB qto. 615:5, 38 (Nov. 1644); RB qto. 620:4, 16 (Aug. 1663); RB qto. 615:6, 36-37 (Apr. 1666). 11 Safley, Let_No_Man_Put_Asunder, pp. 152-153, 176-177; Lyndal Roper, "Going to Church and Street: Weddings in Reformation Augsburg”, Past_and_Present no. 106 (Feb. 1985), 62-101. 12 WA 30, III, 198-248. 13 Sehling, XII, ii, p. 343. 14 See below, Ch. 6. 15 RB qto. 614:2, 70 (Dec. 1655). 16 RB qto. 615:15, 30 (June 1684): "mutuale eheliche §££§51420") RB qto. 615:9, 39 (Aug. 1670): "...zu dieser Cuphosynen eine geziemende zuneigung und lust gewonnen." 17 RB qto. 615:25, 51 (Aug. 1695): "eine Christliche / Friedliche und schiedliche / eine Hertz-vergnttgliche und wohl gesegnete Ehe besessen....; RB qto. 615:22, £37j (Nov. 1693): "...Christlich / friedlich / schiedlich / hertzer- wttnscht und vergnUglich mit lhr gelebet....”; RB qto. 613: 20, £j3Gl2 (June 1617): "friedlich und schiedlich"; RB qto. 613:7, 30 (Apr. 1629): "ein gantz freund-fridliche / Lieb- und huldreiche Ehe...."; ibid., 31: "Ein gantz stille / fridliche und Christliche gute Ehe....”; RB qto. 613:22, 26 (Oct. 1637): "ein friedliche / Christliche und rtthige Ehe ”; RB qto. 617:26, 58 (Oct. 1674): "schidlich / fridlich / freundlich / in aller Zufriedenheit....; ibid., 59: "in Freud in Friden”, "...einen wohlgesegneten / wohlbehfiglichen / fridlichen und stillen Ehstand gefdhrt....". 18 RB qto. 615:20, 83 (Apr. 1703): "...an der Er auch gefunden / was Er gesucht / nemlich eine getrue GehUlffen / und eine Seule / der Er sich trttsten kUnnen: Dahero Er mit derselben so wohl / als mit seiner ersten Haufl-Frauen in erwttnschtem Frieden / in Gott und Menschen wohlgefMlliger Liebe und Einigkeit sich betragen. ..." 19 RB qto. 614:8, 103 (May 1671): " ein auff- richtige / hertzliche und bestSndige Liebe getragen; und hinwiderum auch ein auffrichtige / hertzliche und bestfind- ige / aufl grund der Seelen herquellende Liebe von Ihme 197

genossen / class bey lhnen idem_yelle_et_idern_nolle, ein wollen und nlcht wollen / ein vertrttulichs / friedliche / freundlichs wolvergnUgtes Leben unverrUckt sich gefunden...." 20 RB qto. 615:14, 41 (Jan. 1684): "Hit beyden eeinen lleben Ehegatten hat Er eich also begangen / dafl Er / nach dem gemeinen Sprichwort / in seiner Ehe recht auf Erden den Himmel gebauet / vie Er dann mit Bestand der Warheit bezeuget / daB veder Er eine von beyden / noch auch Sie Ihn mit einigem Wort / geschweige dann Werck / Jemals beleidiget / sondern Sie in hertzllcher Lieb miteinander bestfindig gelebet / und Er mehr nlcht bejammert / als daB Ihm Gott dieselbe nicht lttnger gelassen / daher Er auch Ihrer fast niemal ohne Thrfinen gedacht....” 21 RB qto. 614:9, 37 (Feb. 1678): ”...da sind vil / die wohl Land und LeUt regieren kSnnen / haben aber nicht Gnad / daB sie ihr eigen HauB wol regieren / und etva ihre Kinder recht aufferziehen kiinnen. Vil sind geschickt / und in alien Sprachen und Kttnsten ad_miraculum wohl erfahren / nuzen aber wenig in dem HauBwesen.” 22 Ibid., 37; RB qto. 615:20, 8 (Apr. 1703); see below, pp. 54-57. 23 RB qto. 615:7, 44 (Hay 1668): ”...ernsthafft gegen dem Gesinde / doch hertzlich und getrewe erwisen."; RB qto. 614:9, 37 (Feb. 1678). 24 RB qto. 613:7, 31 (Apr. 1629): ”In seinem Ein und fUntzigsten Jfihrigen Ehestandt als ein getrewer / embsiger und sorfflltiger HauBvatter sich erzeiget / seines Beruffs fleissig abgewartet / die seinige versorget....”; RB qto. 613:11, 20 (Jan. 1638): ”Er war ein fleiBiger und nehr- licher HauB-Vatter / welcher sein HauB wol f(lrgestanden."; RB qto. 615:26, 52 (July 1696). 25 RB qto. 613:12, 23 (March 1638): ”Mancher HauB- Vatter arbeitet wol die gantze Nacht / dass sein Weib und Kinder ehrlicher weise versorgen mSge / 1 Timoth: 6 v. 8. und dBrff doch wol / wann er zu Morgens auffstehet / die liebe Sonne ehe im HauB haben / als das liebe Brot / wil jetzo deB Soldaten: und Anlaggelts geschweigen. ” 26 RB qto. 613:23, 17 (Dec. 1638): ”Ein jeglicher HauB-vatter soil wachen / und zu sehen / daB sein HauB und Hof / ThUr und Thor wol verwahret seye / damit man nicht etwan schlaffend gefunden und uberrumpelt werden mSge....” 27 See below, p. 57. 198 28 RB qto. 613:13, 56 (Oct. 1639) 29 RB qto. 615:18, 12 (Nov. 1700): "cine hdbsche und sch&ne Jungfrau / nlcht nur an dem Lelb / und der vohl- proportlonirten Gestalt nach / welches Sie venig vUrde recommendlrt haben / dann liebllch und schSn sein / 1st nlchts / ein Welb das den Herrn fdrchtet / soil man loben (Prov. 31:30)....” 30 RB qto. 613:21, 8 (July 1634). 31 RB qto. 613,21 (July 1634): ”Bin ich nlcht schUn von Angeslcht / Am Lelbe ttbel zugerlcht / So hab ich doch ein schSn Gemttth / Damit ich alles mache gut. ” 32 RB qto. 613:21, 6-7 (July 1634). 33 RB qto. 613:24, 11 (March 1647); RB qto. 613:21, 8 (July 1634). 34 Ibid., 11: ”fromme gottseelige”. 35 RB qto. 615:5, 37 (Nov. 1644). 36 RB qto. 617:25, 41 (Feb. 1656): "...gegen ihrem Hertz geliebten Herrn Ehewirth liebreich / Ehrerbietig und gehorsam / gegen ihren Kindern getreue / in ihrer Haushal- tung sorgfMltig / gegen mMnniglich Ehrndienstfertig / gegen der lieben Armut / nach vermfigen mildth&tig ervisen; und im (Ibrigen eines stillen / eingezogen / schlechten und rechten Wandels (so vil durch Gott mUgllch) sich beflissen...”; RB qto. 614:15, 40 (Nov. 1659). 37 RB qto. 615,29 1/2 (MS: Jan. 1701): ”Wie rUhmlich sie ihrer HauBhaltung gefUhret, unnd sich so tags und nachts, kein m(lh noch arbeit vann es noch so hart und manchmal fast unertrfiglich, in der Kinder Pfleg daher gegangen, sich nicht dauren lassen....” 38 RB qto. 620:2, 27 (Oct. 1660): ”...die so Tags und Nachs / ohn angesehen sie Leibsschvachheit wegen selber oft vartens bedarft / mit so unverdrieBlichem fleifi / und ohnauBsetzlicher trever Sorgfalt seiner gevartet....”; RB qto. 620:4, 17 (Aug. 1663). 39 RB qto. 615:18, 62 (Nov. 1700): "der Hoffarth und dem Ubermachten Kleider-Pracht feind". 199 40 RB qto. 613:23, 32 (Dec. 1636): "wie ale dann nlcht vlel under die Leuth kommen / veder wo ale Ehren halben hln gemdfit / und alch vlelmehr zu Hauae der HttuBligkeit und Elnaambkelt atetlgs befllsaen.• 41 RB qto. 613:21, 7-6 (July 1634): 'Unaere Augen aehen gerne kBstliche aachen / ale da aeln Silber / Gold / und Edelgeatelne. Ein Chrlatlich Gottseeliges Welbe lat dlaem glelch. Ein Weib / daa ein beatttndig Gemtith hat / lat wie die guldine Seulen / auff den Silbern Sttilen (Sir. 26:23). Ja ale lat besaer ala dise. Wem ein tugendtaam Weib bescheret 1st / die lat vil edler dann die kttstliche Perlen / aagt Salomo (Prov. 31:10). Iat demnach ein fromb Gottsellg Weib / einem Chriatlichen Gottsellgen Mann nochmaln ein desiderabile_gculgrum: Ein Augenluat." RB qto. 613:22, 27 (Oct. 1637); RB qto. 613:23, 7 (Dec. 1638); RB qto. 613:24, 26 (March 1647); RB qto. 615:9, 41 (Aug. 1670). 42 1 Petr. 3:6; RB qto. 613:24 (March 1647). 43 RB qto. 615:32, 6 (Nov. 1712): "mit keinem Wort nimmer nicht beleidiget / und niemal kein Hertzenleid gemacht"; RB qto. 613: 24, 28 (March 1647): "Jhne mit keinem Wort Jemals offendirt"; RB qto. 615: 18, 62 (Nov. 1700): "Ihren Ehe-Herrn hat sie hertzlich geliebet / und niemaln betrUbet / Ihn geehret / Seiner fleiBig gewartet / und gepflogen....” 44 RB qto. 613: 21, 8 (July 1634): "dann sie sein gar zart und empfindtlich: Also solle man dem Weibischen / als dem achwttchsten Werckzeug / aeine Ehre geben / als auch Miterben der gnaden defl Lebens...."; RB qto. 613:25, 43 (Apr. 1649); RB qto. 613:22, 12 (Oct. 1637) 45 2 Sam. 12:3; RB qto. 617:6, 113 (March 1689). 46 RB qto. 613:25, 12-49 (Apr. 1649). 47 Ibid., p. 31: "Zu einer Widerlegung wird es auch gesagt / den Lfisterern und WeiberschMndern / welche mit den blinden Heyden sagen: Das weibliche Geschlechte wire nicht mit einem Perlin / oder mit einer Crone (Prov. 12:4) / sondern mit einem Pferd / Hund / Schwein / Binen / und dergleichen / zu comparieren und zu vergleichen. Als erstlich mit einem Pferd / wegen ihrer hofffirtigen Ge- dancken / Wort und Werck. 2. Mit einem Hund / weils zor- niger Art aeyen / und immer zarren / marren / keiffen / neiffen / und beissen. 3. Mit einem Schwein / wegen ab- schwerlicher Fltttterey. 4. Mit einer Binen aber / wegen ihres Fleifl und Sorgffiltigkeit im Haufi-Regiment / so aber doch mit einem scharpffen Stachel umgehen: Item seye mala 200

herba, ein bfiaes Kraut / und was dergleichen Schand-Nach- Namen mehr aeyn. Nun iat zvar nicht ohn / ea gibt nicht allazeit kttatliche Parian / aondarn man findat auch Wasaer- perlan / Schainparlan / falacha Parian / daa iat / man findat zu Zeiten auch bttae Weiber / die nicht Margaritae und kSstliche Parlen / aondarn margiton, daa iat / thOrichte / wttste Hiatmalen und SMwmallen / mfigen ganennt verdan / die nur immer zarr und marran / murren und kurren / und immer daa latzte Wort haben wollen...." 48 Ibid., 41-43: "daB aie ihra Margaritae und HauBPerlen nicht aollen ftlr gering halten/. . . . und fttr nichte achten / aondern fttr ihre Crone (Prov. 12:4)... / fUr ihre Augenluat (Eze. 24:16)... / ja fUr eine Gabe Gottes (Sir. 26:3)... halten / und nicht alao liadarlich dahin geben / oder ihrer nichta achten / und gleichaam hinweg werffen aollen / dann die Perlen hebt man wol auff und wirffts nicht fttr die Hund (Hatt. 7:6)....Alao aoll der Mann sein Margaritam und HauBPerlen nicht hinwerffen / und nicht fttr ein FuBtuch halten / aondern folgen der Ver- mahnung Syrachs (Sir 7:27)...Scheide dich nicht von einer vernttnfftigen und frommen Fraven / denn aie iat edler weder kein Gold. Welches geschehen wird 1. venn era lieb und verth httlt: Die Perlen pflegt man nicht hin zu achlaudern / sondern httlts hoch / und zeucht mancher Kauffmann veit und breit darnach / auch wol mit ttusserter Gefahr seines Lebens: Also soil auch ein Christlicher Ehemann aein d3£9§£4£am, aeine Annam, Barbaram, Christinam, Dorgtheam, §v§E?' Mariam, &c. oder wie sonsten einen Namen haben mag / von Hertzen lieben / und auB aolcher hertzlicher Liebe ihr alles gutes erweisen / und ihm die seine lassen die Liebste seyn / vermOg defl aechsten Gebotts.... Drittens auch fein mit Vernunfft bey ihr wohnen (1 Pet. 3:7).... Dann gleich wie ein Perlen durch Easig kan maceriret und zerbeiaset werden / daB es zerschmeltzet / vergehet und umbkommet: Also kan auch ein fromm Tugendsam Weib durch ihres Mannes Unfreundlichkeit und Ungeatttmigkeit wol zerbeisaet werden / daB sie zerachmeltzen und vergehen muB / drumb aoll der Mann gegen aeinem HauBPerlen nicht ein L8w (Sir. 4:34)... / oder bitter gegen derselben aeyn (Col. 3:19)... / aondern mit Vernunfft bey deraelben wohnen / und ala einem achwachen Werckzeug aeine Ehe geben / ale Mit- Erben der Gnaden defl Lebens / auff daB aein Gebett nicht verhindert werde (1 Pet. 3:7)...." 49 RB qto. 613:2, QeO (May 1589); RB qto. 613:10, 33 (May 1637); RB qto. 615:15, 24 (June 1684); RB qto. 615: 21, |46l (June 1705). 50 RB qto. 614:2, 29 (Dec. 1655); RB qto. 617:14, 20 (Dec. 1633). 201 51 RB qto. 617:25, 41 (Feb. 1656): ”lm Leben / so lang es Gott gefttllt.. . . "; ibid., "(so lang es dem Herrn bellebet) im Leben...." 52 RB qto. 614:8, 98 (Hay 1671). 53 RB qto. 613:24, 28 (March 1647): "veil Sie jhne durch Gottes miltreichen Segen mit 15. Kinder begabet...." 54 RB qto. 615:6, 35 (Apr. 1666); RB qto. 614:8, 98 (Hay 1671); RB qto. 617:26, 55 (Oct. 1674). 55 See below, pp. 175-176. 56 Unbound LP qto., Maria Magdalena Adam (14. Oct. 1655), 12: "Ja ein einiger unsanffter Tritt kan dem Kindlein unter dem Hertzen schMdlich seyn / wie solches alles leyder die tflgliche Erfahrung bezeuget / und gehet solch Beschwerligkeit nicht nur (Iber arme und geringe / sondern auch tiber die aller fttrnemmste hSchster Stands Personen und Frawen." 57 RB qto. 617:26, 24 (Oct. 1674): "(Christus) be- wahret in freylich 1. in Utero, in Mutterleib / da / wann Er durch seine verborgene Macht denselben nicht erhielt / es bald urn ein Kind gethan wttre / welches / wie ein Liecht- lein von Sturmwind ausgeblasen wUrde verlttschen. Man be- denckt ein Ungebohrnes / noch in Mutterleib verschloBnes Kindlein / wie es da liget / Wer versorgt es dann / und erhfllt ihm sein Leben? Christus / dessen auffsehen be- wahret sein Odem / er bewahret ihn 2. in_gartu, wann das Kind zur Welt soil gebohren werden / da es gleichsam zwischen ThUr und Angel steckt / zur Geburtstatt wol kommt / aber es ist kein Krafft zugebfiren da... / d a thut die Allmfichtige durchwtlrckende Hand Gottes / durch die Hand treuer Hebammen / das beste / und erlBst die Mutter von den Banden / und das Kind vom finstern Kercker / darinnen es 9. Monat lang mit vilem wehthumb getragen worden / daB mans Ihm und keinem andern zu dancken weist....Er bewahret den Odem und das Leben 3. in_falsciis, in seiner Wiegen und Windeln; 1st das Kind an das Tagliecht kommen / was ist sein Leben? meista ein Schlaff / darinn es nit weist / ob es lebt / streckt Hfindlein und FUBlein von sich / und lttst Gott allein walten....” Isa. 37:3; RB qto. 615:15, 24-25 (June 1684): "Er ist der die Kinder in Mutterleib bildet / ernehrt / erhMlt / und zu rechter Zeit auf die Welt bringet." 56 RB qto. 613:24, 25 (March 1647): "ein getrewer Vatter / welcher / wann er seine Kinder auff der Gassen oder Strassen / da man viel (lber reutet und ffihret / oder ligt auff dem Feld in Hecken und Stauden under den wilden 202

Thieren / nimbt er dasselbige auff aein Arm / trfigts helm / und legt aa auff aein Ruhebettlein / damit ea daaelbaten aicher ligen unnd achlaffen mBge."

RB qto. 613:2, [lO-ll] (May 1589): "Die Mutter / venn aie jre liebe Kinder achlaffen legen / veraperren die Kammer / daB nicht ein Hund oder Katz hinein komme / daa Kind auffvecke oder erschrecke.... 60 Ibid. , [i.4-15] : "... Handel t alao Gott der Herr mit una / und den unaerigen / vie ein treve Mutter mit Jren Kindern / velche / van ein groaaea vetter vorhanden oder ein Aufflauff in der Statt / lauffet aie bald / erviachet / ihre Kinder / ao auff der Gaaaen aein / bringeta zu HauB / verapert aie in ein Kammer / Damit aie auff die Gaaaen vider kommen / und jnen ein unglOck zuatehe....” 61 RB qto. 614:9, 46 (Feb. 1678). 62 RB qto. 613:14, 32 (Sept. 1646): "und an denaelben VMtterliche Liebe und ernatliche Zucht / als an seinen leiblichen Kindern / erviesen: Und vann er geaehen / daB die Kinder nit einerley Art aeyen / aondern Gott gemeiniglich den frommen Ertz-Vfittern gute und bBse nebeneinander gestellt / hat er keinen Eli agirt, aondern acharpffe und ernatliche HauBzucht gehalten / mit Worten und Straichen / ja gar mit GefMncknuasen1 Daa iat lBblich; Wolte Gott / daB ein jeder HauB-Vatter dergleichen thflte / ao volten vir frSmmere Kinder in dieser Statt haben / als vir laider haben / darumb hat auch Gott aeine eyferige / Christliche HauBzucht V&tterlich gesegnet...." 63 Horace, Carm. Ill, 6; RB qto. 615:17, 75-76 (Jan. 1695): "Aetas Parentum, pejor avia, tulit Nos nequiores, mox daturoa Progeniem vitiosiorem. Die Eltern selbaten kamen Aus einem bBsen Samen / Und varen grosse SUnder; Doch grBsaer ihre Kinder Von denen zu gevarten / Noch Laster-haffter Arten.” 64 RB qto. 615:29, 11 (Oct. 1699): "Kinder aollen ihrer Eltern Frommigkeit geniessen / auch biB in das tauaend Glied / Exod. 20:6. Zumahlen / vann sie in der frommen Eltern Christ-lBbliche FuBstapffen tretteni Jai vaa Gott biBveilen frommen Eltern abbricht / eraetzet Er gar offt ihren Kindern und NachkBmmlingen....Eltern kBnnen ihren Kindern viel Gutes zufUgen / vann aie Gottea-fBrchtig aind: Aber auch viel Schaden / vann sie Gott aetzen / offt 203

mufl klein HfinBlein ausessen / was grofi Hanfl eingebrocket hal- * • • » * 65 RB qto. 613:24, 29 (March 1647): "daa hochheylige Abendmahl alle Viertel Jahr gebraucht / zuvor alch In dem Belchtatuhl elngeatellt;....So mufl Jhr meniglich / Geist- llche und Weltliche / daa Zeugnua geben / daB Sie die Predlgten Gottea Worts / an Sonn- Feyr- und Wercktagen / wie auch Ampt und Vesper / fleissig besucht / aolches zu HauB geleaen / eyferig gebetten / kelnen Fluch oder Schwur jhr lebenlang von alch httren lasaen / jhr liebe Kinder und Geslnd In der Forcht Gottes und Vermahnung zu dem Herrn ernstllch und eyferig aufferzogen;...£undj ale alch gegen meniglich freundt- fried- und nachbarlich / auch leutseellg und guthertzlg erzelget und erwiesen.” RB qto. 615:32, 79 (Nov. 1712). 66 RB qto. 613:1, fl5] (Jan. 1587); RB qto 613:5, 27 (Sept. 1608); RB qto. 617:6, 114 (March 1689). 67 RB qto. 613:21, 18 (Jul. 1634); RB qto. 615:5, 39 (Nov. 1644). 68 RB 613: 20, [34] (June 1617); RB qto. 613:7, 33 (Apr. 1629). 69 RB 615:29, 12 (Oct. 1699): Veit Ulrich GUntzler read "Albrechts Schatz-Kammer / Simon Pauli Postlll / Heerbergers Magnallen / D. Heinrich MUllers Erqulckstunden / Creutz-BuB- und Bet-Schule / Herrn M. Stromeyers Himm- lischen Labsal der glaubigen Seele wider die Schrecken des Todtea / und andern....” RB qto. 613:23, 32 (Dec. 1638). 70 RB qto. 613:22, 28 (Oct. 1637). 71 RB qto. 615:7, 44 (May 1668). 72 RB qto. 613:24, 29 (March 1647). 73 RB qto. 615:29, f~56] (Oct. 1699). 74 RB qto. 615:18, 62 (Nov. 1700): ” hat Sie Ihr liebes SQhnlein / das kaum zu lallen angefangen / mit FleiB zum Gebet / und allem Guten angehalten / alao daB es schon etliche schBne Gebetlein / von Ihr erlernet / her sagen kan....”

