From: Kristine Pearson
HI Cindy
I have sent a series of emails, and want to ensure you are able to access. I have attached the links here as well to download the 2 presentations for Monday. I have also attached an updated agenda.
We look forward to hosting you and your team.
Kleco Kleco Kristine
CEAA Review Panel Roberts Bank Terminal 2 Project Community Hearing Session at Pacheedaht First Nation
June 17, 2019 Presentation Overview
1. Introduction to Pacheedaht First Nation and Territory 2. Pacheedaht Origin History 3. Traditional Governance 4. Tatoosh Island, Strait of Juan de Fuca and ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) 5. Pacheedaht and Trade 6. ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) Resources 7. Cumulative Effects Overview 8. Presentation Summary Topic 1: Introduction to Pacheedaht First Nation and Territory (1)
• Purpose of presentation is provide overview of Pacheedaht history and related information with emphasis on the marine portion of the territory, especially ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank); • Pacheedaht have been conducting research on their history for several decades; • Information comes from 3 main sources: o More than 100 recorded interviews with Pacheedaht elders over the past 25 years; o Extensive review of information at many archives, including documents, maps, photographs and other document o Archaeological sites information and analysis • Research is ongoing Topic 1: Introduction to Pacheedaht First Nation and Territory (2) • Most recent investigations have provided better understanding of traditional Indigenous governance related to ownership and management of territory and resources; • Research in the past focused on primary information sources, recent investigations into less apparent sources, some in the United States, have provided additional information; • Information from this presentation will be included in a project report due at the end of June 2019, with details not fully referenced today.
• Each of the names shown in red on the map on the previous slide are sites of villages, campsites or other locations occupied permanently, seasonally or temporarily by Pacheedaht people, past and present; • The distribution of these sites along marine and river shorelines illustrate the traditional importance of aquatic resources; • The Pacheedaht have occupied their territory since time immemorial; • The Pacheedaht occupied and controlled their territory at the time of Contact; • The Pacheedaht are most closely allied by language, culture and kinship ties with the Ditidaht to the northwest, with the Makah who live across the Strait of Juan de Fuca in what is now the United States, and share ties with with other tribes; Topic 2: Pacheedaht Origin History (1)
There are several traditional oral histories that trace the origin of the Pacheedaht and Ditidaht people to the village at Diitiida, at what is now called Jordan River.
One history, relating to the distant past, was given by Chief “Peter” Batli squawa in 1931, recorded by anthropologist Mary Haas, is well- remembered by Elders today. A summary of this oral history follows.
Chief Peter, Batli squawa Topic 2: Pacheedaht Origin History (2)
Long, long ago, the people who lived at Tatoosh Island invited the people from Ozette for a Wolf Dance.
Tatoosh Island Potlatch Topic 2: Pacheedaht Origin History (3)
During the ceremony, a rattle was broken at a key moment. This was a great insult to the Ozette, who left immediately.
They returned shortly and attacked the Tatoosh Island people at night. Many people died on both sides. Topic 2: Pacheedaht Origin History (4)
The Tatoosh Island chief decided his people must flee Tatoosh Island to protect themselves from further attacks.