RB qto. 613:5, [27] (Sept. 1608): "hat auch seine liebe Kinder und HauBgesind gantz eyferig zur Gottesforcht angehalten / jnen nicht allein tfiglich in der Wochen die H. Biblia, sonder auch am SambBtag frti / das Evangelium folgenden Sontags / und dann am Sontag zu Morgen die 204

gevohnliche Epiatel / beede aampt der Auflerlegung / vie anderer reiner Autgrum, also sonderlich Herrn Dgctoris_ HunniuB seligen / fUrgelesen. Hat sie darauff fleissig in die Kirchen geschickt / vann sie heimb kommen / sie auB den Predigten examinirt, und vas sie nicht gnUgsam verstanden oder gefasset / als ein rechtschaffener und getrever Christlicher HauBprediger / ihnen veiter erklttrt und auBgelegt." RB qto. 615:32, 79 (Hov. 1712): ”und zu Haus tfiglich in der Heiligen Schrifft und andern schtinen Geist-reichen BUchern mit den Seinigen fleiflig gelesen und gebeten... . 76 RB qto. 614:5, 85 (Jan. 1670). 77 RB qto. 615:26, 25 (July 1696): ”Das Leben der Schul-VMtter / ist die Regul der Schul-Kinder. Hit einem Gerechtigkeits-vollen heiligem Tugend-Wandel kan ein Schul-Lehrer viel lehren und erbauen: die Jugend ffihet vie ein Zunder / vas sie siehet und hBret / das thut sie nach / und kan ein Praecegtgr seinen Respect, vie Boethius sagt / nicht eher verliehren / ist auch den Schul-Kindern nichts schUdlichers / als das tadelhaffte Leben der Lehrer: Dann die bBsen Exempel verfUhren und verderben einem das Gute / und die reitzende Lust verkehret unschuldige Hertzen." 78 Ibid., 15: "nicht vornehmlich und hauptsMchlich in Vergilii^ Homeri, Terentii, Cornelius_Neggtis, und andern Heynischen BUchern allein / nur immer das Arma_virumgue cano treiben / das ist / lauter Heydnische SprUch in sie pflfintzen: aondern es soil ein jeder Praecegtgr, in den Christen-Schulen / das Prggramma an seine Schul hinan schlagen...." 79 RB qto. 613:20, /VJ (July 1690). 80 Sehling XII, ii, pp. 355-6. 81 RB qto. 615:26, 17 (July 1696): "Und diese allein seeligmachende Evangelische Glaubens-Gerechtigkeit mUssen nicht nur vir Evangelische Prediger / auf der Kanzel / lehren / ...aondern auch die Herrn Pragcegtgres und Lehrer in den Schulen / mUssen das ihr Haupt-Werck seyn lessen / daB sie die Jugend / bey Zeiten / von Kindes Beinen an / in dieser Gerechtigkeit unterveisen / und Ihnen zeigen / vie sie in den Himmel kommen / und evig gerecht und seelig verden mUssen / ktinnen und sollen. ..." 82 RB fol. 651:612, f48l (Dec. 1711). 83 RB qto. 614:9, 52 (Feb. 1678). 84 RB qto. 614:9, 52. 205 85 RB qto. 617:16, 46 (Apr. 1697). 86 RB qto. 613:1, 14 (Jan. 1587): ”hat den etui der ehren inn seines Vaters hauB gehabt / da er sich von jugend auff / zu erlernung freyer kdnsten ergeben / ansehnliche veitbertthmte Academien besuchet / daselbsten die vaarhelt GBttliches worts / und rechten verstand der veltllchen Rechten / erlernet...." 87 RB qto. 614:2, 66 (Dec. 1655). 88 RB qto. 615:31, 82 (Sept. 1704): "Indeme aber seines Herrn Vattern Intention diese gewesen / Ihne zu Handelschafft zu ziehen / als ist Er urn dessentvillen aus der Schul genommen / und von seinen lieben Eltern / in dem 15. Jahr / Anno 1644. den 14. Decembr. nacher Verona verschicket worden...."

89 RB fol. 651: 612, (,48jr -1 (Dec. 1711). 90 RB qto. 614:17, 58 (Dec. 1658): "frUhzeitig der Verstand bey Ihr hat mercken lassen / haben wohlbenannte Ihre Liebe Eltern / umb willen / damit Sie zu einem schBnen Tugend Tempel wurde / sie / vie Christlich erzogen / also aber unverzUglich auch zur Schulen angehalten / worinnen Sie / neben der Gottesforcht / im Lesen / Schreiben / Rechnen / vie nlcht veniger in der Vocal und Instrumental. Music nicht allein fleissig ist untervisen vorden / sondern auch solches also angenommen / daB Sie hiemit bey Ihren Seligen Eltern grosse Frevde gemacht / bey andern aber zur Vervunderung ursach hat gegeben.” 91 RB qto. 614:15, 39 (Nov. 1659). 92 RB qto. 613:20, [*32] (June 1617). 93 Tobias Fabricius, in RB qto. 617:14, 6-9 cited the Fourth Commandment, as veil as Sirach 3, but declined further discussion of either text, "veil von solchen hflndlen andervert in den Catechismus-predigten gehandelt vird....” 94 RB qto. 615:11, 5 (Jan. 1671). 95 Johann Michael Dilherr, Christliche_Gedfichtnis-_ Mttntze_/_das_ist£_Etliche_Lehren_/_trgst_und_Vermahnungen_/_ fQr_Eltern_/_und_Kinderi_Alte_/_und_Junge£_Witven_/_und_ Waiseni_Gesunde_/_und_Krflncklingei.in.Fgrm_gevisser_Waise_ in_einer_Kinde£lehren_dargestelltj.1.1.s. (NUrnberg, 1655), pp. 159-1157 206 96 RB qto. 613:30, [sij (July 1690): "alch zu einem seiner Condisclpuln gesellet / velche beede / unerachtet / daB ihnen von einer seiner Jungfern Baasen / Jungfer Anna Dorothea / in dem GrofivMtterlichen Epplinischen HauB / zugesprochen vorden / er solte bey Lelb nicht vor das Thor / oder zu einem Bronnen / oder Wasser / sondern vielmehr zu seiner Mutter in den Laden / und darauff zur Epplins-Anfrauen auff die Hochzeit gehen; Gleichwolen in der zugemutheten Meinung / Bintzen zum schwimmen in dem Wasser zu schneiden / hinaus vor das Berger-Thor / hinter die BergmUhl / bifi zur BrQcken der Steegmtthl / sich verleiten lassen / woselbsten seine Kleider ausgezogen / sich in das Wasser gevagt....” 97 RB qto. 615:17, 94 (Jan. 1695): "sein Sel. Herr Vatter Ihn durch Schreiben zurttck nach HauB verlanget / zog Er den Kindlichen Gehorsam solchen seinem gefaBten Vorsatz vor....” In his funeral sermon for Michael J5rg, Sigmund Kisling reported how in ”Anno 1614. haben ihne / seine / ...liebe Eltern nach Hause beruffen und in den H. Ehestand befOrdert...”: RB qto. 615:7, 41 (May 1668). 98 RB qto. 615:11, 8-9 (Jan. 1671): ”demnach bedancke ich mich Kindlich gegen Ettch vor alle Zucht und Ehr / die Ihr mir angethan /und mich tfiglich umbs bttses gestraffet habt....” 99 Ibid., 9: "Ich thue mich auch Kindlich bedancken vor EUre Zucht und Ehr / auch vor EOre tretie Lehr / und daB Ihr mich in aller Gottesforcht erzogen und zu allem guten angehalten habt....” Jacobina Regina Welsch, in RB qto. 615:18, 60 (Nov. 1700), thanked her mother and stepfather for her Christian upbringing on her deathbed; RB qto. 617:15, 23 (July 1690). 100 RB qto. 617:14, 10 (Dec. 1633): "Liebe Kinder sein ihrer Eltern hertzlicher trost. Dann sie gedencken / werde ich alt und ableg / so kan mein Kind mein Leib sein. Kan ich mein Ampt nimmer verveisen / so kans mein Sohn thun / oder ja sonsten meinen Namen und Stammen erhalten. Und veil ich der Kinder mehr habe / so vird mein Sohn / meiner anderen Kinder Pfleger und Vatter sein. Es sein doch die Kinder / sonderlich gehorsamb und gefttllige SBhne ihren Eltern ein rechter Stab unnd Stecken / an welchen sie sich in ihrem Alter halten und heben kttnnen....das thun heut zu tage alle gehorsame Stthne / vann sie ihren Eltern in ihrem hohen Alter zuspringen / ihnen dienen / rathen / helffen / ihrer pflegen und varten.” 101 Ibid., 7-8, 10. 207 102 RB qto. 615:28, 43 (Hay 1697): Johann Ulrich Manner's children had "Ihrem Sel. Herrn Vatter blfi in Tod alle Kindliche Lieb und Treu mit pflegen und varten / mit heben und legen / neben der Frau Mutter erviesen / die Gott vergelten / sie allerseits wieder erfreuen / und an Seel und Leib vergnOglich seegnen voile.” 103 RB qto. 617:14, 11-12 (Dec. 1633): "Gefflllige Kinder sein ihrer Eltern Erben. Dann ungerathene Kinder haben die Eltern macht zu enterben. Haben nun die Eltern venig / so 1st es ihnen doch ein frewd / daB sie ihren Stammen und Namen erhalten / slntemal es betrttbt und travrig zugehet / wann Schilt und Schwerdt in das Grab gevorffen vird. Sein die Eltern Reich / unnd haben nicht Erben / thut es ihnen hertzlich vehe / daB lhr Haab und Gut in frembde HMnde kommen / und gelangen solle." 104 Ibid., p. 12. 105 Ibid., pp. 12-13: "Also sein noch auff disen tage rechtschaffene Eltern auch gesinnet / nach ihrem Haab und Gut fragen sie so hoch nicht / sondern ihre Kinder halten sie fttr ihr Hauptgut und beaten Schatz." 106 RB qto. 615:14, 40 (Jan. 1684): "...an deren liebreichen und gesegneten Ehe Er seine grttste Frettde in dieser Welt gehabt / auch Gott tfiglich davor gedancket....” 107 See above, pp. 42-43. 108 Weber-Kellermann, pp. 32-37. 109 RB qto. 614:17, 60 (Dec. 1658). 110 RB qto. 615:6, 38 (Apr. 1666): "Gegen Ihren Lieben Stief-Kindern hat Sie sich / theils mit SorgfMltiger Aufferziehung / Anhaltung zur vaaren Gottseligkeit / dem lieben Gebett / lesung Heil: Schrifft / und andern nutzlichen ttbungen / theils auff andere vege mit Rath und That gantz unverdrossen und volmeinlich / als eine getreve Hutter / ja nicht anderst / als ob Sie selbst solche unter Ihrem Hertzen getragen htttte / erzeiget und verhalten / massen dero / dieselbige / die grosse Trewe / Ehr / Liebs und Guts / und alle von Ihr empfangene Wolthaten / nicht gnugsam nachrUhmen / und Ihr auch nach Ihrem Sel: Tod / nicht gnugsam zu dancken vissen.” RB qto. 617:15, 23 (July 1690). 111 RB qto. 615:22, 16-17 (Nov. 1693). 112 RB qto. 617:16, 34 (Apr. 1697); RB qto. 617:25, 24 (Feb. 1656). 208 113 RB qto. 613:18, 28-29 (Apr. 1661): "Behenget ist mit diesen bittern FrUchten auch der Lebens-Baum der HauB-Vtttter und HauB-HUtter. Da ist MUhe / da ist Arbeit. Ehestand / so ein von Gott geehrter Stand er ist; so vahrhafftig ist er auch / dem Sprichvort nach / ein Wehestand....

du aingest keine gute atimm / du haat nicht recht von dir / du redeat unrecht und sttndlich. Thue vilmehr vie Job gethan t...Der Herr hats gegeben / der Herr hata genommen...." 124 Maclean, pp. 42-46. (Of course, thia negative image of woman ia not neceeaarily premodern 1) 125 RB fol. 651:612, 13 (Dec. 1711). 126 Ibid., 19: "....alao iat es mit lieben Kinderen in der Ehe auch beachaffen / ver deraelben in seinem Ehe-Garten viel hat / ob ea Ihm gleich groaaen Schmertzen veruraachet / wo Ihm eines / daa vie ein achfines BlUmlein blUhet / durch den rauhen Todtes-Wind velck gemachet / und abgevehet vird / ao kan Er. doch aich noch ehender zu frieden geben / als vo Er nur ein eintzigea hat / und reifit es Ihm dahin. Dann wo das einige Jubel verlohren / vo das einige BMumlein abgebrochen / vo daa einige BlUumlein abgevehet oder abgefressen vird; da ffillet alle Hoffnung / so man von solchen Kindern geschOpffet / alle VergnUgung / Freud und Wonne / so man an Ihnen gehabt / auf einmahl dahin....” 127 RB qto. 615:18, 52 (Nov. 1700): "Da ich diese schreibe / dringet mich die hertzliche Liebe / meinenr 8. Tage vor unserer Sel. Frauen Doctorin / mit vervunderlicher Freudigkeit / in dem 7. Jahr ihres Alters / verstorbenen liebsten mittlern TBchterlein / Annfi Elisabeths Wengin. ..." 128 Ibid., 53-54: "Hier ligt ein Kind / ao fromm / den Eltern lieb gevesen Noch lieber aber Gott / drum volt' Er es erlBsen Fein bald von SUnd / von Noth / von Jammer / Todt / und Leid / Sie atarb vol28frohen Muths / lebt stets bey Gott in Freud." 129 Maria Susanna Westerfeld, Johanna Barbara Weng, Jacobina Regina Welach, Barbara Seefrid. 130 Gerhard, Meditationea; RB qto. 615:18, 34-35

(Nov. 1700): "Ante exitum miseras oneramus matrea, in exitu more vipereo laceramua: Ehe vir an die Welt kommen / so sind vir den armen MUttern eine groaae Last / und vann vir gebohren werden / verden vir ihnen zu Ottern / zerreiasen und zerbeissen sie jttmmerlich. ” 131 RB qto. 613:18, 29 (Apr. 1661); RB qto. 617:25, 42 (Feb. 1656). 210 132 RB qto. 617:25, 9 (Feb. 1656); here Kisling lists Eph. 3:12, Acts 4:12, and Rom. 8(:22). 133 RB qto. 615:15, 22 (June 1684). 134 RB qto. 615:15, 19-20 (June 1684): ”Sie starb in ihren Beruff darein sie Gott gesetzet / da er sie mit Leibs-Frucht gesegnet hatte....Sie starb und ward dero Seel aufgenommen in den Himmel / in den SchoB Abrahams / in das evige Glori und Freuden-Leben.... Daraus zu ersehen / daB wann gebtthrende fromme Christliche Hatronen / in oder nach der Geburt ihr Leben lessen mUssen / ihr Tod dannoch ein seeliger Tod seye." RB 615:15, 22, 23, 27 (June 1684); unbound LP qto., Haria Magdalena Adam, (14. Oct. 1655), 15. 135 RB qto. 615:18, 20-21: "Obdormit in partu, in vocatione et statione sua, in quam divinitus collocata fuerat, et occumbit sub cruce, quae a Deo imposita est mulieribus; Rahel schlfifft ein Uber der Geburt / in ihrem Beruff und Stand / darein Sie von Gott gesetzet war / und nimmt Abschied unter dem Creutz / das dem weiblichen Geschlecht von Gott ist auferlegt vorden / in einem recht seeligen Stand. Wie konnte dann ihr Todt anderst als hOchst-seelig seyn? Sie starb so seelig / als ein Soldat vor seinem Feind / von welchem man zu sagen pfleget / daB Er a,uf dem Bett der Ehren gestorben; so seelig / als die Mflrtyrer / welche / urn der Lehre und Ehre Jesu willen / ihr Blut vergossen: so seelig / als ein Prediger auf der Cantzel; als ein Regent auf dem RathhauB; oder in seiner Ampt-Stuben; so seelig / als ein Handwercks-Mann in seiner Officin und Werckstatt / (lber seiner ordentlichen Arbeit / deren ihr Todt werth gehalten ist fttr dem Herrn....” Carpzov, Fil. Cone. Fun.., pp. 365f. ; RB qto. 615:15, 23 (June 1684). 136 RB qto. 617:25, 5 (Feb. 1656). 137 Aries, The_Hgur_of_0ur_Death, p. 298, 300-312. 138 RB qto. 613:25, 54 (Apr. 1649): "...ihrem liebsten Eheschatz / vor alle Wolthaten / Liebe / GUte und Trewe / die er ihr in vehrendem Ehestand / sonderlich aber zur Zeit ihrer langwirigen Kranckheit / auB Christlicher billicher ehlicher Liebe (als welche sonderlich und am meisten im Creutz und Leiden erkennet wird)....” 139 RB qto. 613:12, 42 (March 1638): ”Darauff seiner lieben HauB-Ehr / anjetzo hochbetrdbter Fraw Wittib / die Hand gegeben / und gedancket / fttr jhre vielfUltige grosse Sorg / Trew und Mtth / die sie in seiner langwUrigen beschwerlichen Kranckheit / Tag und Nacht / gleichsamb unauffhtSrlich und unauBgesetzt / bey jhme auBgestanden / 211

und gesagt / Gott verde Jhr solches inderverts reichlich belohnen." RB qto. 613:9, 42 (Dec. 1636); RB qto. 617:6, 114-115 (March 1689). 140 RB qto. 613:6, 45-46 (Dec. 1628): "ich dann Jetzige hochbetrdbte Fra* Wittib dessenvegen ohn alle heucheley nicht gnugeam loben kan / daB ohnangesehen aie noch in Jhren beaten Jahren / hergegen aber jhr lieber Herr S. ein alter / echvacher und krancker Mann gevesen / den man etlich Jahr heben / legen / speyaen und trMncken / ja aeiner als ein Jungen Kindea varten mUssen / und in dergleichen fUllen wenig Weiber jhr Ampt thun / vilmehr aber darUber wirsam und unvillig werden / und offtermals dem Alten den Todt und Teuffel auf den HalB vdnachen / sie hergegen dergleichen niemala an ihr hat mercken laaaen / treulich aber hergegen bey jhrem lieben alten Herrn beygesetzet / ja an jhme als ein Mutter gehandelt hat / solches vird der Allmflchtige Gott geviBlich auch sie hinwider in Gnaden geniessen lassen...." 141 Stone, pp. 113-114, 173-174, 206-215, 246-253. 142 Unbound LP qto., Dorothea Kyllinger (6. Jan. 1616), (18). 143 Unbound LP qto., A. Fischer (17. Dec. 1645), 42. 144 RB qto. 615:22, (41) (Nov. 1693). 145 RB qto. 617: 15, 29 (July 1690). 146 RB qto. 615:i8, 64 (Nov. 1700): "alle best-mOg- lichste Sorgfalt und MUhe angewendet / durch kostbare hier wieder dienliche Artzney-Mittel dem hefftigen Affect zu steuren...." 147 Ibid., 67: "in Christlicher Gelassenheit sich dem Willen Gottes ergeben / die Kranckheit und Leibes-Schmertzen mit grosser Gedult Ubervunden / und sich zu einem seeligen Ende tiber alle massen wohl bereitet: Und / gleichwie Ihr biBhero schon immer vorgewesen / als ob Sie an diesem Kind / oder doch in dem Kind-Bett ihr Leben beschliessen mUBte / zu velchem Ende Sie sich dann selbsten angeschaffet des beliebten geistreichen Ulmischen Predigers / Herrn M. StrSmayers Himmlische Labsal der glaubigen Seelen wider die Schrecken des Todtes / und darinnen eine geraume Zeit her fleissig gelesen; also hat Sie gleich am Sonn-Abend frUh / nachdem Ihr eine starcke Ohnmacht zugestellen / gegen Ihrem Herrn vermeldet / daB Ihres Bleibens nicht lang mehr in dieser Welt seyn vUrde / anbey / urn die Entschlagung der Welt / und aller Eitelkeit an Tag zu legen / ihren Ring vom Finger abgezogen / und solchen 212

Ihme zugestellet; Auf Befragen / ob Sie dann nicht lfinger bey Ihme / und Ihren lieben Kindern bleiben voile? gab Sie zur Antvort: Sie volte g e m / vann es Gottes Wille vfire; veil Sie aber je einmahl sterben mflsse / und es Gott anjetzo haben voile / so seye Sie bey ihrem Heyland Christo Jesu auch gern / und vttnsche mehr nicht / als dafl Sie nur fein bald seelig mfichte Ubervunden haben. Sonntag Nachts / als die Schvachheit je mehr und mehr zugenommen / befahl Sie ihre liebe Kinder ihrem Ehe-Herrn aufs beste / mit dem Anhang / Er solle sie nur fleissig zum Gebet anhalten / Gott verde Ihnen schon helffen....Montags gegen Tags / als der letzte Feind der Todt nun bald einbrechen / und Ihr Sterb-StUndlein sich heran nahete / sich auch die geistliche Feinde in etvas volten mercken lassen (1. Cor. 15:26); da hat Sie sich durch tapfferes Streiten und Kfimpffen / als eine rechte Jacobina Regina ervisen...... ist Sie darUber so voller Freuden vorden / daB Sie alien geistlichen Feinden recht HeldenmUthig Trotz geboten / und gesprochen: Nun ist mir recht vohl / nun soil mich veder SUnd / Todt / Teuffel / noch Hfille mehr anfechten / Christus ist in mir / und ich in Ihm / ver soil und kan mir schaden? Nichts / nichts kan mir jetzt schaden / ich bin erl&st aus Gnaden / allein durch Christi theures Blut; Ja / lieber Herr Jesu! Du / du hast mich erlUset von SUnd / Todt / Teuffel / und H U H / es hat dein Blut gekostet / drauff ich mein Hoffnung stell; varum solt mir dann grauen vorm Todt und hUllischen G'sind? veil ich auf dich thu bauen / bin ich ein seelig Kind. Und hierauf hat die Sel. Frau von denen umstehenden Freunden alien Abschied genommen / sonderlich von ihrem Ehe-Herrn / deme Sie vor seine Liebe und Treue hertzlich gedancket / und alles Gute angevUnschet; von ihrem SUhnlein / velches sehnlich geruffen: Hutterle bleib da / und anjetzo dieselbige in dem HauB suchet / und schreyet: Hutterle / vo bist? von ihrem TBchterlein / velches Sie zu guter Letzte geherzet / und also beveglich angeredet; Du bist mir vohl ein Schmertzen-Kind / hast mir in der Geburt viel Schmertzen gemacht / und anjetzo / da ich dich verlassen muB; vomit Sie endlich gedachten ihren Ehe-Herrn / mit seinen beyden Kinderlein / nechst Gott / ihren Frauen Schvagerinnen / urn Ihre bestHndige Liebe und Sorgfalt vor Ihne biB in Todt zubezeugen / auf das beste anbefohlen....” 148 Ibid., 68: "Wie Sie dann auch dessen einen sUssen Vorschmack empfunden / vann / vie dorten Jacob die Mahanaim (Gen. 32:1-2) unsere Sel. Jacobina Regina das schttne hell- leuchtende Engel-Heer / so Sie auf Ihrer Reise nach dem Himmlischen Canaan begleiten sollen / vor Ihrem Sterb-Bett- lein / zu Ihrem noch grOssern Trost / und zu Ihrer Seelen gSntzlichen Befriedigung stehen sehen / velches Sie denen Umstehenden erzehlet / und gesprochen / Sie sehe viel heilige Engel....” 213 149 Ibid., 68. 150 Aries, The Hour of Our Death, pp. 14-21. 151 RB 615:18, 64-67 (Nov. 1700). 152 RB qto. 615:18, 16 (Nov. 1700): "Der Kinder Todt verursachet zvar freylich vohl auch grossen Schmertzen / in zfirtlich-liebender Vfitter- und MUttern-Hertzen. .. . Aber noch viel tiefer schneidet in die Seele der Todt lieber sich vohl-begehender Ehe-Gatten.” 153 Ibid., 60-61: "that es Ihm freylich so schmertzlich wehe / als ob Ihm ein Glied an seinem Leibe vfire abgelfiset vorden; jetzo aber / da Ihm Gott seine Augen-Lust entzogen / da Er Ihn seiner lieben (Jacobinfi) Reginfi / und Kttnigin seines Hertzens durch den Tod beraubet / so empfindet seine Seele schmertzliche Wunden / ja! es ist Ihme nicht anderst zu Muth / als ob sein Hertz mit einem scharpffen Schverdt vfire voneinander getheilet vorden...." 154 RB qto. 613:21, 9 (July 1634): "Non dolor est major, quam cum violentia mortis Unanimi solvit corda ligata fide. Das ist: Kein grtisser schmertz auff diser Erden / Kan nimmermehr gefunden verden / Als vann der Todt zvey liebe Leut / Zertrent durch seine grausamkeit.” Also quoted in RB qto. 615:18, 17 (Nov. 1700); see also RB qto. 615:22, (37) (Nov. 1693); RB qto. 615:32, 7 (Nov. 1712). 155 RB qto. 615:18, 18 (Nov. 1700): "Da Ihme aber Gott seine liebe HauB-Frauen von der Seiten gerissen / so hfitte es Ihn so fast geschmertzet / als vann man Ihm mit Gevalt eine Ribbe aus dem Leib gerissen hfitte. ...” 156 RB qto. 615:6, 36 (Apr. 1666). 157 RB qto. 615:32, 55-56 (Nov. 1712). 158 RB qto. 615:18, 17 (Nov. 1700), quoting Selneccer: "Es sey auf der Welt nichts traurigers / als videre_funus_cgnjugis_dilectissimae, die Leich eines hfichst-geliebten Ehe-Gattens ansehen mUssen.” 159 RB qto. 615:9, 41 (Aug. 1670). 160 Unbound LP qto., Barbara Hauff (Apr. 1623), (26). 214 161 RB qto. 614:15, 7 (Nov. 1659): "Dann also 1st es bey Eheleuten / welche etwas auffeinander halten / sie lassen auch in dem Tod ihre Hertzen ungetrennet seyn / sondern das Lebendige behMlt seine Liebe gegen dem Verstorbenen / und lasset es ihme abmercken / wann es demselbigen nach seinem Tod zu gefallen ist umb seines letzten Willens willen / was es etwan umb der Kinder / oder defi HauBwesens willen mit Ihme hat auBgetragen; Oder / wann es mit Ihme selber zum Sterben kommet / alsdann sich frewet / und gedencket / Nun wann ich jetzt zu meinem Heyland Christo komme / zu welchem ich mich am Ersten und vor alien zu sehnen habe / so komme ich auch zu den jenigen / welche allbereit bey Ihme seyn / und fttrhin seyn gezogen / zu meinem Nann / welcher mich geliebet / zu meinem Weibe / welches mir lieb gewesen." 162 RB qto. 615:18, 22-23 (Nov. 1700): ■Betrttbt ihrem hinderlassenen Ehe-Herrn / der Sie bitterlich betrauret / und der aufrichtigen ehlichen Liebe und Treue / so Er von Ihr diese 4. Jtthrkein Uber / (ach eine gar zu kurtze Zeit!) ihrer so Lieb- und Seegen-reichen Ehe / da Sie Ihm Liebs gethan / und nie kein Leid / (Prov. 31:12) nimmermehr vergessen wird sein Lebenlang / sondern Ihr noch viel 1000. Seuffzer / unter heissen Thrttnen / auf den Todten-Berg und Gottes-Acker / ja in den Himmel nachschicken / und seiner liebst-gewesenen Jacobinfl Regina im besten gedencken allezeit."

Chagter_iy 1 Julius Hoffmann, Die_^Hausvaterliteratur^_und_die_ ^E£€digten_Uber_den_christlichen_Hausstand^. Lehre_yom_ Hause_und_Bildung_f Ur_das_hausliche_Leben_im_16i_l iZs.* und_ 18. Jhdt^, GBttinger Studien zur Pttdagogik (ed. Herman Nohl), vol. 37 (Weinheim a.d.B. and Berlin: Verlag Julius Beltz, 1959), pp. 5-33; Hesiod, Works_and_Days; Xenophon, Oekgnomicus; Aristotle, Politics, I. 2 H. Porcius Cato, De_agricultura_liber; see also Varro, Rsrum_rusticarum and Columella, De_re_ruatica. 3 Johannes Geffcken, ed., Der_Bildercatechismus_des_ in_dieser_Zeit_bis_auf_Luther (Leipzig: T. 0. Weigel, 1855), p. 41; Ferdinand Cohrs, ed., Die_Evangelischen_ b§lSSbi5n!ySversuche_ygr_Luther8_Enchiridign, Honumenta Germaniae Paedagogica: Schulordnungen SchulbUcher und pidagogische Hiscellaneen aus den Landen deutscher Zunge, no. 23 (Berlin: A. Hofman & Comp., 1902), pp. 229-234; Franz Falk, "Der Unterricht des Volkes in den 215

katechetischen HauptstUcken am Ende des Mittelalters", bi§i9£i§QbzPQiit±sch_Blfitter_fUr_das_katholische_ Deutschland 108~7lfi9l), 553-56o7~Io9 7i892)7~S1t55; Hoffmann, pp. 24-31. 4 Ibid. , pp. 32-33. 5 Albrecht von Eyb, Qb_*inem_manne_sey_zunemen_ein_ eelichs_yeyb_gder_nicht, ed. H. Weinacht (Darmstadt, 1982). 6 WA 7, 1-73; WA 6, 202-276. 7 WA 30, II, 61, 16. 8 Hoffmann, pp. 41-45. 9 Ibid.,p. 48; Friedrich Hahn, Die_evangeliache_ yDterweisung_in_den_Schulen_des_16. JsbEbunderts, Pfidago- gische Forchungen: Verfiffentlichungen des Comenius- Instituts, no. 3 (Heidelberg: Quelle & Heyer, 1957), p. 28; WA 30, I; Georg Buchvald, Die_Entstehung_der_Katechismen_ bytb§r®_yDy_yi?_yi)yoyi®9®_y§®_9?I9§sen_KatechisiT!us (Leipzig: Georg Wigand, 1894); August Hardeland, Luthers_Katechismus- gedanken_in_ihrer_Entwicklung_bis_zum_Jahre_1529 (GUters- loh: C. Bertelsmann, 1913); Cohrs, Die_Evangelischen_ Katechismusyersuche; Ernst-Wilhelm Kohls, ed. , Evangelische K§techismen_der_Refgrmatignszeit_vgr_und_neben_Martin_ Luthers_Kleinem_Katechismus, Texte zur Kirchen- und TheologiegeBchichte (ed. Gerhard Ruhbach), no. 16 (GUtersloh: Gerd Hohn, 1971); see also Christoph Houfang, ed., K§thglische_Katechismen_des_sechzehnten_Jahrhunderts_ i0_y§ut8cher_Sgrache (Hainz: Franz Kircheim, 1881). 10 Hoffmann, p. 49; Strauss, pp. 151-175: he adds the role of the parents in drilling their children in the Cate­ chism at home, p. 166; Hahn, Die_evangeliBche_Unterweisung_ in den_Schulen, pp. 28-35, 62-84. II Cyrus Spangenberg, Catechismus. Die_fQnff_Heugt- §ttick_der_Christlichen_Lehre (Erfurt 1564); Christoph Fischer, Christliche_Auslegung_vnd_Erklerung_der_Haustaffel (Olzen 1576); Johann Conrad Dannhauer, Catechismusmilch_ gder_Der_Erklj|rung_de8_Catechismi_Dritter_Theil (Strasbourg 1661); Egidius Hunnius, Catechismus_/_Oder_Kinderlehr_/_vgn. den_f0rnemmen_Haugtgunckten_Chri8tlicher_Religign (Frankfurt a.H., 1596); Hoses Pflacher, Catechismus (TUbingen, c. 1599). References to Dannhauer in RB qto. 615:21, 39 (June 1705); RB qto 615:26, 20 (July 1696), RB qto. 615:29, 37, RB qto. 615:31, 43, RB qto. 615:32, 13, 23; also in wedding sermons RB qto. 615:23, 13-14 (Sept. 1696), RB qto. 615, 27, 30 (Oct. 1696). Georg Matthfius Beckh's father Hatthfius had in fact studied in Strasbourg under Johann Schmidt and Dannhauer (RB qto. 615: 22, 33 (Nov. 1693)). 216 4 0)04 in X X H H 0 E a c c 1 l .1 X MlXI 31 . UI>1 I .1 UI IH ClHI01 UI «UI at HI XI IHI . *1El UI XI a 31I 01XI £1N 01 Ml C HI 01 HI XUI Ml 01 01 h i i ci ci hi ui a a UI I HIN Q| ( 31H IN £1 £1 M 01MM Cl 31 £1 I I £1 ClUI I — UIH 01 HI I H IHIHI ~ XI 01 a I Cl 01 £1 01 Cl 3 £1UI Cl 01 HI Cl £ Cl NI£ .1 01 UI 0£1 £1 Cl HI •-» HI O I UI HI HI I 0 (fll XI 01 01 HI Ml 01 £1 UI Cl Cl H Ml £1 HI I I MlXI HI £1 HI HI.IJ HIOil HI I IU Cl UI UI01UI 01 Cl El 01 »UI 01 01 01 UI UI Cl HI UIOI I HI XI HI 01 oi ai oi uioioi ai 01 NI Ml HI IIIEl l l .1 01 ui UI ci h 1 .1 .1 C H HI I 01UI£1 01 XI X M01 UI XI I OI UI 01 £1£1 HI UI UI HI El 31HI HI a 0 £1 XI I HI - HI I U I HIUI I XI OI M l a UI Mla

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unechuldt_der_Ehefraven (Frankfurt a.M., 1569); Martin Caselius, Der_ZUchtige_Schauplatz_Dee_TeutBchen_Frauenz±Tn-_ mers (Magdeburg, 1666); Christoph Richter, Schrifftm8Biges_ Bedencken_/_Ljber_die_Fragei_Ob_eln_Ehe-mann_seinem_Ehe-_ ^ibe_/_venn_sie_berelt8_echjrangers_Lelbes_lst_/_jnit_gute!n_ Gevissen_auch_ngch_ferner_ehelich_beyvghnen_m8ge? (n.p., 1707). An example of the sixteenth-century TeufelbOcher is Johann Strauss' Vfider_cjen_Kleyder_/_Pluder_/_Pauss_und_ Krauss_Teuffel (1560) In Ria Stambaugh, ed., TeufelbUcher_ iD_Auswahl, Ausgaben deutscher Literatur des XV. bis XVIII. Jahrhunderts (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co., 1970-1960), II, pp. 1-57. 17 Johann von Mttnster, Tractatua_Vgn_Ehelichen_ y§£i£bnussen_/_und_2rie_darinnen_Rechtligh_zugrgcediren_sey (Hanau, 1596). 16 Ibid. , Tractatus_de_Pglyteknia< paedagggia,_ ditandisj et_dotandis_liberis. Das_isti_Vgn_Vielheit_/_ iEziehung_/_Reichthumb_/_und_Au6stevr_der_Kinder_/_In_Fgrm_ EiD§r_Christlichen_GeBgrachs_zyeyer_frgmmer_Eheleute_/_ jfelghe_mit_yielen_Kindern_vgn_Ggtt gnedig_heimgesucht_seind Tiianau^ 1595) ~ pp7 95-124: "Die Mutter klaget: Lieber Mann / ich bin mit vielen Kindern sehr beschweret / und hart beladen. Der Vatter trQstet: Liebe Frav / Schwache Achseln kttnnen auch mit Goldt und Silber hart beladen werden.... Mutter. Ja lieber Mann / ich werde aber unter so vielen Kindern Arm. Vatter. Mit nichten / liebe Fraw / dann die Kinder seind vielmehr dein schatz unnd Reichthumb.... Mutter. Ich lebe aber in grosser Armuth unter so grossem hauffen der Kinder...... Lieber Mann jhr redet sehr fein / und gebet mir schBne Worte:...aber wer wil so viel Kinder ernehren? ...Wer vil so viel Kinder kleiden? ...Aber weill ich der Kinder so sehr viel hab / mttgte ich vdndschen / daB Gott mir in ettlicher Kinder statt / ein ander Geschenck und Gabe / damit ich die andern Kinder erhalten kBndte / gegeben hette. Vatter. DIB seind Abermahl zum letzen gar Weibische worte...." 19 Johannes Spangenberg, Des_Ehelichen_Orden_/_ Sgiegel_und_Regul (Wittenberg, 1560); Egidius Hunnius, Qb£i§tliche_HauBtafel (Frankfurt a.M., 1586); Johann Philipp Schierstab, Sgeculum_cgniugale_Das_ist^.a_Christ- licher_Ehe2_und_HauBsgiegel (NUrnberg, 1614); Caspar Huberinus, §giegel_des_Geistlichen_HauBzucht (n.p., c. 1570); Johannes Mtihlmann, Nucleus_Oecgngmiae_Christi- anafj &_Sgeculum_verae_Pgenitentiae1 Das_i§t^_Ain_ QbEi§tlicher_Hau8haltung_/_Anveisung_redlicher_Nahrung_/_ 218