They moved and settled at Diitiida, now called Jordan River. The Tatoosh people were welcomed by the people already living at Diitiida. Topic 2: Pacheedaht Origin History (5)
Later, there was a Great Flood. Some Ditidahts escaped in a canoe, coming to land on kaakaapiya mountain near Nitinat Lake. These survivors became the ancestors of the Ditidaht First Nation. Other people from Diitiida moved and settled at P’a:chi:da?, near what is now Port Renfrew, and became the ancestors of the Pacheedaht First Nation. The Pacheedaht and Ditidaht share their origin at Diitiida, or Jordan River. Topic 2: Pacheedaht Origin History (6)
• Many years later, the people in the village at the river in Port San Juan noticed something strange, two miles upriver; • There was a odd foam forming in the water, it covered the river banks to about eight feet above the water; • The water tasted salty, like ocean water; • The people called the substance P’a:chi:da?, meaning ”sea-foam”; • The people decided that from that time forward they would call themselves P’a:chi:da?aht (Pacheedaht), meaning “People of the Sea- Foam.” Topic 3: Indigenous Governance, Rights and Trade (1)
• A commonly held opinion, dating from the colonial period, is that, before Contact, Indigenous people in BC were disorganized, lawless and nomadic, moving as need dictated from place to place in search of resources; • Indigenous Elders’ oral testimony, and observations by white explorers and traders from the late 1700s, now demonstrate this opinion is false; • Pacheedaht and other First Nations governments were highly organized and focused on managing resources in a sustainable way for the benefit of all members of the tribes; • Traditional indigenous governance was based on concepts of ownership and use rights that extended over exclusive territories with boundaries marked by landmarks; • The control of rights to access these territories, although held by the chiefs, were managed by other officials, including: “hahakuum” (noble women); Beachkeeper, Streamkeeper; Head Wolf; Warrior; Speaker; Lead Singer; Historian; Whalers – and other positions; • The relationship between the chiefs and citizens was based on mutual respect – the chiefs relied on the citizens to take care of lands and resources in a responsible way, and the citizens relied on the chiefs for good management and leadership; Topic 3: Indigenous Governance, Rights and Trade (2)
• The chiefs owned and controlled exclusive rights of access and use to their territory and resources; • In recognition of the chiefs’ rights over territory, people harvesting resources were expected to provide a portion of what they obtained to the chief holding the right, as a form of tribute. For example, fishermen would be expected to provide a portion of their catch to the chiefs as tribute for their use at the fishing grounds; • The chiefs were expected to share their tribute bounty back to the citizens at feasts and potlatches; • Chiefs could assign specific rights to individuals, families or through marriage dowries, but such rights usually were not allotted on a permanent basis, but as temporary rights, such as the right to fish at a certain spot on a river during salmon spawning; Topic 3: Indigenous Governance, Rights and Trade (3)
• It was important to maintain good relations with neighbouring communities to promote mutual interests, trade and protection. Marriages between members of chiefly families to cement alliances were common; • Visitors to a chief’s territory were expected to approach the beach in front of the chief’s house and through songs and speeches announce the purpose of their visit. The Beachkeeper managed first interactions, and only later, if appropriate, would the visitors be invited to the approach the chiefs; • Visitors were also expected to provide suitable gifts to the chiefs before discussing permission to enter the territory, trade, or access resources. The gifts acknowledged the chief’s rights; • Without the appropriate permissions granted, visitors were considered trespassers on the territory and were treated accordingly; • Observations of early white explorers and traders were that they and their vessels were considered the “property” of the chiefs whose territory they visited, and that they could not obtain wood, water, grass, or even pick up shells or feathers from the beach – unless they had first obtained permission from the chiefs; Topic 3: Indigenous Governance, Rights and Trade (4)
An example of how chiefs’ territorial rights over trade and territory were impressed on white traders comes from John Meares at Clayoquot Sound on Vancouver Island’s west coast in 1788: Just as we were going to embark, there was a sudden and universal confusion throughout the village; a considerable number of canoes were instantly filled with armed men, and being launched in a moment, were paddled to the ship. At first we were apprehensive that some broil had taken place between the natives and the crew; but we were soon satisfied that a matter of political jealousy, respecting some of their neighbours, was the cause of this sudden commotion.
Some strangers having ventured to visit the ship without the knowledge of Wicananish, the chief had ordered his people to fall upon the intruders, one of whom they had now seized and brought on shore. We are sorry to add, that this unfortunate man was immediately hurried into the woods, where we have every reason to apprehend that he was quickly murdered. In short, Meares crew observed an instance where visitors to his ship, from a neighbouring tribe, had not received authorization from Chief Wicanannish, the owner of the territory where Meares was anchored. The intruders were seized by Wicanannish’s people, and one was taken into the woods and executed for trespassing. Topic 3: Indigenous Governance, Rights and Trade (5)
• Many early explorers and traders commented that indigenous visitors to their vessels did not appreciate their “property rights” and would pilfer or remove items from the traders’ vessels without permission, and, if caught, would show no signs of remorse – this resulting from conflicting ideas of ownership; • Experienced traders in the late 1700s, and the Spanish who established ”forts” at Yuquot (Nootka) and Neah Bay, learned that gifting the chiefs, negotiations and payments over occupation and trading rights were essential to good relations and successful commerce; • Meares, 1788: “We were now formally made acquainted by Wicananish, that a treaty was negotiating between the chiefs Hanna and Detootche and himself, in which we were to be included ; the substance of which was, that all the furs then in their possession should be sold to Wicananish ; that they should live in peace and friendship with us ; that all the otter skins procured after the completion of the treaty, by either of the contracting chiefs, or their people, should be disposed of by themselves, and that they were all to have common access to the ship, where a fair and equitable market was to be opened for them without distinction. From the jealousy which we already knew to subsist between these chiefs, we were perfectly satisfied, as we since had convincing proofs, that, on our entering the territories of Wicananish, neither Hanna or Detootche would be permitted to trade with, or even pay us a visit without having obtained a previous permission for that purpose.” Topic 4: Tatoosh Island, Strait of Juan de Fuca and ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) (1) In June 1788 as John Meares’ expedition approached Tatoosh Island, he observed:
In a very short time we were surrounded by canoes filled with people of a much more savage appearance than any we had hitherto seen...Their canoes were large, and held from twenty to thirty men, who were armed with bows, and arrows barbed with bone…and with large spears pointed with muscle-shell….