und Spiegel wahrer Busse (Leipzig, 1629). 20 See above, p. 62. 21 Dilherr, Christliche_Gedftchtn±s-MOnze, pp. 109-110; for the stories of the duke and the student, ibid., Ehre_der_Ehe (NUrnberg 1662), pp. 237-238; for the woman and the apes, ibid., pp. 304-306. 22 WA ser. 3, 12, 144-147. 23 See above, p. 56. 24 Qb£;l§t li9he_Kinder--Fragen_/_yber_die_SechB_ liiupt^StOcke des Christlichen_Catechismi. . . . (NBrdlingen, 170077 ~ ” 25 Georg Matthttus Beckh, B±bliBcheB_Catech±smus-_ Seightziychlein (NBrdlingen, 1756). 26 See above, pp. 75-77. 27 RB qto. 615:23 (Sept. 1693); RB qto. 615:27 (Oct. 1696); RB qto. 615:30 (Feb. 1702). Beckh's first wife Catherine Barbara had died in January 1701 (RB qto. 615, 29 1/2 (Jan. 1701). 28 RB qto. 615:27, 35, 37. 29 RB qto. 615:30, 19: "Unter denen zeitlichen GlUckseeligkeiten 1st wohl die allervornehmste eine liebreiche Ehe / ...0 das 1st ein irrdiBch Paradiefl / ein Himmel auf Erdenl” 30 RB qto. 615:27, 35-36. 31 RB qto. 615:30, 23. 32 RB qto. 615:23, 42: "...Es findet sich auch in Eurer / wie in einer jeden Ehe / sein Weh / Ehe-Leuth mUssen leibliche TrUbsal haben / 1. Cor. 7:28. man sagts Euch vorher bey dem Altar / und es wird auch wahr / es hat noch nie gefehlt bey keinem Ehe-Paar: Ehe-Stand / Wehe-Standl Ach und Wehel ist offtmahl die Music in der Ehe " 33 RB qto. 615:30, 6. 34 RB qto. 615:27, 39; RB qto. 615:30, 23. 35 RB qto. 615:23, pp. 1-37, a discourse on the responsibilities of the magistrate; see above, p. 46. 219 36 RB qto. 615:23, 37-38. 37 RB qto. 615:23, 38-46; RB qto. 615:30, 14-15, 21. 38 RB qto. 615:23, 43-44: "...Die Perlen haben Vim sanandi_&_confgrtandi, eine Krafft geeund to machen / und zu stftrcken / sie vehren den Ohnmachten und Hertz-Klopffen / darum ein Perlen-Waseer / in dem Noth-Fall / in einer Hauehaltung / ein gutes Ding ist: also ein Edle Haufl-Perle ist auch ein HauB-Cgnfortatiy, und Hertz-St&rckung: Ihres Hannes Hertz darff sich auff sie verlassen / sie thut Ihm / in Ohnmachten / in Schwachheit / und allem Ungemach / von gantzer / und aller ihrer Hacht / Liebs / und kein Leids sein Lebenlang / Prov. 31:11-12.... Die Perlen haben Vim S£hilarandi, die Krafft zu erfrischen und zu erfreuen: also eine Perlen-gleiche Barbara / erfreuet ihren Hann / erfrischet Ihm sein Hertz / und machet Ihn allezeit frtthlich....Die Perlen haben Vim_exgurgandi, die Krafft zu reinigen / und das Gifft zu vertreiben; also auch eine Edle Barbara und zUchtiges Ehe-Weib ist krflfftig / dem Hann das Gifft der bttsen Lust zu vertreiben...." 39 Ibid., 39-40: "Kein Weib soil man ein Frau heissen / es sey dann / daft sie freundlich und gelind / liebreich und holdseelig sey / und den Hann hertzlich und vohl erfreuet habel" 40 Ibid., p. 40: "Darum eine Frau sich also halten solle / dafl sie Frau heisse / seye und bleibe allezeit / und vann sie unfreundlich und ungesttlmm werden will / h&ret aber aus ihres Herrn Hund das Wort / Frau / Frau / soil sie gleich in sich schlagen / den Zorn brechen / sich abbrechen / und als ein Frau freundlich sich erzeigen. ” 41 RB qto. 615:27, 38: "DaB die KUchen Artzney offt besser bekommt / und mehr thut / ale aus der Apotheck die beste Artzney.” 42 RB qto. 615:23, 40, quoting Osiander, vol. 3, 1115: "wann ein Weib immer zanckt / hadert / kurret / murret / summet / brummet / und kein gut Wort nicht geben kan / macht sie dem Hann viel VerdruB und Beschwerlichkeit / und bringt Ihn allgemfihlich urn seine Gesundheit / urn Leib und Leben. ” 43 RB qto. 615:30, 19-20: "Absonderlich kan einem Prediger / velcher im Ammt viel saure Arbeit zu verrichten hat / ...nichts edlers viederfahren / als eine Ehe-Frau / die sich in seinen Kopff schicket / Ihm mit Lieb und Freundlichkeit zur Hand gehet / die mit einem Wort eine rechte Helfferin und Gehtllffin ist / eine Helfferin in der Ammts-Last Erleichterung / eine Helfferin in den 220

Lebens-VerdrieBlichkeiten Versdssung...."; RB qto. 615:23, 39. 44 RB qto. 615:23, 45. 45 RB qto. 615:27 43, quoting Bonifacius Sttfltzlin's Kirchen-Posaun (c. 1660), p. 563. 46 RB qto. 615:27, pp. 40-41, quoting Dannhauer, Qatechismus-Milch, vol. 3, p. 352: "Wann es ein Henschen-Gebott oder Reichs-Abschied w&re gewesen / so kBnnten die Weiber darwider protestiren / und Einrede filhren: Aber es ist Gottes Befehl / velcher durchaus keine Widerred zulasset....” 47 Ibid., p. 41; Stttltzlin, Kirchen-Posaun, p. 557. 48 RB qto. 615:27, 39: ”Gleich vie aber der Patient / vann man Ihm ein Recept vorgeschrieben / solches nicht in das Fenster stecken / sondern dasselbe gebrauchen / und gutem Rath folgen mufl; also soli auch die Frau Doctorln / und jede Hausfrau / den Befehl und Rath ihres Ehe-Herrn annehmen....” 49 Ibid., p. 47: ”Rx.Maul-SchloB. Demuth-Wasser. Keusch-Wurtz. Sanfftmuths-Blatter. Gedult-KrMutlein. Jegliches / mit einer Handvoll Liebes-RBBlein und Unterthttnigkeits-Blttmlein vermischt / verhtitet viel Wehe in der Ehe. Wohl dem / der es recht aggliciren kan.” 50 RB qto. 615:24 (Jan. 1694). 51 Ibid., 18-19 ; it is not clear, hovever, whether all of these children had grown to adulthood. 52 Ibid., 20 : "Ich aber bin Siebenzehenmahl glUcklich darnider; und mit dem Leben davon gekommen; das ist ja ein grosse Gnade GottesI eine solche Wohlthat / davor ich die Tag meines Lebens / meinem Gott nicht gnugsam dancken kan.” 53 Ibid., 34 : "Alte Freundschafft die beste.” Ibid., 33 . 54 Ibid., 45-46 : "Habt Ihr vor das erste gefunden vie gut es sey / daB Gott den ehelichen Stand eingesetzet hat? daB immer besser zwey dann eine / dann sie geniessen doch ihrer Arbeit wohl? Eccl. 4:9. Habt Ihr zum 2. 221

empfunden / vie Ihr einander nach dem Evangelio / varet verpflichtet und verbunden? Habt Ihr Euch / vor das 3. also gegenelnander ver halten / vie Gottes Gebot Euch befohlen / daB Ihr Euch sollet halten? Habt Ihr / Herr EckI Eure Reginam geliebet / diese 50. Jahr fiber / als Euren eignen Leib? Waret Ihr / Frau Eckini Eurem Herrn und Hann / als dem Herrn / in alien Dingen unterthan? Das hat beederseits mtlssen seyn / sollte und vollte anderst Eure Ehe gesegnet und glUckselig seyn. Hat nicht Gott / zum 4. dem Seegen damit Er den ehelichen Stand gesegnet / Euch viderfahren lassen? Ich meine jal Ihr varet fruchtbahr / und habet Euch gemehretI....Hat es Euch an dem 5. Puncten jemahls gefehlet? Habt Ihr erfahren das Creutz / das Gott auff den ehelichen Stand hat geleget? Habt dann nicht Ihr / Frau Eckini Eure 17. Kinder mit Schmertzen mOssen gebMhren? Hat nicht Euer Will Eurem Hann mtlssen unter- vorffen seyn? War Er dann nicht Euer Herr? Habt Ihr nicht / Herr Eck / im SchveiB Eures Angesichts Euer Brod mtlssen essen? Hat es Euch auch jemahl an Leiblichen Trfibsalen gefehlet? Saget an? Die Augen die Euch anjetzo tibergehen / die Thrfinen sagen / jal und gestehen / daB alles an Euch vahr vorden sey...." 55 Daniel Haak, §etendes_Haufl2_und_Kirchen_Paradeis (1709); Singendes_Hau§2_und_Kirchen Paradeis (1709). 56 Schul^Gebett_und_Kinder_Seuffzerlein_/_Vgr_die_ Ll€be_Schul-Jugend <1703). 57 Ibid., 31: "Wend Feur und alien Schaden Von dieser Schul in Gnaden / LaB keine Furcht und Schrecken Uns von dem Schlaf ervecken....Wir vollen denn mit Freuden Gehn an die Schul-Arbeiten...." 58 Beckh, Gott^ggfMilige_HauB2_und_Kirchen-Andacht, p. 344: Seuffzerlein vider das Schlafen in der Kirchen / und frembde Gedancken: Herrl vehr / daB ich nicht Schfifrig sey / Das Hertz von frembder Sorg befrey / DaB nicht der Sathan reifl dahin / Und bring mich im verkehrten Sinn: Wann ich vergiB / vas ich gehfirt / Und meine Seele vird bethHrt....” 59 Ibid., p. 82-87, 131-134. 60 Ibid. , p. 135. 61 Ibid. , p. 136: "Herr Gotti gib / daB ich meinem Hann Sey unterthan / In zugelaBnen Dingen.... Und veil ich bin ein schvacher Zeug / Du dich genafidig zu mir neig: 222

DaB ich als ein gehorsam Weib / In mein's Beruffes Schrancken bleib." 62 Ibid., pp. 120-123: •Insonderheit von dieser Stadt / All UnglQck abgewendet hat / Damit durch den gerechten Zorn / Viel Land sind heimgesuchet vorden. 0 Herrl laB dir befohlen seyn / Geschwistrig / Vatt'r und Mutter mein / Darzu das gantze Vatterland. BehUt uns / Herri vor falscher Lehr / Dem Teuffel vehr / sein Reich zerst8r. Vors Pabsts und TUrcken Tyranney / Mach uns / 0 lieber Herrel frey...." Schul^Gebett, p. 55, 57. 63 Ibid., pp. 843-844: "Du kennst ja ein Vatter- Hertze / Und die vahre Mutter-Treu: Du weist / das / was hertzet / schmertzet: Kinder-Todt httchst-schmertzlich sey; Drum gib nicht der Ungedult / Sondern bloB der Liebe die Schuld. "

Chapter_V 1 Albrecht, Der Hausstand, p. 1. 2 Daniel Eberhard Beyschlag, Beytrfige_zur_NSrdlin-

§Othalt.end_gesammelt._und_mi t_histgriechen_Aninerckungen_ erlfiutert^^f.^.- (NOrdlingen: Gottlob Beck, 1801), pp. 13-14. Georg Albrecht, Gaudium_suger_gmne_Gaudium( Frewd_ yber_alle_FrewdX_Das_ist_/_Grundliche_und_anmutige_Erklfir2 ung_deB_Frewdenreichen_Artickels_ygn_dein_Ewigen_Leben_in_ ^yQff-yQd.Bibentzig.Predigten^^.:. (SchwSbisch Hall, 1645), iv-v: 18 sermons were delivered in Augsburg beginning in 1628; Albrecht completed the series in Geildorf on 26. January 1640. 4 H§usstand, p. 1115; also mentioned ibid., p. 5, 11. 5 Ibid., p. 73: "ein Ordnung und Stifftung GOttes / nach welcher ein Mann und ein Weib aus beeder ihrer Bewill- igung sich miteinander Ehelich verloben / verpflichten und verbinden / daB sie freundlich und erbarlich bifl in den Tod miteinander leben wollen / dardurch GOtt dem HErrn gedienet / das menschlich Geschlecht erhalten / auch allerley SUnd und Unzucht vermeidet werde....” 2 23 6 Ibid., p. 19: ”bindet die Eheleut an das Gleis der Gottesforcht und der Liebe / da hBren sie / daB sie nicht nach ihrem freyen Willen leben / sondern thun sollen / was ihnen GOtt in seinem H. Wort befohlen....” Jenisch, Vier Hochzeitgredigten, p. 38. 7 Ibid., pp. 18-20. 8 Ibid., p. 5: "Diese StMnd kBnnen wir abbilden durch ein Garten / der Zaun ist die Obrigkeit / so solchen beschutzet / das Pflantz- und Wurtzgfirtlein ist die Ehestand / der Lust- und Baumgarten ist die Christlich Kirch / darinnen die Glaubige als BMum / gepflantzet an den Wasserb&chen / die ihre Frucht bringen zu seiner Zeit.” See also p. 47: ”Da hat ein jeder seinen eignen Garten / den er pflantzen muB; Der Prediger hat den Kirchen-Garten / darinnen er gnug zuthun hat mit lehren und predigen / mit warnen und vermahnen / mit straffen und drfiuen (2 Tim. 4:2)....Die Obrigkeit ihren Stadt- Garten / darinnen alle Hflnd voll zuthun / daB man Schutz und Schirm / Fried und Ruhe erhalte / das BBse straffe / und das Gute beftirdere (Rom. 13:4)....Die Eheleut ihren Hausgarten / darinnen die Arbeit unterschiedlich ist / einer bauet den Acker / der ander den Weinberg / der dritte wartet des Viehs / der vierdte ist ein Handelsmann / gehet umb mit Kauffen und Verkauffen / der fUnfft ein Handwercksmann / ein jeder hat gnug zuthun / und ist ihm mehr befohlen / weder er ausrichten kan (Sir. 3:25)....” 9 Ibid., pp. 47-54. 10 Ibid., p. 49: ”Also die Eheleut sollen im Glauben und Gottesforcht / sonderlich aber in der Liebe / grUnen und wachsen / nicht nur im Sommer: / sin guten Tagen / wann es glUcklich hergehet / sondern auch im Winter: / sin Widerwertigkeit in Lieb und Leid....” 11 Ibid., P- 50. 12 a a Ibid., • 51-53. 13 Ibid., P- 53. 14 Ibid., P* 1115s ”0b / und wie diese Materi und einfMltige Predigten meinen ZuhBrern gefallen / weifl ich nicht / bekdmmere mich auch nicht / dann ich wol weifl / man sage und predige / was man wolle / so kan mans doch der Welt nicht recht machen / da finden sich immerdar unver- stfindige Schnaufer / die bald das / bald jenes berUsseln und tadlen / davon sie so viel verstehen / als der Blinde von der Farbe. Hat man vom Predigambt die Materi tractirt / so hat mans nicht fUr erbaulich gehalten / veils allein 22 4

die Prediger angehe / die selber vissen / was ihr Ambt ausveise / ungeacht die Zuhttrer ihre gute Lectiones alle­ zeit dabey gehabt. Hat man von der Obrigkeit geprediget / hat es geheissen / es sey nicht fein / daB man die Obrig­ keit alle Freytag so auf der Cantzel umbziehe / es gebe nichts guts / die Leute verden nur vervehnt und halsstarrig gemacht / und htttte mans gern fUr eine Auffvicklung gehal- ten / vie es Christo und Eliae auch ergangen. Hat man vom Haus Stand geprediget / so hat man vermeint / es seyen nur Weiber Predigten / ungeacht kein Hensch in dieser gantzen Gemein / ja kein Kind / das nur einen Tag alt seyn vird / das nicht seine Lection geh&rt hfitte.• 15 Ibid., p. 2. 16 Ibid., p. 94, quoting Bellarmine, De_Sacram t?§tri.mgnis, ch. 5, De Clericis, ch. 18, par. 4: "Non male dici posset de Conjugatis, qui in c a m e sunt, Deo placere non possunt”; "Actus conjugalis hominem redde totum carnalem, & ineptum ad Divina". 17 Ibid., p. 9: "dann damit der Himmel erfUllet verde / ist nothvendig / daB zuvor die Erden erfUllet verde / darumb vird der Himmel durch den Ehestand gemehret / durch den unreinen ehelosen Stand aber die H811. ” 18 Ibid., pp. 5-7. 19 Ibid., pp. 5-6: "Von andern Ordnungen Gottes lesen vir nirgends / daB die H. Dreyfaltigkeit zuvor von der Einsatzung berathschlaget habe / veder von dem Predigtampt noch von der Obrigkeit. ..." 20 Ibid. , p. 83. 21 Ibid., p. 22: "der vas eh ein Stand / ...eh ein einiger MBnch in der gantzen Welt ausgebrutet vorden / das Lob sol ihm nimand nemen.”. 22 Ibid., p. 7, 90-91. 23 Ibid., p. 8. 24 Ibid., p. 62: "...er mus GehUlffen haben / soil er frembde bestellen / varumb nicht vielmehr ein Ehegemahl / bey velchem er versichert / daB sie ihm nichts veruntreuet / sondern ihm sein Gut zusammen hfilt...." 25 Ibid., pp. 64-65: "Junge Leut kttnnen zvar auch im ledigen Stand ihr Christenthumb recht erlernen / aber vann virs genauer ervegen / haben sie allein theorian, die blosse Wissenschafft / die praxis, aber / oder die Ubung 225

vird in den Ehestand behalten / daher es vol angesehen / daB junge Leut in die Schul geechickt verden / darinnen lernen sie den Catechismum / allerley feine Gebetlein / Sprttchlein und Reimen / velches scheinet / als vanns vergeblich wire / veils die Kinder nicht verstehen / aber lasset sie nun vol lernen / es vird die Zeit kommen / da sie solches verden practiciren mQssen / nemlich in dem Ehestand / das ist Schola_Theolggica, eine Geistliche Schul / darinnen alle Articul aus dem Fundament erlernet verden; Als / vir hBren offtermals / vie Gott die Welt so hertzlich geliebet / daB Er derselbigen seinen eingebornen Sohn gab / ...das sey ein unaussprechliche Liebe / darUber sich Engel und Menschen vervundern mUssen: Aber niemand kan das besser glauben / als der im Ehestand lebt / und Kinder / ja einen einigen Sohn hat / der bedenckt jetzo / dein Feind ligt gefangen / und kan nit erlBst verden / du gebest dann deinen einigen / allerliebsten Sohn fUr ihn in den Tod / da sag an / ob du das thtttest? Dein Hertz vurd sagen: Nein / das kan ich nicht / mein Sohn ist mir gar zulieb: Darumb vervundere dich tlber der Liebe des himmlischen Vatters / velcher darinnen seine Liebe gegen uns geprisen / daB Christus fUr uns gestorben ist / da vir noch SOnder / und feine Feinde varen (Rom. 5:8-10).... Du sagst / vann mein Kind ffillt / so hilff ich ihm alsbald vider auff: Also vann vir in S(lnd fallen / verden vir nicht veggevorffen / dann der HErr erhMlt und bey der Hand / (Ps. 37:24). Wann mein Kind Kranck ist / so jammerts mich / und sihe / daB es bald vider gesund verde; Also vann vir in Angst und Noht stecken / so jammerts GOtt in seinem Hertzen / daB Er sich unser erbarmen muB (Jer. 31:20). Wann ein Kind etvas begehrt / das ihm nutz ist / kan ichs ihm nicht abschlagen: Also vas ich von meinem GOtt bitte / das gibt Er mir. . . . " 26 Ibid., pp. 41-42: "Wann Eheleut eine liebliche Ehe mit einander besitzen / vermeinen sie / sie mOchten evig so beysammen leben / und vann sie durch den zeitlichen Tod voneinander zertrennt verden / veinen sie bitterlich / da sollen vir uns trOsten / daB auff die leibliche Ehe geviB die himmlische erfolgen verde / und veil diB ein unaus­ sprechliche Freud / so bildets uns GOtt ab an dem Ehestand / da sollen vir einen Vorgeschmack einnemen. 1. In der Ehe liebet man einander hertzlich; In dem evigen Leben vird unter den Ausservehlten lauter Liebe seyn.... 2. In der Ehe haben sie alles gemein; In dem Evigen Leben vird es ein allgemeine Freud seyn.... 3. In der Ehe betet und singt man miteinander; In dem Evigen Leben auch / da verden die Auss­ ervehlten im Chor beysammen stehen und singen.... 4. In der Ehe bespracht man sich miteinander; In dem evigen Leben auch / da verden sie erzehlen nicht allein die grosse Thaten und GeheimnuB GOttes / sondern auch / vas Er in dieser Welt an ihnen gutes erviesen habe.... 5. In der Ehe ist ein Ordnung unter Hann / Weib und Kindern / da 226

immer eines hBher als das ander 1st / doch ohne alien MiBgunst; In dem evigen Leben vird die Klarheit unter- schiedlich seyn / darinnen einer dem andern (lbertreffen vird (1 Cor. 15:42>....6. In der Ehe lebet man in einem Haus; Also verden vir dorten alle beysammen vohnen in des Vatters Haus (John 14:2) / im Haus des HErrn (Ps. 23:6)___ " 27 Ibid., Sermon LXXII, pp. 1059-1074. 28 Ibid. , pp. 1064-1069. 29 Ibid. , p. 1069, 1072. 30 Ibid., p. 1073: "In der Ehe ist grOssere Keusch- heit / als in dem Caelibat / das magstu glauben oder nicht / so ist es doch vaar / dann da vird alle Brunst und bBse Lust benommen / so sich bey den Ledigen ohn unterlaB reget." 31 Ibid., pp. 1073-1074: "Warumb verden MBnch und Honnen im Papstthumb so hoch gehalten? Wegen ihrer Keuschheit / iederman vill sie f(ir Engel ansehen / aber die Eheleut trBsten sich / daB sie viel besser seyen / als diese: Wo seyn die Nonnen / die am Leib und Geist rein seyn? Unter hundert nicht eine / aber ein frommes Eheveib kans seyn / die vird selig durch Kinder zeugen / so sie bleibet im Glauben / und in der Liebe / und in der Heiligung sambt der Zucht (1 Tim. 2:15). Die Nonne pl&ppert ihren Psalter ohne alien Verstand / vermeint / durch viel Wort soil sie erhSret verden (Hatt. 6:5). Das Ehegemahl betet im Geist und in der Warheit (John 4:24) / in hBchstem Eifer / dann die TrUbsal lehret auffs Wort mercken (Isa. 26:16). Die Nonne plaget selber ihren Leib / und macht ihr Creutz / das Gott nicht befohlen; Das Ehe­ gemahl vartet / bifl Gott das Creutz schickt / darinnen ist sie gedultig / und ervartet der gevissen Httlff / die Nonn hat ihre gemahlte / geschnitzelte Bildein / damit sie pranget; Das Eheveib hat Kinder / die Gott selber gebildet / die fUhret sie vider zu Gott durchs Gebet. Die Nonne verlfist sich auff ihr Verdienst / verhofft dadurch das evige Leben zu verdienen; Das Ehegemahl verlttst sich auff die Gnad und Barmhertzig- keit Gottes / glaubt daB sie Gott in diesen Stand gesetzt / darinnen erhalten / sie in dem Creutz trtSsten / daraus erlBsen / und gar zur evigen Seligkeit bringen verde. ” 32 Ibid. , p. 1073. 33 Ibid., Sermon VIII, pp. 96-109. 227 34 Ibid., p. 104: "...die Eltern mUssens leiden / schveigen / die Kinder seind ihnen zu grofi / kBnnen nicht mehr Heister seyn...." 35 Ibid. , p. 104. 36 Ibid., p. 13: "kein gr&sser Leid kan seyn / als vann Zvey beysammen leben mtlssen / die einander doch im Hertzen feind seyn;...Also haben solche Leut das Mrgste Leben auff Erden und einen Vorschmack der Httllen...." see also ibid., pp. 764-765. 37 Ibid., p. 106; TR p. 316 (Jena ed.) 36 H§usstand, P* 106: "Zuvorderst mus GOtt angeruffen verden / daB Er die zvey Hertzen vider voll zusammen theidigen / darnach soil ein jedes das seinige auch darbey thun / der Hann soil verntlnfftig bey seinem Weibe vohnen / und ihr / als dem schvfichtsten Werckzeuge / seine Ehre geben (1 Pet. 3:7). Das Weib soil mit Gehorsam ihrem Hann unterthfinig seyn / vie sichs gebOhret (Col. 3:16). Wann das allezeit geschehe / so ktJnte manch bttse Ehe vider gut gemacht verden.” 39 Ibid., pp. 109-110. 40 Ibid., pp. 114-115. 41 Ibid., pp. 115-116. 42 Andromache, 967-966. 43 Hausstand, PP* 113-115; see the Ntirdlingen church order of 1579, Sehling XII, ii, p. 343: "Und so sich be- finden vtlrde, das das kind sich unbedttchtiglich oder ohne alle rechtmeBige, billiche ursachen, allein aus muetvill- igem ungehorsam und hinderlUstigkait vermaintlich ehelich versprochen hete, so vill ein erbarer rat dieselbe baide ungehorsame und muetvillige manns- und frauenpersonen an leib oder guet nach gestalt der sachen ernstlich strafen lassen und sovil desto ernstlicher mehr, vo neben solchem ungehorsam auch die beischlafung, schvechung oder schvengerung gevolget." 44 ii§usstand, PP* 116-117; examples include Hagar and Ishmael and Rebecca and Jacob. 45 For Bellarmine, p. 118; Hichael H. Sheehan, "The Formation and Stability of Harriage in Fourteenth- Century England: Evidence of an Ely Register", Medleval_Studies 33 (1971), 228-63; ibid., "Harriage Theory and Practice in the Conciliar Legislation and Diocesan Statute of Hedieval 228

England”, fiedleysl_Studles 40 (1978), 411-414, 458-460. 46 Hauastand, p. 119: ”sie leben beysammen vie Hund und Katzen / vie LBwen und Drachen / haben ein Straff (lber die ander / und welches das grBste / dBrffen sie niemand klagen / da sie ihr Zuflucht zu den Eltern haben solten / fliehen sie dieselbe / vissende / man verde ihnen fOrwerffen / du hast dir das Ubel selber zugericht / endlich folget die Verzweifflung / daB sie voneinander lauffen / und zuletzt / vann sie nicht BuB thun / in der HB11 vider zusammen kommen....” 47 Ibid., p. 120: ”Es vill heutigs Tags dahin kommen / dafl Liberi_vere_liberi, und Parente8_yere_garentes seyn / vil der Juncker Sohn / die Jungfrau Tochter ein Weib oder Hann haben / so virds dem Vatter relative angezeigt / daB heist: Ich hab ein Weib genommen / vilt du nicht / so mustu vol / da geben die Eltern ihren Willen darein / sagende Hastus genommen / so behalts / ich begehr euch nicht zuscheiden: Nein das ist kein Christliche Vatter-Red / so lang du lebest / so lang bistu Vatter / darumb gebrauch deines vfitterlichen Gevalts / und sag: Nein / das thue ich nicht / ich lafi dir diese oder jenen nicht / viltu nicht folgen / so virstu ftir den Segen den Fluch bekommen. Ein solche VerlBbnuB nutzet nichts / hiervon lise / Luther._ Tom. 5. Jen. fol. 238._b._ da er 7. Ursachen erzehlet / das heimliche VerlBbnuB keine Ehe machen: Sagstu / Hein Kind hat sich mit einem Eid verlobt / soil ich den brechen lassen? Antvort / daB solches zvar schver / und man hierinnen das Gevissen der Kinder / vann es recht und ehrlich hergehet / vol in acht nehmen soil / doch vann der Vatter seines Widervillens vichtige Ursachen hat / soil er dardurch sich nicht abschrecken lassen / es seyn hier 2. Stuck / Gottes Gebot / und das leichtfertige VerlBbnuB / eines muB veichen / soil Gottes Gebot dem leichtfertigen SchvOren veichen? Das sey ferne! Darumb so veiche das leichtfertige Verloben / velches Gott durch vaare BuB und eiferiges Gebet abgebeten verden. ” 48 Ibid., p. 128: ”Es ist ein greuliche SUnd / so jemand sein eigen Kind muthvillig ervUrget / oder blind / oder lahm macht / aber vie viel meinstu / daB du besser thfitest / vann du dein Kind zur Ehe zvingest / das kein Lust und Liebe hin hat / obs auch seyn mBcht / daB dein Kind lieber tod vttr / dann also leben? Darumb kans niemand loben / vann die Eltern ihre Kinder vegen des zeitlichen Guts zusammen zvingen / vider ihren Willen / auch vol in der Wiegen zusammen verloben....” WA 30, III, 237, 15-21. 49 Ibid., p. 126: ”...G0tt hat Hann und Weib also erschaffen / daB sie mit Lust und Liebe / mit Willen und von Hertzen gern zusammen halten sollen / vann man nun die 229

Leut zusammen zwingt / so sttndiget man wider die Erschaffung des Henschen." 50 Ibid., pp. 126-127: "Wie nichts liebliches ist als an einem Sttitenspiel / wann die Sttiten nicht recht zusammen gestimmt seyn / es kttnn einer so kdnstlich spielen / als er immer woll / so gibt es doch keinen lieblichen resonanz, Also ist in der Ehe ohne den Consens nichts liebes / wann man schon meynt / sie mBchten sich noch zusammen richten / erftthrt man doch / daB es je lMnger je tibler bey ihnen hergeht." 51 Ibid., p. 128: "Was hat der? Was ist sein VermBgen? Hat er nichts / so laB ich nicht gelten / wann er schon ehrlich und frotnm ist. ...” 52 Ibid., p. 129: "Das seyn gottlose Raben-Eltern / und nicht werth / daB sie eines Vatters Namen f (ihren. ” 53 Ibid., p. 133; WA 30, III, 239,5-240,5. 54 HauBBtand, pp. 131-132: "Ungehorsame Kinder werden sagen / das ist mir ein gute Predigt gewesen / ich mein / man habs meinem Vatter gesagt / daB er mich nicht zwingen / auch nicht auffhalten soil / darumb will ich nemen / der mir gefttllt / will der Vatter nicht / so mus er wol: Nein / das hast du nicht gehBrt / sondern das hab ich gesagt / und sags noch / und GOtt sagts in seinem H. Wort / daB der Vatter die Liebe nicht zwingen / noch die Kinder an der Wolfahrt nicht hindern soil / folget aber nicht / daB du nehmen solt / wen du wilt / sondern das ist dem Vatter be- fohlen / daB er dich veraorgen soil / Berahte deine Tochter / so hast du ein groB Werck gethan ((Sir. 7:25)) / Er sagt nicht: Tochter berahte du dich selber / sondern du Vatter / wann du aber nicht wartest / bifl der Vatter dich berahtet / du wilt dich selber versorgen / so greiffest du dem Vatter ins Ambt / versUndigst dich wider GOtt / und erzQrnest den Vatter / daB er dir in deinen contract nicht einwilligen will." 55 Ibid., p. 132: "Christliche Eltern machens offt auch also / schicken ihre TBchter auff alle PUllinsmfirckt / zu aller Leichtfertigkeit / vermeynen / also werdens den jungen Gesellen bekannter werden.” 56 Ibid., p. 144: "Andere lassen sich durchs Geld blenden / und da seyn offt Eltern grBssere Geldnarren / als die Jungen / so bald sie einen reichen Hann wissen / beredens die Tochter / daB sie ihn nemen soil / bekttmmern sich nicht / ob es ihnen wol oder Qbel ausschlttgt / Geld Geld muB man haben / wann es hernacher tlbel ausschlttgt / so mUssen die Kinder ttber ihre Eltern schreyen / wann sie es 230