The chief of this spot, whose name is Tatootche, did us the favour of a visit, and so surly and forbidding a character we had not yet seen…He informed us that the power of Wicananish ended here, and that we were now within the limits of his government, which extended a considerable way to the Southward, On receiving this information, we made him a small present, but he did not make us the least return, nor could he be persuaded to let his people trade with us."
Tatooche and his people returned to their island. Meares then sent an armed longboat in search of an anchoring ground and with goods for trading. The long boat returned several hours later saying many canoes had come off the island and they had been treated roughly, some of Tatootche’s people had jumped into the longboat, taking articles and triumphing in the theft.
Meares and his ship departed to explore southward. Topic 4: Tatoosh Island, Strait of Juan de Fuca and ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) (2) Interpretation: Meares did not follow Indigenous protocol around trade. Meares offered Tatootche a gift, but it was apparently unacceptable. Chief Tatootche made it clear to Meares that he was in Tatootche’s territory, within the chief’s jurisdiction. Meares’ presence in Tatootche’s territory was unauthorized, and so his longboat crew were treated roughly and goods were “stolen” by Tatootche’s people. This diplomatic gaffe would later have consequences that involved the Pacheedaht. Topic 4: Tatoosh Island, Strait of Juan de Fuca and ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) (3) • Several days later in June of 1788, Meares’ ship returned to the vicinity of Tatoosh Island. A great number of canoes came off with some 400 men, including chief Tatoosh. They circled the ship several times in a threatening fashion, and then sang a song. This was a show of force, followed by an invitation to negotiate. • Meares did not trade; instead he departed again in his ship, a further affront. Meares would later note that “none of the people who inhabit the country up the strait ventured to approach us” suspecting they feared Tatoosh and the people on his island, estimated to number 5,000. • Meares later observed that Tatoosh’s territory included 5 other villages to the south. Meares described that Chief Wicananish’s territory extended to the northern side of the strait of Juan de Fuca, and that “here the dominions of Wicananish end” and those of Chief Tatoosh began. Topic 4: Tatoosh Island, Strait of Juan de Fuca and ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) (4)
Later, in July of 1788, Meares, anchored in Clayoquot Sound and sent an armed longboat to explore the Strait of Juan de Fuca, seeking trading opportunities. The vessel visited the Ditidaht and then approached the shore at Clo-oose, where they were attacked with arrows and repulsed. The following day, the longboat entered entered Pacheedaht territory at Port San Juan and learned that “the people here all claim Tatooche for their chief.” Several canoes came alongside the longboat, some Pacheedaht attempted to board the longboat.
It became clear that an ambush had been prepared. In the ensuing conflict, the head warrior of the Pacheedaht was shot through the head, and the crew in the longboat were showered with arrows. The commander of the longboat, and 3 other of his crew were wounded. They fled from Port San Juan, naming it “Hostility Bay.” Topic 4: Tatoosh Island, Strait of Juan de Fuca and ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) (5) Interpretation: Meares’ longboat had been recognized by the people at Ditidaht and Pacheedaht, since Tatoosh has earlier made a careful examination of Meares expedition. The Pacheedaht knew that the longboat’s presence was unauthorized by Tatoosh, and acted accordingly. The Pacheedaht at Port San Juan have been informed the longboat was coming their way, and they had prepared an ambush strategy.