nur-nicht gar vor Gottes Angesicht verklagen verden." 57 Ibid., pp. 130-131. 58 See above, pp. 46-47. 59 Hausstand, p. 138: "ein Wurtzel aller Tugenden". 60 Ibid., p. 139: "die gehorsame Sara / die verst&ndige Rebecca / die Geistreiche Debora / die demtthtige Naemi / gedultige Hanna / treuhertzige Hichol / die vernttnfftige Abigail / GottsfBrchtige Judith / Banfftmtttige Esther / ztlchtige Susanna / andMchtige Haria / und andere...."; see also p. 823. 61 Ibid., pp. 140-141. 62 Ibid., p. 140: "Wann nun Syrach heutiges Tags solt leben / und ein Vatter kMm zu ihm / und fragte ihn / er hMtte fUr seinen Sohn drey TSchter / die 1. sey fromrn und gottsfBrchtig / die 2. schOn / die 3. reich / velche unter diesen die beste / und zuervehlen sey? Wurd er alsbald antvorten: Ein Tugendsam Weib.” 63 Ibid., p. 138: "dann veil der vaare Glaub bestehet in hertzlicher Liebe gegen Gott und seinem H. Wort / dem ein Christ einig und allein anhanget / so ists unmUglich / daB ein Hensch den von Hertzen liebe / von velchem er veiB / daB er GOtt nicht lieb hat. ...” 64 Ibid., p. 143: "Wo zveyerley Glauben in einem Bett / da thuts selten gut / oder vann ein Frommes und Gottloses zusammen kommen / gibts auch nichts als eitel Hertzenleid....” 65 Ibid., p. 143: "Ein reicher Hann soil eher ein arme Tochter / als ein armer Hann ein Reiche nehmen / veil er sich hierdurch umb seine Freyheit bringt.” Ibid., p, 142: ”D. Luther erzehlet von einem / der ein reich Weib genommen / sprach: Ducens_hancL iibertatem_suam_vendidit, In dem er diese freyet / hat er dardurch seine Freyheit verkaufft. . . . " TR, p. 315 (Jena ed. ). 66 Hauastand, p. 142: Auff ein Zeit hat ein einfMl- tiger Hensch in dem Heurahten auch nach Gelt getrachtet / darnach schlflgt er die Bibel auff / und findet den Spruch Syrachs / Cap. 25. v. 29. sic Wann das Weib den Hann reich macht / so ist da eytel Hader / Verachtung und grosse Schmach / da macht er ein NB. darzu / laufft zum Beicht- vatter und sagt ? Ach in meiner Bibel stehet also / Wenn das Weib den Weib reich macht / usv. 0 ich armer Hann / hfltt ichs doch zuvor gelesen und bedachtI" 231 67 Ibid., p. 142: "Es gehet gemelniglich also / vann ein armer Gsell eine Reiche bekombt / so vll sie Herr seyn / und vann er ihr ein Wort sagt / das Ihr nicht gefttllt / so vlrfft sie das Haul auff / virfft ihn fUr: Du StQmpler hMttest mtlssen ein Bettler seyn / vann du mlch nicht genommen h&ttest. So gehts / vann man nach Gelt trachtet / darumb es am allerbesten / daB man die Frommkeit in acht nehme...." (Note here that she's not just overstepping her authority, but she is also insulting a man.) 68 Ibid., pp. 143-144; Johann Hatthesius, Q§cgngmia_ Qc*er_bericht_/_vie_8ich_ein_HauByatter_halten_sgl£_ (Nttrnberg, 1561), Bill. 69 Ibid., p. 144: "Edel und unedel / ansehlich und geringe Freundschafft taugt nicht zusammen / thut nicht allveg gut...." 70 Ibid., Sermons XIV-XXII, pp. 175-317. 71 Ibid. , p. 313. 72 Ibid., pp. 314-315. 73 Ibid., p. 321-323. 74 Hausstand, p. 323: "vann hernacher Creutz und UnglUck kombt / die Nahrung vird schmal / der Hann vunderlich / das Weib kranck / da ist alles hinveg...." 75 Ibid., Sermon XXVII, pp. 358-371. 76 Ibid., p. 364: "Sihet das ehrliche Weib einen andern Hann an / so vermeynt der Eyferer / es geschehe mit hUrischen Augen / sie vincke ihm damit / redet sie mit ihm / so vermeynt er / es geschehe aus Ehebrecherischem Hertzen / und sey alles vaar / vas ihm zuvor andere gesagt haben. ..." 77 Ibid., pp. 364-365. 78 Ibid., p. 366: "So bald der Eyfer in dem Hertzen Lufft bekombt / so vergeht aller Lust zum Hausen / der Hann sagt: Was soil ich vegen meines Weibs viel arbeiten / so sie doch ihr Hertz an einen andern hengt / ist vol zubesorgen / veil sie ihm die Liebe schenckt / so verd sie ihm auch heimlich Gelt zustecken: Das Weib sagt: Was soil ich fUr ein Lust zum Hausen haben? Ich hause nicht mir / sondern einem andern Weib / daran sich der Hann hengt. ...” 23 2 79 Ibid., p. 366: "Und da eines seinen Ehegatten ochmShet / so schmShet es nur sich selbst / Ja es geht noch ttber die Kinder und Nachkommlen die Schand hinaus / daB man sagt: Dein Vatter / dein Mutter haben einander eelber nichts guts zugetraut / sondern sich muthvillig in der Leut M&uler gebracht...." 80 Ibid., p. 326: "Also das Feuer der Liebe ist anfangs klein / aber in der Eheleut Hertzen vird es von Tag zu Tag je lfinger je grttsser / daB / vann solche fromme Eheleut 20. oder 30. Jahr miteinander leben / sie viel grfissere Liebe gegeneinander haben / als in den ersten Jahren gewesen....” 81 Ibid., p. 326; Olau. Mag. 1. 4. c. 7. 82 Ibid., p. 336: ”Wann heutigs Tags grundbtSse Ehen seyn / die kommen ins kdnfftig nur fleissig in die Kirchen / so verdens erfahren / daB die Liebe von Tag zu Tag in ihren Hertzen vachsen und zunehmen vird.” 83 Ibid., p. 337: ”Das bevestiget die Liebe / vann Eheleut miteinander zur Beicht und Nachtmahl gehen / eins sich zuvor mit dem andern verstthnet / ihm von Hertzen verzeihet / vo es beleydiget vorden / und zugleich das H. Abendmal empfangen / mit diesem vorhaben / daB sie hinfUro ein buBfertiges / frommes liebreiches Leben fUhren vollen / da vird der H. Geist geviB das Band dermassen zuknUpffen / daB es der Teuffel nimmermehr vird zerreissen kttnnen.” See also Sermon XLIX, pp. 739-752. 84 Ibid., pp. 337-338. 85 Ibid., p. 338: "daB sie...sich eins fein lernet in des andern Kopff schicken und richten / das ist ein gevissets Mittel die Liebe zuerhalten. Wann der Mann nicht allezeit seinem Sinn folget / sondern biBveilen / in gebtthrenden Sachen dem Weib nachgibt / hergegen das Weib ihrem Mann zur Hand gehet / da bekombt eines desto mehr Lust und Liebe zu dem andern....” 86 Ibid., p. 339: "Eheleut seyn ja nicht Engel / sondern Menschen.... Du hast deine Fehle / sihe zu / daB du es verbesserst. 2. Dein Weib vird auch ihre Fehl und Gebrechen haben / hie lerne durch die Finger sehen / und gib nicht so genau Achtung darauff / dann da muB eines mit dem andern ein Mitleyden haben....Als / vann der Mann geh zornig / das Weib aber veicht ihm / vann der Zorn hin so geht er in sich selber / last ihm das vol gefallen / und hat sein Weib noch eines so lieb und verth...." 233 87 Ibid., p. 340: "Hergegen / wann eines mit dem andern verdrossen / und aus Unvillen den Tod vttnschet / da kan man sehen / daB nie kein hertzliche Liebe da gevesen." 88 Ibid., p. 373. 89 Ibid., Sermons XXVIII-XXXIX, pp. 371-542. 90 Ibid., p. 374: "Es sey ein solche Gab / so GOtt fttr sein Erb und Eygenthumb halte / Pug und Macht hab / dasselbe zubehalten oder wegzunehmen nach seinem Willen...." Pp. 376-377, 381-382, 392. 91 Ibid., p. 376: "Ab grossen ungeheuren Leuten er- schrickt man / aber ein Kind liebet jederman / vann es uns schon frembd und unbekannt / so sagt man doch: Ach vol ein schOnes Kind / ein liebes Kind / ein holdseeligs Engelein / man hertzt und kttst es / ob es uns schon nichts vervandt / und muB freylich der ein durchteuffelter Unmensch seyn / der einem Kind Schand Oder Leyd zufttget...." 92 Ibid., p. 387. 93 Ibid., Sermon XXIX, pp. 386-399. 94 Ibid. , p. 388. 95 Ibid., p. 391: "Man redet offtermals vom Kindersegen gar unzUchtig und fleischlich / und vermeynt / vann Eheleut jung und gesund / so kOnns nicht fehlen / es mttssen auch Kinder von ihnen gezeuget verden....” 96 Ibid., p. 382: "Es geschicht zum Offtern / vann GOtt nicht Kinder gibt / so vird man ungedultig / der Mann vermeynt / das Weib sey schuldig dran / das Weib vil dem Mann die Schuld geben....” 97 Ibid., p. 391. 98 Ibid., p. 374. 99 Ibid., p. 382: "Wflr das nicht ein unverstMndiger Knopff / der einem Reichen ins Haus gehen / und ihn zvingen volte / daB er ihm etvas schencken solte? Wurd er nicht sagen: Ich bin dir nichts schuldig: Also kan GOtt auch sagen: Dann die Kinder seind seine Gabe / seyns ein Gabe und Geschenck / so ists keine Schuld / vie bist du dann so keck / daB du mit GOtt hadern vilt?" 100 Ibid., p. 393: "man fUhr ein solche Unfruchtbare nur zu einer in KindsnOhten ligenden Frauen / vann sie in der grOsten Noht ist / so vird sie ihre Hfind auffheben / 234 und Gott dancken / dafi Er sie darvor behtltet hat." 101 Ibid., pp. 393-394. 102 Hausstand, pp. 394-395: ."Die Leut / so keine Kinder haben / kommen allezeit besser fort / als die / so mit vielen Kindern beladen seyn. Kommet der Krieg / so sehen die / welche keine Kinder haben / nur auff ihr Haut und Leben; Kommet Theurung / sehen sie / vie sie es machen / daB sie nur ihren einigen Leib ernehren: Kombt die Pestilentz / und mtlssen sterben / so geben sie sich freudig darein....Aber wo Kinder seyn / da werden die Straffen nur desto hfirter und sfiurer; Im Krieg fragte mancher nichts nach seinem Haus / und vas er darinnen zuverlieren / achtets auch nicht / wann man ihn schon darnider macht / aber wann er sehen mus / daB man seine Kinder ftlr seinen Augen schlachtet / und erwtlrget alle ihre Kinder...da mttcht einem das Hertz im Leib zerschmeltzen. In der Theurung leydet manches gern allein Hunger / aber wann die Kinder umb ihn her stehen / den Sfiuglingen klebet ihre Zung am Gaumen ftlr Durst / die jungen Kinder heischen Brod / und ist niemand / ders ihnen breche / Klag. 4. v. 4. Das gehet tieff zu Hertzen. In der Pest stttrb mancher gern / und vfir froh / daB er erltSst wurde; Aber wann die junge Bursch umb das Todbett herumb steht / die krMncket einem das Hertz / daB er mit Schmertzen und Wehklagen dahin stirbt....” 103 Ibid. , p. 392. 104 Ibid. , p. 396. 105 Ibid., p. 398: "Du solt dich besinnen / ob du nicht etwan einen armen Freund habest / der viel Kinder und keine Nahrung hat / ist dem also / so gehe hin / nimb dich derselben an / so bekombstu schon Kinder. ...” 106 Ibid., p. 396; Gen. 16:1. 107 Ibid., pp. 396, 398-399. 108 Ibid., Sermon XXX, pp. 399-412. 109 Ibid., p. 403: "Wann dir einer einen schSnen Pfenning schencket / so danckest ihm ja / gibt er dir viel / so schlSgstu sie nicht aus / je mehr Je lieber / warumb murrest und kurrestu dann / wann dir GOtt nicht nur eines / sondern viel Kinder bescheret?” 110 Ibid., p. 410. 235 111 Ibid., p. 408: ”Wann einer keine oder wenig Kinder hat / so arbeitet er nicht gern / gedenckt / was soil ich mich viel abschleppen / und lang arbelten / hab ich doch nichts / als meinen einigen Leib / dem wil ich abwarten / begibt sich zur Gesellschafft / und verthut das Seinige: Aber ein Hann / der das Haus voll Kinder und ein redliche Ader in seinem Lelbe hat / ist frtlhe und spMt / hUtet sich voe aller FOllerey / und gedenckt / ich wil Weib und Kind dannoch schonen / des Heinen warten / sehen dafi Weib und Kinder ernehrt werden / sonsten er ttrger wfir den ein Heyd... / dardurch aber wird er void Httssiggang / und also von vielen Stlnden abgehalten. ...” 112 Ibid., p. 411: "Ja allerley Hittel zur Unfrucht- barkeit gebrauchen....Andere verehelichen sich mit fliefi zu solchen Personen / bey denen sie vergwisert / dafi sie unfruchtbar / nur dafi sie keine Kinder bekommen....Andere verhindern die Empffingnufi auff andere Weifi / davon jetzt nicht noht zu reden....” 113 Ibid. , p. 379. 114 Ibid., p. 384: ”Secht doch die Vbgelein unter dem Himmel an / die bruten gemeinigllch viel Jungen zumal aus / seyn darumb nie unwillig / vielweniger tttdten sie es / ja seyn desto lustlger / wann das Nestlein voll ist....” 115 Ibid. , p. 417. 116 Ibid., p. 420: ”sagt nicht / dafi eheliche Bey- wohnung die Ursach der Kinder sey / sonsten mUssen alle Eheleut Kinder haben / sondern Gott / der seinen AllmSch- tigen Segen darzu gebe....” 117 Ibid., p. 424, pp. 381-382. 118 Ibid., p. 422; Augustine, Comm. Ps. 50, 10, 43- 45; WA 10, II, 167,34-168,1; for late medieval Christian attitudes toward marriage and marital sex, see Tentler, Sin and Confessign, pp. 162-232. 119 Ibid., p. 415-416: *Was es ftlr ein Samen gewesen? SUndlich / das ist / eben diese natUrliche Hassa war mit der SUnd befleckt / sihet damit auff die ErbsUnd / mit deren das erste kleine Blutstrfipfflein / daraus der Hensch formirt worden / inficirt und angesteckt sey....” 120 Ibid., p. 426: ”Die Eheleut erschrecken offt / wanns sie die Empfflngnus mercken / man werde sie die deswegen fUr unkeusch halten: Aber Nein / es ist Gottes Ordnung und Segen / Gott hats von anbegin also verordnet / dafi ein Hann und Weib seyn soil / Hatt. 19:4....” 236 121 Ibid., pp. 432-433, 435. 122 Ibid., p. 433: *Wann ein Hensch / er sey Hann oder Weib / solte ein halb Jahr einen Stein / so schver als ein Kind ist / wil nicht sagen gar im Leib unter dem Hertzen / sondern nur am Hals oder in der Hand tragen / wie tibel wurd er sich beklagen? Es solte einem starcken Hann zuschaffen geben / solchen Stein so lang zutragen; Jetzt gedencke / wie mus doch einem armen schwachen Weib zu muht seyn / das vorhin ein schwacher Werckzeug genennt wird / 1. Petr. 5. v. 7. die 9. gantzer Honat diesen Last bey Tag und Nacht herumb tragen mufl....?" 123 Ibid. pp. 436-437. 124 Ibid. pp. 433-434, 439-440. 125 Ibid. p. 439. 126 Ibid. p. 434, quoting Hatthesius, Ehesgiegel, p. 56. 127 Ibid. pp. 439-444. 126 Ibid. pp. 446-447. 129 Ibid. p. 450: "Die Hanns-Arbeit ist schwer / aber es schaffet sich nicht bald einer zu tod / das arme Weib aber mus sich zum ttfftern in solchen Geburtsschmertzen zu tod schaffen / dafi ihr die Seel ausgeht: Es geht offt schwer zu / dafi man die Prucht der Hutter reist / oder sie aus Hutterleib schneiden mus / wie viel Exempel hiervon kOnnten erzehlt werden / daher Hedea bey dem Euripide gesagt: Ter_Halim_in_acie_state1 guam_semel_garere, Ich wil lieber dreymal vornen in der Schlacht stehen / als nur einmal gebMren. " 130 Ibid. , p. 454. 131 Ibid. , p. 454. 132 Ibid. , p. 455. 133 Ibid., p. 452: ”Hats Gott gethan / so ists ein ehrlicher Beruff / und viel ehrlicher als aller Nonnen und Peguinen / die sich ihres harten Ordens so hoch rUhmen / hergegen den Ehestand l&stern als einen fleischlichen Stand / darinnen man der Wollust pflege. Ich frag jetzunder sie / wer ihnen ihren Orden und Regeln gegeben? Sie antworten vielleicht / dieser oder jener Abbt; Woher hats dieBer? Antwort / vom Papst; Woher der Papst? Von den Pharisaeern / die Christus OttergezUchte genennet / Hatth. 3. v. 7. 237

Woher aber haben schvangere Weiber ihren schvangern Leib? Von GOtt; Woher diese Schmertzen? Von GOtt / Ich wil dir viel Schmertzen schaffen / usv. Also haben sie einen rechtmfissigen gttttlichen Beruff / dessen sich die Ordens- leut nicht rUhmen kSnnen.* 134 Shorter, pp. 168-184; Stone, pp. 426-432; Boyd M. Berry, "The First English Pediatricians and Tudor Attitudes toward Childhood”, Jgurnal_of_the_History_of_Ideas 35 (1974), 568, 576-577; Elizabeth Wirth Marvick, "Nature versus Nurture: Patterns and Trends in Seventeenth-Century French Child-Rearing”, in Lloyd de Nause, ed., The_History_ gf_Childhood (New York: The Psychohistory Press, 1974), pp. 264-269; see also D. McLaren, "Fertility, Infant Mortality, and Breastfeeding in the Seventeenth Century”, Medical History 22(1978), 378-396; ibid., "Nature's Contraceptive: Wet-Nursing and Prolonged Lactation: The Case of Chesham, Buckingham, 1578-1601", Medical_Histgry 23 (1979), 426-441. 135 Hausstand, p. 484-485. 136 Ibid., pp. 491-492. 137 Ibid., p. 488: "Wir / und alle Evangelische Theglggi, sagen / daB jede Mutter schuldig sey / ihr Kind selber zusMugen / und solches / ausser dem hfichsten Noht- fall / durch keine Sfiugamm solle verrichtet worden." 138 Ibid., p. 488: "Nun mScht ich ein Weib fragen / zu was end sie meyne / daB ihr die BrUsten gegeben worden seyen? Filrwahr nicht umb der Zierd willen / oder das man sie leichtfertiger Weifi entblbsse / und die JUnglinge zur Unzucht anreitze / sondern daB man damit den Kindern SpeiB und Nahrung gebe....” 139 Ibid. , p. 488. 140 Ibid., p. 489: "Die Drachen reichen die BrUste ihren Jungen / und sfiugen sie....” 141 Ibid., p. 489: "Ist es dann nicht ein Schand / daB Christliche Weiber solten Srger seyn / als das thumme Vieh / und das vergessen / so alien Creaturen von Natur eingepflantzet ist. ” 142 Ibid., p. 490: "Also wills der HErr haben / der hat die BrUst aus sonderbarem FleiB an den rechten Ort ge- setzt / nicht unter an die FOB / sondern auff die Brust / ans Hertz / dahers den Nahmen bekommen / und heissen BrUste / welche gleich Uber dem Hertzen stehen / anzuzeigen / wann eine Mutter ihr Kind hertzlich lieb hab / so kQnn sie ihm das nicht versagen / und wanns ihm die BrUst nicht reiche / 23 8

so schlag sie demselben das Hertz ab / velches ein unmensch- lich grausame Sach ist.” 143 Ibid., p. 490: "Sag an Mutter / was ist deines Kinds erstes Wort? Ists nicht / Mamina? Was heist Mamma? Es heist Brust / Euter / daran man sauget / hfirstus nun / dein armes Kind schreyet / und bittet dich durch alle MUtterliche hlllffreiche Liebe / dafi du ihm die Mammam oder Brust wollest geben / wie kanst su so ein hartes eysernes Hertz haben / und ihm solche nicht rfiichen wollen? Ob das nicht ein Gewissen mache / mag ein jeder Verst&ndiger hier- (iber urtheilen: Und wann die Mutter so Gottsvergessen / und es nicht thun wil / so schreyet und weinet das Kind / dafi mans nimmer stillen kan / Warumb? Ey es klaget seine bBse Rabenmutter an / dafi sie aller mUtterlichen Liebe so gar vergist...." 144 Ibid., p. 491: "Ein Kind hat seine Mutter / die solches allein gebohren und nicht gesMuget nimmermehr so lieb / als das Kind sein Mutter liebet / von welcher es sowol gebohren als gesfiuget worden: Jenes Kind hat nur ein halbe Mutter / darumb auch ein halbe Liebe / Wann nun die MUtter wollen / dafi sie von ihren Kindern / wann sie er- wachsen / geliebt werden / so sollen sie ihnen auch in ihrer Kindheit die mUtterliche Liebe erweisen." 145 Ibid. , p. 490. 146 Ibid. , p. 490. 147 Ibid., p. 492: "Die NaturkUndiger schreiben / dafi die Kinder / so mit Geifimilch ernehrt worden / gemeiniglich ein geile Bocksart bekommen....” 148 Ibid., pp. 492-493. 149 Ibid., p. 493. 150 Ibid. , p. 495; Martin Chemnitz, Scrutin. Meng^., p. 637. 151 Hausstand, p. 493: "wfiren aber die Weiber nicht so faul / zMrtlich und gottlos / die ihnen Sfiugammen be- stellen / so kttnnts ein solche lose Vettel nicht so frisch drauff wagen." 152 Ibid., p. 495: "darumb wann eine Mutter sich nicht Uber solches Kind erbarmet / so ist sie nicht werth / dafi sie ein Mutter / sondern ein Stieffmutter genennt werde." 239 153 Ibid., p. 496: "nemlich fromme / GottsfBrchtige / ehrbare / sittlge / nicht Huren / sondern Ehe-Weiber / und so man solche nicht haben kan / hielt ich darfttr / es vttre besser / ein Kind mit Wasser oder Bier auffziehen / als sie an eine lose Huren hengen / GOtt kan ihnen das Wasser und Bier so vol segnen / als die Mutter- oder frembde Milch...." 154 Ibid., p. 495: "Es kan gar vol dahin kommen / daB dich dein Kind vider speisen und ernehren mufi: Hastus zuvor ges&uget / so virds alsdann gedencken: Mein Mutter hat mich mit ihrem Blut ernehret / und mit der Milch gesMuget / Ey so mUst ich ein undanckbarer Vogel seyn / vann ich ihr die SpeiB abschlagen volte...." 155 Ibid., "Ich geschveig jetzund der Freud / so die MOtter ab dem Sfiugen bekommen / in dem sie mit ihren Kindlein spielen / und dardurch die hertzliche Liebe desto mehr entzUnden....” 156 Friedrichs, pp. 301-311. 157 Hausstand, p. 501: "Ich hab difl mein Kind 9. gantzer Monat mit grossem Schmertzen unter meinem Hertzen getragen / ich habs mit Lebensgefahr gebohren / jetzt da ich Freude an und mit ihm haben solte / kommet GOtt / und nimbt mirs hinveg; Was hilfft mich die Geburt? Was nutzen mich soviel Schmertzen?" 156 Ibid. , p. 501. 159 Ibid., p. 500, 506. 160 Job 14:5; Isa. 38:5; Ps. 139:16; Matt. 26:45; 1 Kings 14:17; Sir. 17:2. 161 Hausstand, p. 500. 162 Ibid., p. 504. 163 Ibid., pp. 507-508: "Die Exempel beveisens / vie die Kinder... / s o Obel gerahten / und den Eltern grosses Hertzleyd machen / derovegen nimbts GOtt hinveg / dann eB viel besser ist / der Vatter sehe dem Kind ins Grab / als daB ers mUsse sehen am Galgen hangen.” 164 Ibid. , p. 509. 165 Ibid., pp. 511-512. 2 40 166 Ibid., pp. 79-80: ”Gevifi iat ra / dafi ein Haus- halten einem feinen Orden kan vergliechen verden; Daa Clos- ter iat daa Haua selber / daran GOtt eine atarcke Hauer im 6. und 10. Gebot gemacht / dafi niemand hinein eteigen soil: Der Prior iat der Hauavatter / ala daa Haubt... / Die Aebtissin iat die Hutter / aie achauet / dafi ea im Haus recht zugehe / Sprtichv. 31. v. 27. Da gibt ea mancher ley Orden; Anfanga seyn aie Benedictiner: /:von GOTT geeegnete Leut....Bald verden aie Creutzherrn: /:G0tt ziecht mit mancherley Creutz und Leyden bey ihnen ein....Werden Car- theuaer: /:haben Hangel am Fleiech und Nahrung....Drauff verden aie etvan gar Barfttsser / ao arm / dafi sie barfufi / nacket und blofi einher gehen....Sie haben auch Ordens-Reg- len / ein jeder veifi / vas er thun oder lassen soli; Ehe Leut sollen seyn ein Fleisch / haben auch ihre Horas_Canoni- cas, darinnen sie beten / Morgens / vann sie an die Arbeit gehen....Abends / vann sie vollen schlaffen gehen / be- fehlen sie sich und ihre Kinder mit Leib und Seel Gott in seinen Schutz....Ist das nicht ein schBner Orden? Viel nutzlicher und nohtvendiger / als alle MSnch und Nonnen Orden / die in dem Papsthumb zufinden....” Johann Spangenberg, Des_Ehelichen_Orden_/_Sgiegel_und_Regul, esp. Ciiiia-DiiiibT 167 Ibid., Sermons LI-LIV, pp. 766-821. 168 Ibid. , p. 771. 169 Ibid. , p. 773. 170 Ibid., pp. 775-776: "Man greifft offtermals diesen Stand ohn alien Vorbedacht an / vann der Gsell nur ein Weib und die Tochter nur einen Hann bekompt / so ists gnug / bedencken aber nicht / ob sie auch so viel gelernet / dafi sie die Nahrung gevinnen kBnnen / darnach gehts vie zu Cana / am ersten Tag kommen gleich die yerba_defectiva, da eines dem andern alles Ubels an den Hals vUnscht / darumb gehBrt grosse FUrsichtigkeit zur Haushaltung.” 171 Ibid. , p. 779. 172 Ibid. , p. 783. 173 Ibid., p. 786: "Dergleichen noch heutiges Tags geschicht / da junge Leut anfangs grosse Liebe zusammen tragen / vann aber der Kriegslast gleich ins Haus kompt / so vird eines ab dem andern ungedultig / dBrffen vol den Tag und die Stund verfluchen / darinnen sie sich verlobt haben....” 241 174 Ibid., p. 787: "Es finden sich Stieffkinder / Ehehalten / nachbarn / die sich mit Wort und Wercken wider das Weib auffleinen / dieselbe bey dem Hann verschwetzen / verkleinern / verlttstern / allerley Ubels von ihr reden / nur damit der Hann einen Argwohn bekomme / sein Weib ihm erleiden / und die gute Ehe btts machen....” 175 Ibid., pp. 786-787. 176 Ibid., p. 789. 177 Ibid., pp. 790-793. 178 Ibid., p. 795: ”0berherr in seinem Haus”. 179 Ibid., p. 796-797: "DaB er nicht fiber sie herrsche / wie fiber einen Leibeignen / dem kein Ehr widerftthret / sondern daB er sie zugleich auch ehrlich halte....”; p. 763: "Der Hann soli sein Weib nicht fUr ein FuBtuch halten....” 180 Ibid., p. 755: "Da verstehet er nicht eine Knech- tische Forcht / daB das Weib vor dem Hann zittern soli / wie vor einem LBwen / sondern eine Forcht der Liebe / daB sie ihn vor das Haupt erkenne / liebe / respective / ehre / ihm auch alien gebtlhrenden Gehoraam leiste. ...” 181 Ibid. , p. 803, 813. 182 Ibid., p. 798: ”Alao aoll daa Haua-Regiment wol verwaltet werden / b o muB aich der Hann hflten / daB er der Sachen weder zu viel noch zuwenig thue / sondern auff dem mitlern Weg bleibe.” P. 800. 183 Ibid., pp. 812-813. 184 Ibid., pp. 813-814: ”sihet Weib / Kinder / und Geaind an / ala wann era fressen wollte. ...” 185 Ibid. , pp. 814-815. 186 Ibid., pp. 805-806: "wann sie voll und gesoffen haben / da lassen sie ihre Hannheit sehen / aclagen Weib und Kinder aua dem Haus / Secht ihr / daB ich Herr im Haus bin? Auff verbottene Weis / wann sie im Haus sich ala un- sinnig stellen / nichts thun ala Elementiren und Sacramen- tiren / fluchen und schweren / daB das Haus einfallen mBcht / Weib und Kind zittern an Leib und Seel / als wann der Teuffel selber da wttre / verschwinden alles Gelt / was sie verarbeitet / geben dem Weib kein gut Wort / sagen: Ich bin Herr im Haua / oder hencken sich an andere Schleppsfick / lauffen zu Nacht aus dem Haus in allerley Schlupffwinckel / 242