Meares must have, at some point, attempted to correct his diplomatic error with Tatoosh, for he was later to report that he had: “acquired the same privilege of exclusive trade from Tatooche [as had been obtained from Chief Wicananish], the chief of the country bordering on the Straits of Juan de Fuca, and purchased from him a tract of land within the said strait, which one of [our] officers took possession of in the King’s name, calling the same Tatooche, in honour of the chief. Topic 4: Tatoosh Island, Strait of Juan de Fuca and ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) (6) The Spanish were more aware of indigenous protocols than Meares. In 1792 they negotiated with Chief “Tetacus” and obtained authorization to build a small outpost fort at Neah Bay.
Most scholars familiar with the history of the Contact era in the 1700s have assumed Chief Tatoosh was Makah. However, there is strong evidence that Tatoosh was from Vancouver Island.
James Swan, who resided at Neah Bay for many years (1861-1866, and 1878 – 1881) learned to speak Makah, and made a study of indigenous history. Swan had visited Neah Bay in 1859, wrote in a newspaper article of that year that Tatoosh Island “was owned by a chief of the Nootka tribe (who reside on Vancouver Island) and who was a very warlike fellow. His name was Tatoochautacus, and the Island was named after him.” In other publications Swan repeated this information “Tatooche Island…the name was given it and the adjacent land of Cape Flattery in honour of the Nootka Chief Tatoochatticus, who at one time held sway over that portion of the coast…)” [Here, “Nootka” refers to the people on Vancouver Island’s west coast.]
Swan reported several times that Chief Tatoosh was from Vancouver Island. Meares’ crew in 1788 reported Pacheedaht acknowledged Tatoosh as their chief, making a connection. Topic 4: Tatoosh Island, Strait of Juan de Fuca and ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) (7) Other evidence exists about traditional occupation at Tatoosh Island. A lighthouse keeper at Tatoosh Island from the late 1800s stated that “Tatoosh Island…was claimed by the Canadian Indians. They were stronger, more fierce, and more war-like than our Indians. They had fish-camps on Tatoosh, to which they came to cure halibut...”
In summary, during the late 1700s Chief Tatoosh was in control of the entire region at the mouth of the Strait of Juan de Fuca, with bases at Tatoosh Island and Port San Juan. He was the leader of a large alliance, including Pacheedaht, and significant military force. His authority extended over ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank). Tatoosh’s jurisdiction was recognized and acknowledged in a treaty negotiated with British trader John Meares.
The map on the following slide, as well as the discussion of the next topic, Pacheedaht Trade, illustrate the strategic and economic importance of the mouth of the Strait of Juan de Fuca, including ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) . This image illustrates the locations of ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) and the villages that were the traditional departure points for harvesters to access the marine resources on the Bank. Qalay:yit is a Pacheedaht village and Whyac is Ditidaht. Also shown are the distances from the departure points to the approximate centre of the Bank. Topic 5: Pacheedaht and Trade (1)
Prior to the Contact period, Indigenous trade and commercial networks extended in many directions along and through the west part of the continent. Pacheedaht territory lies at the centre of an important crossroad for trade extending in four directions (map on next slide). The Pacheedaht participated in trade with:
1. Nu-chah-nulth neighbours to the north and west, and further north, including trans-Pacific trade via Alaska and Siberia; 2. Neighbouring Makah, a short distance across the Strait of Juan de Fuca, and through them as far south as Baja California, and to the Interior along the Columbia River; 3. Neighbouring nations to the east and south along the Strait of Juan de Fuca, Puget Sound, Gulf of Georgia and the Interior by way of the Fraser River; and 4. Neighbouring nations on the east coast of Vancouver Island by way of overland routes through the San Juan River and Jordan River valleys. Topic 5: Pacheedaht and Trade Networks (2) Topic 5: Pacheedaht and Trade: List of Trade Goods (3)