und wann das Weib ihn deBwegen strafft / warumb er doch solches thue? so schlttgt und stBst er sie wie ein Hund / spricht / ich hab alles macht zu thun / was ich will / warumb? Ich bin der Herr im HausI" 187 Ibid. , p. 815. 188 Ibid., p. 817. 189 Ibid., p. 819: "und daB der Teuffel so mttchtig / sie also nicht sehen / in was Gfahr / Schand und Spott er sie geftlret / Jedermann sihet sie darumb an / redet ttbel von ihnen / das ist der gottlose / verfluchte Hann / der Gottslftsterer / Schnarcher / harte Nabal und unbarmhertzige Hund / ist nicht werth / daB er Weib und Kind haben soli.” 190 Ibid., p. 805: "so wird manches UnglUck verhUtet / wann man aber hinein plumbt / ohn alien bedacht / so gehts hernacher / wie es kan / und ist kein Wunder / wann aus der Herrschafft ein Tyranney wird / Exempel haben wir leider genug in dieser Stadt " 191 Ibid., p. 820: "Die Prediger thuns auff der Cantzel / daB sie diese Hateri eiferig treiben / dann ist etwas in dieser Stadt nothwendig / so ists diese Lehr / man mag davon halten was man woll / hUlfft das predigen nicht / sollen sie es priyatim fUrf&rden / ihnen aus Gottes Wort ernstlich das Gewissen rUhren / und so lang sie solche Nabal bleiben / daB sie nicht bekehren wollen / sie von der Beicht und dem H. Abendmahl abweisen: Obrigkeiten sollen hierinnen dem Predigambt die Hand bieten / solche halsstar- rige Haus-Narren / die weder auff GOtt noch sein Wort etwas geben / auff mancherley weis straffen / damit doch in der HauBhaltung alle Unordnung abgeschafft / und der Zorn GOttes abgewendet werde.” 192 Ibid. ; see below, p. 165; Dieterich, pp. 143-146. 193 Hausstand, p. 820. 194 Ibid., p. 821: "Die Ehe bleibt so lang wir leben / aber nicht ewig / dorten wird die Scheidung erst angehen / da der gottlose Hann zur HSllen / das fromme Weib aber in dem Himmel kommen wird...." 195 Ibid., p. 826, 828; Gen. 3:16. 196 Ibid., pp. 829-830. 243 197 Ibid., p. 829: "Wer regieret Land und Leut? der Hann: Wer nMhret und schUtzt die Unterthanen? der Hann; Wer ntthret Weib und Kind? der Hann?(ale) Wer erflndet allerley KUnaten und Wlasenachafften? der Hann. Wer bauet daa Feld? der Hann; Wer durchrelaet daa Land? der Hann: Wer durchschlfft daa Heer? der Hann. Wer verfertiget aller- hand Arbeit? der Hann; Wer trelbet alle Gewerb und Hand- thlerung? der Hann / und ao fort an. " 198 Ibid. , p. 826. 199 Ibid., p. 825. 200 Ibid., p. 838: "Die Liebe aoll nicht nur auff der Zungen schweben / sondern im gebUhrenden Gehoraam auch sehen lassen.” 201 Kawerau, Die_Reformation und die Ehe, pp. 44-49. 2 0 2 Hausstand, pp. 798-799. 203 Ibid., pp. 798-800, 805. 204 Ibid. , p. 839. 205 Ibid., p. 841: "Wie aber unaere Weiber / die doch gar ehrlich und fromm aeyn wollen / fluchen kfinnen / das kan man tfiglich von ihnen hfiren / man gehe nur auff dem Harckt / und kauff einer umb 1. Batzen werth ab / dann wird man hfiren / wie dapffer aie knellen kan / das ist aber ein rechte Leichtfertigkeit." Pp. 838-842. 206 a a Ibid., • 865-867, 873. 207 a a Ibid., • 867-871; p. 873. 208 Ibid., P* 874. 209 Ibid., P« 875: "Im Verheirathen sihet man offt nur auff die ttusserliche Gaben / Schfinheit / Reichthumb / und vornehmes Geschlecht / an die Frommheit denckt niemand / hat mans nun ohne Gott angefangen / so gehets auch ohne Gott fort / und ists nichts als lauter UnglUck zugewarten: Kaufft doch keiner ein Pferd / er fragt nach alien Hfingeln / besihets auff alien Seiten; Kein Haus wird gekaufft / man geht zuvor in alle Zimmer / und besihets eigentlich / ehe der Kauff fortgehet / in dem Kauff aber / der am lingsten / und offt biB an das End deB Lebena wMret / gehet man ao unfUrsichtig drein / daB man wider Gott noch gute Freund darumb fragt / darnach gerfihts so wol / daB einem das gantze Leben erbittert / und welches das fUrnemste / da ein Pferd oder Haus wider verkaufft kan werden / so muB ein 244

aolcher seinen Schleppsack behalten / und sich damit beschleppen / bifl der Tod ale vonelnander acheidet...." 210 Ibid., pp. 874-875. 211 Ibid., p. 876. 212 Ibid., pp. 850-851. 213 Ibid., pp. 851-853; see also Jenisch, Vier Hgchzeitgredigten, pp. 61-62; Ibid., Der_CXXV 111. Pealn)^^^ In_Drey_Hgchzeitgredigten_erklfiret, Eivb. 214 Ibid., pp. 853-854; Dillherr, Ehre der Ehe, pp. 480-481. 215 Ibid., pp. 853-854. 216 Ibid., pp. 856-857. 217 Ibid., pp. 860-861: "Manche TBchter htttte gern einen Mann / aber aie dencket nicht ana hauaen / aie kan nichts als bulen / lBfflen / da und dort junge Geaellen Mffen und angesp&nen / venn aie hernacher in den Eheatand kompt / vermeint es soil hergehen vie zuvor / man kan nichts thun / und will nichts thun / da hauset man daB Hund und Katzen das beste Vieh im Haus 1st: Als_wir_leben_/_sg halten_vir_Haus_/_Mgrgen_lauffen_vir_zum_Xhgr_hinausX Daran seyn viel schuldig die Miltter / die ihre TBchter nicht zur Hfiuslichkeit / sondern zur Hoffart und Leicht- fertigkeit helffen / vermeinen / es vfire ihrem Stand eine Schand / venn die Jungfrau Tochter die Hand in Koht solt stosaen / und eine Arbeit recht angreiffen. " 218 Ibid., p. 860: "Soil e s a u c h dienen zu einer Warnung den unfleissigen Haus-MUttern / die ihr Haushalten an ein NBgelein hencken / haben immerdar daa Fenster am Hals / lauffen hin und her spatzieren / sein faul / trflg / schlaffen ins Bett biB an den hellen Mittag / venn man mit den Tellern zum Tisch leutet / so atehens auff: Soil das ein Hausfrau seyn? Ausfrau ists / die alien Segen aus dem Haus treibt...." 219 Ibid., pp. 861-862. 220 Ibid., p. 880. 221 Ibid. , p. 597. 222 Ibid., Sermons XL-XLIII, pp. 542-595. 223 Strauss, Luther^s_Hguse_of_Learning, pp. 85-107. 245 224 Hausstand, pp. 683-684; p. 543, 547, 554, 225 Ibid., p. 545, 563, 878. 226 Ibid., p. 690. 227 Ibid., pp. 687-688; see above, p. 59. 228 Ibid., pp. 560-562, 565. 229 Ibid., p. 564. 230 Ibid., pp. 579-580. 231 Ibid., p. 564: "Ach freylich / wolte GOtt Celt / so man auff die Soldaten anwendet / auff die Schulen gfibe / so wurd es besser In der Welt stehent” 232 Ibid., p. 601. 233 Ibid. , p. 602, 690. 234 Ibid., p. 603: "Und solche unordentliche Liebe findet sich biflweilen bey heeden Eltern / sonderlich aber bey den Mtlttern / die viasen ihre Liebe nicht recht zuge- brauchen / will der Vatter echarff seyn / und drein schlagen / so unterbauets die Mutter / reist ihm das Kind aus der Hand / und sagt: Ey / das Kind ist mein / es ist mir saur gnug worden / bifl ichs auff die Welt gebracht / damit wird die Hauszucht auffgehebt / will der Vatter nicht ein bOse Ehe haben / so mufl era geschehen lassen / daran er zwar nicht recht thut / wann das Gsind das sihet / so wollen sie auch nichts wehren / die Mutter wird einem gleich feind / wann es nur ein WBrtlein wider das Ammen- kindlein redet; O der Gottlosen nttrrischen Affenliebel" 235 Ibid., pp. 604-605: "Es ist nicht wol glaublich / was ich sagen will / und ist doch waar: Auff das Vieh und Hinder gibt man besser acht / als auff die Kinder / wann einer etlich Stuck Viehs hat / besorget er sich / er kBnn ihnen nicht gnugsam abwarten / sie mBchten versaumbt werden / so bestelt er einen eygnen Knecht dardber / eine Vieh- Magd / die mufl Tag und nacht defl Viehs warten....Aber wann einer das Haufl voll Kinder hat / wo denckt er daran / das er ihnen einen Praeceptorem bestelle / ja dafl er sie nur in die Schul gehen lies? Es gehet kein Haus-Vatter nider / er sihet zuvor / ob sein Vieh alles im Stall sey / und da ihm nur ein Schwein fehlet / so durchlaufft er die gantze Stadt / und sucht dasselbe / wer fragt aber wo das Kind sey? in welchem Winckel es stecke? er gedenckt / es wird sich wol finden / wann es lang gnug herumber geloffen / so werd es schon selbs wider kommen....Die nicht so arg seyn / dencken 246

dahin / das sie ihren Kindern grofi Reichthumb zusammen bringen / vermeynen / wann aie Gelt und gut haben / ao aey den Kindern achon geholffen....Daher kompt ea / daB man aich mehr auff Reichthumb ale WeiBheit begibt / dardurch aber die Zucht mercklich verhindert wird." 236 Ibid. , p. 576. 237 Ibid., p. 709: "Gehe auff die Wahlatatt hinaua / ao virstu aehen / vie die Beiner von den Hunden aein zer- nagt worden...." 238 Ibid., p. 576: "Es ist mancher junger Mensch dem Hencker unter die Hand kommen / der hat void Galgen und Rabenstein herab geschryen / hfltt mich mein Vatter und Mutter besser gezogen / wttr ich nicht in diB UnglUck kommen / man hat mich verzMrtlet / Gott verzeuchs ihnen unter dem Boden....” 239 Ibid., p. 606: "Die Histori ist bekandt von dem Jttngling / der durch Nachlttssigkeit seiner Eltern verderbt worden / also daB er in Schand und Laster gerathen / und endlich zum Galgen verurtheilt worden: Da er nun biB an die Leiter kommen / hat er begehrt / daB man seine Mutter solte zu ihm kommen lassen / da es geschehen / stellte er sich / als wolte er ihr etwas heimlichs in ein Ohr sagen / hat ihr aolcheB abgebiBsen / sagend / 0 du Gottlose Mutter / hettest du mich besser gezogen / so dOrffte mich jetzt der Hencker nicht ziehen.” Hunnius, Christlicher_Haustafel, 45a. 240 WA 10, II, 170, 8-9; Hausstand, p. 608. 241 Ibid., p. 606; 885. 242 Ibid., p. 885: "Die Hand ist voller Grimm / daB offt der Hencker in die Ubelthfiter so grimmig nicht zu- schmeist / als ein solcher hirmschBlliger Vatter auff seine Kinder...." 243 Ibid., p. 691; Sir. 30. 244 Ibid., p. 575: "So seyn viel Eltern gesinnet / das es heist: Haltet mir mein SBhnlein nicht zu hart / daher kompts / wann mans mit der Ruthen hauet / sie zdrnen / als wenn er eine TodSUnd begangen hfitte / so es doch eine zehenfache verdiente Schuld gewesen....” 245 Ibid., pp. 576-577: "ehe solten sie die Praecep- to£g§ bitten / daB sie doch dapffer drein haueten / auch ihnen dafUr dancketen....” 24 7 246 Ibid. , p. 692. 247 Ibid., p. 694, 689. 246 Ibid., pp. 866-887. 249 Ibid., p. 721 . 250 Ibid., p. 721 * "und da wir alle Doctor wttren / so mtisten wir alle auffeinander Hungerssterben...." 251 Ibid., p. 722. 252 Ibid., Sermon LX, pp. 891-906. 253 Ibid., p. 903: "und heutigs Tages mehrers nichts geklagt wird / als tlber den Ungehorsam und Bosheit der Kinder / die sich veder mit Worten noch Ruthen mehr wollen ztlchtigen und ziehen lassen; Seyn sie klein / so seyn sie unbendig und bBs / seyn sie aber gros / und zu ihrem Verstand kommen / so seyn sie noch ttrger / geben den Eltern kein gut Wort / schnarchen sie noch an / ja dOrffen wol gar die Httnd tiber sie zucken / und sie schlagen / lassen sie in ihrem Alter in der Armut herumber gehen / und mOgen ihnen nicht mit einem StUcklein Brods behUlfflich seyn / ja schflmen sich auch ihrer / sonderlich wanns achlechte / geringe Leut seyn / daB mancher alter Vatter und Mutter bitterlich darUber weinen / und wUnschen / daB sie solche gottlose Kinder im ersten Bad ertrfinckt hMtten....” 254 Ibid. , p. 902. 255 Ibid. , p. 893, 896. 256 Ibid., pp. 895-899: "Sihe / Gott hMtte dich von TUrckischen / Heydnischen / unglaubigen Eltern kOnnen geboren werden lassen / oder aber von unehrlichen / nichts- werthen Eltern / durch welche du in Geistliches / leib- liches und ewiges Elend hMttest kfinnen gerahten...." 257 Ibid., pp. 937-938. 258 Ibid., Sermons LXV-LXVI, pp. 963-989; see above, PP 108-109. ‘ 259 Ibid. , p. 953. 260 Ibid., p. 952: "das ist ein schweres Hauscreutz / wann das Haupt im Haus ligt / da ligt alles darnider / die Hausmutter ist betrtlbt / die Kinder stehen umb das Bett herumb / trauren und weinen / daB ihnen die Threnen (lber die Backen herab lauffen / ruffen und schreien: Ach mein 24 8

Vatter / mein Vatter1 eolteetu uns durch den Tod entzogen verden? Wie (lbel virda mir armen Wittwen / una verlaaaenen WMialein ergehen?" 261 Ibid., pp. 956-961. 262 Ibid., pp. 961-962. 263 Ibid. , p. 998. 264 Ibid., pp. 993-994. 265 Ibid., pp. 994-995. 266 See above, pp.. 267 Hausstand, pp. 999-1000. 268 Ibid., pp. 1002-1003, 997. 269 Ibid., Sermons LXXIII-LXXV, pp. 1074-1116. 270 Ibid., pp. 1077-1078. 271 Ibid., pp. 1088-1089. 272 Ibid. , p. 1079. 273 Ibid., p. 1081: Sie kriegen die Frantzoaen / LMuse und andere Kranckheit der Bettler....” 274 Ibid., p. 1081: ”ao vachet endlich das Gevissen auff / und aagt: Sihe / den und den Ehebruch haatu begangen / da und da haatu ein unachuldigea Mensch gef&llt / aie umb ihre Ehr und Zucht gebracht / ietzt haatu einen ungnttdigen Gott / und evige VerdamnuB geviBl 0 Gott / vie viltu be- atehen? Das iat ein unauaaprechlicher Schmertz / der zum Offtern einen Menachen dahin treibt / daB er in den letzten Zugen seine HurenstUcklein offenbaret / die er vor 20. Jahren begangen / vann ea ihn nicht gar zur Verzweifflung bringt / daB er aich selbst umbringt. ...” 275 Ibid., p. 1086: ”Weil man aber leider auff unaer armes Predigen nichta gibet / man lttst uns den Hals ab- achreyen / so muB die Obrigkeit das ihrige auch darbey thun / dem Predigampt dapffer unter die Arm greiffen. ...” 276 Ibid., pp. 1086-1087: ”Straffe / atraffe / liebe Obrigkeit atraffe / zeuch dein Schvert dapfer aua wider alle unzucht / atraffe einen vie den andern / thustu ea nit / ao wird GOtt die gantze Stadt atraffen...vie wir ea biBher mehr als gnug und gut iat / erfahren haben. ” 277 Ibid., p. 1082: "Und well dieses Gesetz zu dieser letzten Zeit leider sbgangen / und man jetzt nur sit der GMnsgeissel darOber ftthrt...." 278 Dieterich, pp. 234-237; Safley, Let_No_Man Put Asunder, pp. 33-36, 131-132, 157-159. 279 Hausstand pp. 1104-1105. 280 Ibid. P* 1107. 281 Ibid. PP 1107-1108. 282 Ibid. P* 1106, 1114. 283 Ibid. PP 1105-1106. 284 Ibid. PP 1109-(1110). 285 Ibid. P* 1109. 286 Ibid. PP 1108-1109. 287 Sehling XII, ii, pp. 346-347: "Als sich bis anher oftermals zugetragen, das under den ehleuten eins von dem andern hinweggezogen und etlich zeit hernach die bleibende person sich anderverts viderumb verehlichet und etvan das beischlafen, auch zu zeiten die schvengerung hernach gefolgt, obgleich das gepliben ehegemecht nicht grUndlich gewust oder glaubvUrdig beveisen kUnden, das sein hingezog- ner, abvesender ehegemahel mit tod abgangen gevesen oder nicht, auch zue zeiten solcher hingezogner ehegemahel her­ nach viderumb anhaimisch komen, darus dann allerai unrat, unruh, und weiterung ervachsen." Hausstand, p. (1110). For an example of the confusion this could create, see Natalie Zemon Davis, The_Return_gf_Martin_Guerre (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1982). 288 Ibid., PP 1092-1093. 289 Ibid., PP 1094-1095, 1107. 290 Ibid., P- 1098. 291 Ibid., PP 1096-1097. 292 Ibid., P* 1098; WA 30, III, 241, 24-29. 293 Hausstand, p. 1098, 1101. 250 Chapter_VI 1 For a discussion of this conflict, see Antonia Fraser, The_Weaker_VesBel (New Yorks Alfred A. Knopf, 1984). 2 Dieterich, pp. 143-146. 3 Ratsprotokolle (RP) 15. July 1625, 8. & 22. Aug. 1625. 4 Konsistorialakten (KA) 17. June 1625, 27. Jan. 1626; RP 13. June 1625, 4. & 18. July 1625. 5 KA 12. Dec. 1659. 6 KA 4. July 1653. 7 KA 5. June 1595. 8 KA 26. July 1618. 9 RP 19. March 1623. 10 KA 4. July 1600; RP 30. Jan. 1600, 27. Feb. 1600, 5. & 12. May 1600, 11. & 13. June 1600. 11 RP 7. July 1623. 12 RP 19. Nov. 1624 13 RP 6. June 1623. 14 RP 18. Aug. 1623. 15 RP 1. Apr. 1639. 16 RP 13. Oct. 1623. 17 RP 12. May 1592, 15. June 1592; KA 29. Aug. 1592. 18 RP 16. Jul. 1623. 19 RP 28. Feb. 1616-9. Aug. 1619 passim. 20 RP 16. Oct. 1593: "Ferner geschlossen, daB Melchior Herpfer, Loder, dessen Eheweib, und Mltiste Tochter, vegen fuhrenden dero Mrgerlichen, Gott- und ruchloBen Lebens heutigen abends an Ein EhrwQrdiges WiniBterium vervisen: und Freytags darauff in der Kirchen offentliche auffgestellt und ttber Sie gepredigt: in gleichen die Michael Seitzische beede Eheleuth, well Sie ebenm&fiig ein Ubels HauBhalten ftthren....” 21 251 RP 26. Feb. 1623, 27. Jan. 1602. 22 KA 28. July 1628, 26. Sept. 1628, 23 RP 20. Nov. 1626. 24 RP 23. July 1602, 30. Aug. 1602. 25 RP 11. Jan. 1603. 26 E. g., KA 20. March 1614. 27 RP 19. March 1623. 28 KA 20. May 1616. 29 Examples from NBrdlingen include Ordnungs-BUcher (OB) 1612-1640, 137b-142a (wedding ordinance); OB 1641- 1688, 315a-316b (dress). 30 Albrecht, Der Hausstand, p. 843, 873. 31 RP 9. Jan. 1665; OB 1641-1688, 237a-239. 32 Shorter, p. 177. But who was more "sacrificing” and thus, according to Shorter's logic, more "modern”: the women who accepted the paid maternity leave or the male factory owners who offered it? 33 Ari^s, Centuries_gf_Childhgod, p. 404. 34 Albrecht, Der_Hausstand, pp. 854-855. 35 RB qto. 615:32, 57-74 (Nov. 1712). 36 Shorter, pp. 142-144, 162-163. APPENDIX

THE NBRDLINGEN FUNERAL SERMONS: SUBJECTS LIST

Name Date of sermon Biographical information (including worth at time of death) Author of sermon, funeral text Call number (SA N8rd>

Adam, Anna Dorothea 25. June 1706 wife of Caspar (RB qto. 615:31) Georg MatthUus Beckh; 1 Tim. 1:15 RB qto. 615:31 1/2

Adam, Caspar 12. Dec. 1655 city council 1638-1655, BOrgermeister 1653; merchant; 56.000 fl. Johann Marcell Westerfeld; Rom. 14:7-9 RB qto. 614:2

Adam, Caspar 3. Sept. 1704 city council 1667-1704, BUrgermeister 1695; merchant; 4.000 fl. Georg Matthfius Beckh; Rev. 2:10 RB qto. 615:31

Adam, Maria Magdalena 14. Oct. 1655 19 years old at death in childbed Christian Ernst; Gen. 3:16 Unbound LP qto.

Albrecht, Jacobina 27. March 1647 wife of Georg (superintendent) Georg Hauff; Eze. 24:15-18 RB qto. 613:24

B&yren, Johann Caspar 20. Aug. 1695 minister Georg Matthflus Beckh; 1 Cor. 2:9 RB qto. 615:25

252 253

Beckh, Catharine Barbara 17. Jan. 1701 wife of Georg HatthMua (minister) Johann Heinrich Epplin; Gen. 48:2 RB qto. 615:29 1/2 (MS)

Matthttus Beckh 5. Nov. 1693 minister, father of G. M., retired 1692 Sigmund Weber; 2 Tim. 4:18 RB qto. 615:22

Bommeister, Barbara 1. Oct. 1637 wife of Georg (RB qto. 613, 18) Georg Hauff; Eze. 24:15-18 RB qto. 613:22

Bommeister, Elisabeth 25. Oct. 1670 widow of Georg (RB qto. 613, 18) Sigmund Kisling; Ps. 37:5 RB qto. 615:10

Bommeister, Georg 16. Apr. 1661 city council 1630-1661, BOrgermeister 1633; bureaucrat in foreign employ; 14,600 fl. Johann Marcell Westerfeld; Ps. 90:10 RB qto. 613:18

Brentel, Regina 20. July 1634 wife of Georg, Baumeister Tobias Fabricius; Eze. 24:15-18 RB qto. 613:21

Dieterich, Anna Maria Aug. 1663 unknown Christian Ernst; Ps. 50:15 RB qto. 620:4

Engelhardt, Georg Friederich 2. Sept. 1700 city council 1685-1700, BOrgermeister 1690; city official, hospital superintendent; 4,200 fl. Johann Daniel Haak; Isa. 61:10 RB qto. 651:398

Fisher, Anna 17. Dec. 1645 wife of David Fisher? sister-in-law of Johann Conrad Gundelfinger (RB qto. 614:5) Christian Ernst; Ps. 73:26-27 Unbound LP qto.

Fisher, David 18. July 1660 city court, merchant Tobias Scheiblin; Phil. 1:23 Unbound LP qto. 254

Flanser, Joachim 9. Oct. 1587 city council c. 1552-1587; 2,500 fl. Melchior Fabricius; Sirach 41:13 Unbound LP qto.

Franck, Friderich 3. Dec. 1828 minister Stephan Wechsler; Gen. 6:9 RB qto. 613:6

Frickinger, Adam 6. April. 1657 city council 1616-1652; BOrgermeister 1631; cloth merchant; 15,000 fl. J. M. Westerfeld; 1 Kings 19:4 RB qto. 613:17

Frickinger, Anna Rosina 23. May 1700 widow of Johann Christoph, city official Caspar Weng; Ps. 17:15 RB fol. 651:237

Frickinger, Maria 25. Feb. 1674 widow of Adam, cloth merchant Tobias Scheiblin; John 2:10 Unbound LP qto.

Glotseis, Johann 14. April 1649 physician Christian Ernst; Mark 2:17 RB qto. 613:15

Graf, Wolfgang 27. Sept. 1608 magistrate Friderich Frank; Ps. 90:12-13 RB qto. 613:5

Gundelfinger, Daniel 24. Jan. 1638 city council 1634-1638; 10,000 fl. Tobias Scheiblin; John 3:16 RB qto. 613:11

Gundelfinger, Heinrich Gottfried 15. May 1671 lawyer, city council J. M. Westerfeld; Ps. 31:16 RB qto. 614:8

Gundelfinger, Johann Conrad 7. Jan. 1670 city official; city council 1634-1670; BOrgermeister 1661; 8,200 fl. J. M. Westerfeld; Gal. 2:20 RB qto. 614:5 255

GundelfInger, Johann Conrad 29. Sept. 1633 city official; city council 1631-1633; BOrgermeister 1631; 3,600 fl. Stephan Wechsler; 2 Sam. 19:27 Unbound LP qto.

Gtintzler, Veit Ulrich 11. Oct. 1699 hospital master G. M. Beckh; Wis. 3:1 RB qto. 615:29

Haas, Johann Caspar 29. July 1690 son of Johann Caspar, larger city council, braid maker 10-year-old who drowned in Eger River Michael Schustern; no text RB qto. 613:30

Hauff, Barbara April 1623 widow of Georg, minister at Carmelite Church Tobias Fabricius; John 6:51 Unbound LP qto.

Hauff, Georg 1. April 1623 minister at Carmelite Church; father of Georg Hauff, assistant pastor at St. George; retired 1620 Tobias Fabricius; Ps. 92:13 Unbound LP qto.

Hauff, Georg 12. Oct. 1660 assistant pastor at St. George Christian Ernst; Ps. 92:13 RB qto. 620:2

Hauff, Margaretha 6. April 1649 wife of Georg, assistant pastor at St. George Caspar Epplin; Matt. 13:45-46 RB qto. 613:25

Herrenschmid, Gottfried 25. Feb. 1640 city secretary Caspar Epplin; Rev. 14:13 Unbound LP qto.

Heyder, Anna 24. Aug. 1624 wife of Caspar, BUrgermeister (RB qto. 613:7) Georg Hauff; Rom. 8:16 Unbound LP qto. 25 6 Heyder, Caspar 21. April 1629 apothecary; city council 1596-1629; Btirgermeister 1606; 33, 500 fl. Georg Hauff; John 3:16 RB qto. 613:7

Hilbrand, Johann Friderich 26. June 1690 city official; city council 1652-1690; BOrgermeister 1683; 10,400 fl. J. D. Haak; 2 Sam. 7:16 RB qto. 615:16

Jerg, Johann Baptist 18. Oct. 1639 taverner; city council 1606-1639; 19,600 fl. Jacob Herrenschmidt; Luke 2:29-32 RB qto. 613:13

JBrg, Michael 2. May 1668 taverner Sigmund Kisling; Job 16:22 RB qto. 615:7

Kyllinger, Dorothea 6. Jan. 1616 21 at death, unmarried Tobias Fabricius; Rom. 8:38-39 Unbound LP qto.

Killinger, Jacob 17. Sept. 1646 lawyer Georg Albrecht; Isa. 26:21 RB qto 613:14

Knebel, Magdalena Dorothea 30. Dec. 1711 child J. M. Welsch; Jer. 6:26 RB fol. 651:612

Mayr, Paul 29. April 1590 unknown Friderich Franck; Sir. 40:1 Unbound LP qto.

Mondtbach, Maria 23. June 1617 wife of merchant Georg Heyl; Job 14:5 RB qto. 613:20

Rehmen, Elisabeth 2. Nov. 1644 wife of Johann Lorentz, city council, lawyer (RB qto. 615:14) Tobias Scheiblin; 1 Chron. 30:15 RB qto. 615:5 257

Rehmen, Johann Lorentz lawyer; city council Sigmund Weber; Phil. 3:20 RB qto. 615:14

Reusner, Walburg 16. Jan. 1621 unknown Friderich Franck; Ps. 116:15 Unbound LP qto.

Reutter, Johann 22. Jan. 1587 cloth merchant;city council c. 1542-1587; BUrgermeister c. 1549; 6,000 fl. W. F. Lutz; Isa. 22:20-25 RB qto. 613:1

Rieger, Anna Maria 20. March 1655 wife of Philip, apothecary Christian Ernst; Luke 23:46 Unbound LP qto.

Romul, Johann Friderich 13. March 1689 lawyer J. D. Haak; Col. 11:14 RB qto. 617:6

Romul, Wilhelm Friderich 17. June 1682 city official; city council 1638-1640, 1656-1682; BUrgermeister 1656; 10,400 fl. J. D. Haak; Ps. 73:24 RB qto. 614:7

Roth, Johann 2. Feb. 1625 unknown Georg Hauff; Luke 2:25-32 Unbound LP qto.

RBttinger, Sebastian 11. May 1608 lawyer Friderich Franck; Isa. 45:6-8 RB qto. 613:4

Scheuring, Caspar 5. July 1609 unknown Melchior Fabricius; Eph. 2:19-22 RB qto. 613:19

Schmid, Appolonia 1. Oct. 1601 wife of Balthasar, fine-cloth weaver Gottlieb Regner; Ps. 128:5-6 Unbound LP qto. 258

Schtipperlin, Georg Wilhelm 9. April 1703 organist; city council 1673-1703; BUrgermeister 1690; 14, 000 fl. Caspar Weng; 1 Sam 25:1 RB qto. 615:20

Seefried, Barbara 7. Nov. 1659 wife of Johann Adam, city court Tobias Scheiblin; Ps. 73:25-26 RB qto. 614:15

Seefried, Johann Georg 4. Dec. 1672 merchant; city council 1633-1672; BUrgermeister 1648; 9,000 fl. J. M. Westerfeld; Ps. 4:9 RB qto. 614:6

Seng, Matthfius 16. Nov. 1636 ironmonger; city council 1633-1636; 3,000 fl. Caspar Epplin; Luke 2:29-30 Unbound LP qto.

Seng, Peter 12. Nay 1589 ironmonger? city council 1550-1589; BUrgermeister c. 1567; 10,600 fl. W. F. Lutz; no text RB qto. 613:2

SpUth, Johann Georg 17. July 1696 schoolteacher G. M. Beckh; Dan. 12:3 RB qto. 615:26

Steinler, Elisabeth 5. Dec. 1658 widow of Georg, BUrgermeister of Bopfingen Tobias Scheiblin; Ps. 73:25-26 RB qto. 614:17

Wanner, Johann Ulrich 31. Hay 1697 unknown G. M. Beckh; John 5:24 RB qto. 615:28

Wechsler, Stephan 29. Dec. 1633 24 at death Tobias Fabricius; Tob. 10:4-7 RB qto. 617:14

Wechsler, Stephan 17. Dec. 1635 minister Jacob Herrenschmidt; Acts 6:8 RB qto. 613:9 25 9

Welsch, Jacobina Regina 8. Nov. 1700 wife of Johann Melchior, city physician (RB qto 615:32) Caspar Weng; Ps. 42:2-3 RB qto. 615:18

Welsch, Johann Melchior 18. Aug. 1648 city captain; city council 1634-1648; BUrgermeister 1646; 18,000 fl. J. M. Westerfeld; Hebr. 12:22-24 RB qto. 613:16

Welsch, Johann Melchior 15. July 1690 city physician Sigmund Weber; John 8:51 RB qto. 617:15

Welsch, Johann Melchior 4. Nov. 1712 city physician G. M. Beckh; Phil. 1:21, 23 RB qto. 615:32

Welsch, Margareta 5. Dec. 1638 wife of Johann Melchior, city captain (RB qto. 613:16) Caspar Epplin; Mark 13:32-37 RB qto. 613:23

Welsch, Maria Ursula 3. April 1697 wife of Johann Melchior, city physician (RB qto. 617:15); daughter of J. M. Westerfeld, superintendent J. E. Schmid; Ps. 4:4 RB qto. 617:16

Weltz, Sigmund Moriz von 29. April 1673 imperial official J. H. Epplin; Rev. 19:9 RB qto. 615:12

Weng, Anna Catharina 6. Jan. 1671 daughter of G. F. Weng, city council; 14 at death J. H. Epplin; Ps. 131 RB qto. 615:11

Weng, Caspar minister J. M. Welsch; Matt. 25:23 RB qto. 615:21

Weng, Euphrosina wife of Georg Friderich, assessor J. H. Epplin; Ps 31:10-11 RB qto. 615:9 260

Weng, Georg Friderich 20. Jen. 1695 bureaucrat in foreign employ; city council 1648-1695; BUrgermeister 1673; 15,400 fl. J. D. Haak; Ps. 90:11 RB qto. 615:17

Weng, Georg Friderich 24. June 1702 city council J. H. Epplin; 1 John 1:7 RB qto. 615:19

Weng, Johanna Barbara 5. June 1684 unknown Sigmund Weber; Gen. 35:16-20 RB qto. 615:15

Westerfeld, Johann Harcell 24. Feb. 1678 superintendent J. H. Epplin; Ps. 73:23 RB qto. 614:9

Westerfeld, Margaret 7. April 1666 wife of Johann Marcell, superintendent Sigmund Kisling; Ps. 25:17-18 RB qto. 615:6

Westerfeld, Maria Susanna 4. Feb. 1656 wife of Johann Marcell, superintendent Sigmund Kisling; Ps. 68 RB qto 617:25

Widenmann, Caspar 1604 judge Melchior Fabricius; 2 Chron. 19:6 RB qto. 613:3

Widenmann, Daniel 9. March 1638 merchant; city council 1638; 18,000 fl. Caspar Epplin; Dan. 12:13 RB qto. 613:12

Widenmann, Georg 13. May 1637 merchant; city council 1629-1637; 21,000 fl. Tobias Scheiblin; 2 Kings 20:1-3 RB qto 613:10

WUnsch, Martin 26. Oct. 1674 city official; city council 1640-1674; 5,000 fl. J. H. Epplin; Phil. 1:21 RB qto 617:26 BIBLIOGRAPHY

A. Primarx_BgurceB_2 _Stadtarchiv_HBrdlingen

(i) Bound volumes:

Konsistorialakten: 1585-1667 (KA) Leichenpredigten: RB qto. 613-20; RB fol. 651 Ratsprotokolle: 1580-1700 (RP)

(11) Unbound material:

Akten Deutsche Schulen Kirchendlenerakten Leichenpredigten

B. Primarx_sgurces_-_devgtignal_literature

Albrecht, Bernhard. HauB_und_Kirchenachatzi_Das_ist_/_ AuBerlesene_Andttchtige_Gebett_und_Danckaagungen_/_ auff_j[ede_Tag_der_vgchen_/_Item_auff_die_fUrnemste_ Fest_unnd_Zeiten_in]_Jahrx_DeBglei9 hen_auff_alle_ bSSSbende_Fflll_ln_dem_Henschenllghen_Lebenx_beedeB_ fOr_Junge_unnd_Alte_/_gesunde_und_Krancke_/_ausser<_ yDQd_lnner_dem_Creutz_/_daheim_zu_Haufl_/_und_ln_der_ Kirchen_/_nutzllch__ujind_hejrlsamllch_zu_gebrauchen. Ulm, l6257~7sib""Auga oct77 Th7"’Pr7~427‘"

______. B®i§|jtt£bi£iQ_Ei5E_£*ie_Jugend_/_sg_an_£rembde_0rt_ Ygrschlckt_vlrdx_Item_fUr_Handelsleut_und_an^ere_ ceisende_Eersgnen_/_ln_vlel_weg_natzlich_zu_ 9 ®bE§uchen. Leipzig, 1622. (SSb Augs duo. 1059, Th. Pr. 43)

Albrecht, Georg. Beicht2 Sgiegel_/_darlnnen_/_Eine_ i2D^£?lb§E®_i®leb^zE9E!D_i®2_!!’£i*tentheilB_in_den_ EyangeliBchen_Kirchen_gebrttuchlich_iBt^_vgrgetragen_ /_§elbige_ygn_Wgrt_zu_Wgrt_erklMret_/_und_dabey_ ngtwendiger_ynterright_gethan_vlrd1.j.j.2. NBrdllngen, Ii7l7_7sA_NBrdoct7~14597-27

_ . Bibllecher_Bufl-Altar_/_DaB_iBti_Zehen_Predigten_ /_In_jfelghen_d4e_nutzllche_/_und_zu_dieser_Zeit_sehr Q9lb¥£Ddi99_L:!ibE_Y9Q_?*er_BuB_grdenligh_und_einf Sit ig

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X 584,30) Ifr-IH IXIfr- i a tji >i - 31 ftl fr-l (0 0 * i i U 1 H H c i i ft 1 0 C H i i H 1 0 ft H i i 0 1 H u 0 i i a 1 H H C i i H 1 U w Ellinger, Johann. el. 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