• Dentalium Shells • Basketry Grass • Abalone Shells • Cedar Bark • Dried Halibut • Herring Spawn • Muskets • Dogfish Oil • Salmon Spawn • Masks and other • Camas • Dried Clams regalia • Iron and Tools • Dried Salal and other • Wild onions • Copper berries • Slaves • Ducks • Sea Otter Skins • Geese • Whale oil • Whale Sinew • Elk Hides • Canoes • Seal Blubber • Red Ochre • Whale Blubber • Black Mica • Fresh fish • Dog Hair Blankets • Dried Salmon • Mountain Goat Wool • Dried Herring Blankets • Cedar Bark Baskets • Clothing • Swamp Rushes • Smelt • Cedar Boards • Animal Skins Topic 5: Pacheedaht and Trade, Summary (4)
• Trade along the network was intensive and varied; • Pacheedaht were well-positioned to take advantage of the trade, in control of a key territory with their allies the Makah and Ditidaht, and able to monitor and take advantage of goods and people moving along the networks – exacting tolls or other benefits; • Pacheedaht were able to supply many goods for trade, most obtained from ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank), such as whale oil and dried halibut; • The Hudson’s Bay learned of the importance of the trade networks that came together at the mouth of the Strait of Juan de Fuca - in the 1820s HBC sent ships sent to stay there for weeks at a time to take advantage of trading opportunities; • The trade network ranged far, e.g. dentalia from the west coast of Vancouver Island was a much-sought after wealth good that was traded as far as Baja California and into the northern Plains via the Columbia River. The shells were used in some instances as a form of money, in Dakota territory, 2 or 3 shells were equal in value to a buffalo hide; Topic 6: ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) Resources (1)
This section provides an overview of some of the resources at ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) that are of importance to the Pacheedaht now, and have been for many centuries. To be discussed:
• Halibut • Whales • Fur Seals • Dogfish
Research on resource harvesting for the Pacheedaht at ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) during the Contact and Colonial Periods indicates that it was extensive.
Detailed information on harvest quantities for the Pacheedaht has not been encountered, but some is available for Makah, and for Indigenous nations in Barkley Sound;
Pacheedaht harvesting practices were similar to the Makah’s and the nations in Barkley Sound. Topic 6: ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) Resources (2)
Halibut:
Halibut are known to have been a major source of food and trade material for Pacheedaht, as described in many sources, starting in 1858:
“The tribe have also another important fishing ground, the Indian name of which is Carlante. It is situated on the sea board and to the westward of the bay of Pachinett, where they migrate in the early part of March, and remain until June for the purpose of fishing halibut. These fish are caught by thousands, and of the largest and finest kind, frequently weighing two hundred pounds.
The halibut fishery forms a great article of traffic with neighboring tribes, with whom the fish are exchanged for potatoes, blankets, cummasse [ camas], and other articles of food, clothing, or ornament.” Topic 6: ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) Resources (3)
Halibut Catch Records and Estimates, Makah, 1880 – 1895.
Information obtained about the Makah, below, is applicable to Pacheedaht - both nations engaged in similar fisheries at Swiftsure.
1880, Makah Fresh Halibut Canned/Dried Halibut Fresh Halibut per person Canned/Dried Halibut Makah Population (pounds) (pounds) (pounds) per person (pounds) 1,586,200 395,555 700 2,266 565
1892
Fresh Halibut Fresh Halibut Fresh Halibut per person Fresh Halibut per person Makah Population (pounds) (pounds) for food (pounds) (pounds) for food
600,000 280,000 442 1,357 633
1892 ca. from Henry St. Clair Fresh Halibut Fresh Halibut per Canned/Dried Halibut per Makah Population (pounds) person (pounds) person (pounds) 501,600 442 1,135 760
1895 ca. from Elliott Anderson, estimates Fresh Halibut Makah Population Fresh Halibut per (pounds) (estimated) person (pounds) 484,500 425 1,140 Topic 6: ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) Resources (4)
Whales: It is is difficult to calculate the extent or value of Pacheedaht whaling. The Pacheedaht are known to have been whalers, but no records have been found for amounts harvested. The only approximation of Pacheedaht whaling can be derived indirectly from sources about the Makah, and from the available records from the commercial whaling station at Sechart in Barkley Sound, shown later.
“What the buffalo is to the Indians on the plains, the whale is to the Makah; nor are they contented to procure a scanty and temporary supply, but have abundance to dispose of in trade with the Indians and whites” Makah Indian Agent Webster, 1865
• Each whale rendered between an average of 12 tons of meat and 10 tons of blubber The blubber could be dried and would last as long as two years without going bad. • Whale oil was used for dipping food into and accompanied most meals • Whale oil was also a valuable trade commodity • It was estimated in 1851 that the annual take of whale oil by the Makah was 20,000 gallons, used for food and for trade • At the same time it was estimated that the Makah traded 30,000 gallons of oil from the “Nittinat” (meaning Pacheedaht and Ditidaht both) Topic 6: ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) Resources (5)
Whales, Continued: • The 30,000 gallons of oil reportedly sold by the “Nittinahts” in 1855 realized a considerable amount of wealth. A gallon of whale oil in 1856 cost $1.77 US. An 1856 US dollar is valued just over $30 US today, meaning the 30,000 gallons of oil traded were worth roughly $1,600,000 US dollars in 2019 funds; • In 1859, the Makah killed 7 whales and found 6 dead whales, rendering 10,000 gallons of oil from these whales. In 1891 they took 12 whales. • Blenkinsop, 1874: Property cast on shore, whales included and all animals swimming in the water are given up to the chief, who selects that portion which, according to usage, he is entitled to… Frequent and bloody where the disputes of former years between the different tribes of this Coast regarding the whales and all other property cast on sure as to the rights of possession. Topic 6: ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) Resources (6)
Whaling Records from Sechart Whaling Station, Barkley Sound • The whaling station was established in 1906, but harvest records before 1908, 1915 and 1916 are not complete. The harvest records provide evidence of the abundance of whale, as well the effects of overharvesting In the following table, note that humpbacks were the most frequently killed, and comprise 83% of the whales reported; and note also the drop in animals taken after 1911 due to overharvesting. ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) is reported to have been a favored whale hunting location, as well as inside Barkley Sound.
1908 1909 1910 1911 1912 1913 1914 1917 Sperm 1 1 5 4 4 15 Blue 32 14 15 23 12 5 8 109 Fin 16 10 23 46 43 30 40 12 220 Humpback 201 334 389 403 224 236 34 48 1869 Sei 29 29 B. Nose 1 1 Gray 1 1 Totals 250 358 427 474 284 275 86 90 2244 Topic 6: ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) Resources (7)
Fur Seals: Fur Seals pass along the west coast of Vancouver Island on annual migrations to the Pribiloff Islands in Alaska, once vast herds, now a vulnerable species. From January to June they were in the waters off Vancouver Island, feeding on herring and other smaller fish. Several sources describe that the Pacheedaht were engaged in hunting fur seals prior to the 1860, for food, and for the skins. During and after the 1860s, the fur seals were hunted commercially, providing significant income for the Pacheedaht and other nations. Up until the 1870s, fur seals are reported to have been abundant particularly on ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank), in Barkley Sound and to have gone as far as the Gulf of Georgia during their annual migrations. Once the seals started to be hunted with guns, not spears, they stopped coming into the Strait of Juan de Fuca.
Blenkinsop, 1874, referring to Barkley Sound tribes.
Without any question these people are the richest in every respect in British Columbia, and were a proper disposal made of their immense gains they could furnish themselves with every comfort that they could possibly wish for.
There is scarcely any limit to their resources, and it is not too much to say that each Indian could earn from their sealing grounds and fisheries at least $1,000 per year. (this is twice the amount made by Indian Agents of the day). Topic 6: ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) Resources (8)
Fur Seals: 1892 Pacheedaht Statements about fur seal hunting:
I have noticed that when the herring is plentiful on the Halibut Banks the seals are more numerous than when the feed is scarce, but of late, since the white hunters have taken to hunting with guns, they have driven the seals farther offshore…About ten years ago a canoe manned by two natives would take from 10 to 16 seals each day, but now, hunting from the schooners, 4 a day would be doing well.
Right after Christmas we move from here to Kah-light (or K’lyde), on the coast where there is a nice beach, and we stay there for a month before we are able to hunt, as the weather is so bad. That is where I saw my first seal, and I have seen them up the Straits as far as Race Rocks, about 3 miles from shore. Topic 6: ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) Resources (9)
Dogfish: 1855:
”Ditidahts” trade 30,000 gallons of oil to Makah in 1850s, as previously referenced (whale oil or dogfish oil)
1858 statement about Pacheedaht:
The bay, inlet, and river, abounds in salmon and various rock-fish; the water is also perfectly alive at this season of the year with dog-fish - and for the four antecedent years from five to six thousand gallons of oil have been produced from these fish each year, bartered by white traders resident in the bay, sold to the H.B.Co. [Hudson's Bay Company), and by them shipped to England. Topic 6: ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) Resources (10)
Dogfish:
1874, Barkley Sound:
Another source of wealth to be found is there oil fisheries from 20 to 25,000 gallons being produced in the course of the year which they sell to the traders for $.25 per gallon. The dogfish is by far the most important and it certainly seems the supply is inexhaustible….These fish are to be found in all seasons of the year in these waters but are most abundant in March August and December when they are taken in vast quantities. Each canoe will average during these months about 200 per diem, and as the liver of ten are said to produce 1 gallon of oil, each individual would therefore earn while so employed from 4 to 6 dollars and they rarely fish more than four hours during the day.
1889 description about establishment of Reserve at Cullite:
No. 3 Cullite, a fishing station, about five miles West of the entrance of Port San Juan contains about ninety (90) acres. The soil is poor, and covered with dense underbrush, there also a good many small hemlock trees. As a halibut and dogfish station this is much valued by the Indians, it is the only place within many miles where a canoe can land with safety. Topic 6: ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) Resources (11)
Summary:
• ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) was indeed a “bank” for the Pacheedaht – it was a main source of their wealth - for food and other products for home use, also for trade with other nations;
• Traditionally, ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) was an area that was under the mutual and shared control of the Pacheedaht, Ditidaht and Makah – outsiders could only access the bank with permission through kinship or authorization from a chief;
• Throughout the Pre-Contact, Contact, Colonial Periods, and into the late 1800s, the Pacheedaht economy included the harvest of a variety of resources at ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) that included halibut, whales, fur seals, dogfish and other resources (salmon, groundfish);
• ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) was NOT merely a “subsistence” location for Pacheedaht home use – it was also a source of abundant resources for trade that generated trade goods and wealth for Pacheedaht citizens Topic 7: Cumulative Effects (1)
Introduction
Information about Cumulative Effects for the Pacheedaht First Nation have been submitted in Pacheedaht reports concerning RBT2, but a summary is provided here so that important historic context is acknowledged.
Depopulation • Chief Queesto estimated the original Pacheedaht population at 1,500; • 1790: the Pacheedaht population is estimated to have been ca. 900 people, smallpox had already visited the region; • 1851: Pacheedaht population estimated at 355, down from an undated estimate of 435; • 1852: an American ship brings smallpox to Neah Bay, disease rages through community. Some people flee to friends and family at Pacheedaht and Ditidaht, bringing smallpox, with devastating effects; • 1855: Pacheedaht population estimated at 240; • 1860s: smallpox epidemic devastates Indigenous communities throughout B.C.; • 1881: First census enumerates 83 Pacheedaht people; • estimated 90% reduction in population from 1790 to 1881; Topic 7: Cumulative Effects (2)
Alienation of lands and waters • Four Pacheedaht Indian Reserves established between 1882 and 1894; • The four Reserves comprise 207 ha.; Pacheedaht territory comprises 163,203 ha. • The Reserves include 0.13% of Pacheedaht territory on land; • Corollary effect of Indian Reserve establishment is that all non-Indian Reserve lands and waters in Pacheedaht territory alienated from Pacheedaht First Nation, • Lands and waters remain unceded by Pacheedaht;
Loss of Language and Culture • Indian Agents came to Pacheedaht in late 1800s, first forced all children to attend missionary school at Clo-oose, later taken to Residential Schools, including Alberni Indian Residential School; • The terrible abuses of the Residential School system have now been well-documented, Alberni School was amongst the worst; • Children were prevented from speaking their language and suffered horrible treatment from teachers and staff; • The Indian Act was amended in 1885, banning potlatches and similar cultural events that are at the core of traditional culture, and are also important spiritual events; • The banning of traditional cultural events also seriously impeded Pacheedaht economy, impeding the distribution of wealth and surplus goods throughout and across communities; Topic 7: Cumulative Effects (3)
Industrial Logging • Under Pacheedaht management, forests were well-managed and respected; • Forestry products in the form of cedar bark, canoes, planks, masks, and house boards were significant trade items; • Deakin began industrial logging in Pacheedaht territory in the 1880s, and a succession of companies have harvested in the forest ever since; • A logging railway began operations in the San Juan River valley in the 1920s, greatly accelerating the rate of harvesting; • There have been significant impacts to Pacheedaht territory from the construction of a vast network of logging roads, and extensive clear-cut logging practices that have resulted in erosion and deposition of sand, rocks and gravels in streams and rivers; • The fish populations in the San Juan and other rivers and streams have suffered severe declines; • Pacheedaht Fisheries are pursuing initiatives to maintain and enhance fisheries resources and opportunities that are vital to Pacheedaht citizens. Topic 7: Cumulative Effects (4)
Hydroelectric and Mining • The Pacheedaht origin site Diitiida is at the mouth of the Jordan River; • In the early 1900s Jordan River became a base for industrial timber railway and other developments; • Logging, mining and hydroelectric dam and generator construction between 1910 and 1920 brought 1,000 workers to live in Jordan River; • Hydroelectric tailrace and 3 dams have severely impacted salmon runs in the river; • Mining activities began in 1919 and continued to 1974; • Water from abandoned mine shafts, seepages and tailing deposits have degraded the water quality in the river; • Pacheedaht traditional occupation sites, intertidal harvesting and fisheries in and around their origin site at Diitiida have been severely impacted by industrial activities Topic 7: Cumulative Effects (5)
Parks • Pacheedaht territory includes some of the most beautiful shorelines in BC • All levels of government have established parks, creating extra levels of jurisdiction and control in Pacheedaht territory; • 1970 - Pacific Rim National Park Reserve was established and encompasses a large portion of Pacheedaht territory, including traditional villages and harvesting sites • Botanical Beach (1989) and Juan de Fuca Provincial Park (1994) were established, and also encompass a large portion of Pacheedaht territory, including traditional villages and harvesting sites • Capital Region District has acquired lands that now comprise the Jordan River Regional Park including Sandcut Beach and Jordan River Campground Topic 7: Cumulative Effects (6) Aquatic Resources • Since BC confederated with Canada in 1871, Pacheedaht’s ability to harvest marine resources has greatly deteriorated through regulations and environmental impacts; • Instructions to Indian Reserve Commissioners were to protect native “fishing” and any other profitable activities, natives should not be diverted from their occupations or pursuits; • Pacheedaht Indian Reserves were originally established in 1882, amongst other reasons, to “mark off fishing grounds” for the exclusive use of the “Indians” • In 1877 the Fisheries Act came into effect; cannery owners soon blamed native fisheries for depletions in stocks; • By 1881 it was illegal for native fishermen to fish for salmon without a lease or license; • By 1900 “native fishing was confined all sides.” Natives could fish for food, but even that was restricted. Discriminatory license regulations were in place for commercial fishing. • Over the decades, commercial and sports fishing regulations have proliferated; • For the Pacheedaht, who, prior to confederation, had been engaged in a thriving economy based on the harvest, trade and sale of marine products, the result of the imposition of federal fisheries regulations has been severe. Topic 7: Cumulative Effects (7)
Aquatic Resources • Although Pacheedaht Indian Reserves were established as fishing stations, the federal government soon after prevented natives from selling fish without a license and have imposed many other regulations since; • Pacheedaht people continue to fish, although none hold commercial fishing licenses. They go out in small boats, fish and collect seafood throughout the marine portion of Pacheedaht territory, with ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) a heavily favoured area. • Pacheedaht’s ability to access aquatic resources have suffered severe cumulative impacts, some examples: • San Juan River, Gordon River, and Jordan River, previously abundant with salmon, have suffered from industrial forestry and other developments • re-routing of the international shipping lanes in 2005 such that they intersect and interfere with safe access at ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) • ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) has also suffered; commercial, industrial fishing for halibut, salmon and other stocks began in the 1880s and continued unabated until recently; ?’uöu:?a (Swiftsure Bank) being closest and easiest for commercial fleets to access, suffered earliest and the most. Topic 7: Cumulative Effects (8)
George Chute, who conducted extensive research on the halibut fishery, in 1938 made comments that might apply equally to all forms of commercial harvesting at ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank):
When White fisherman began exploitation for purposes of commerce and profit, the resource that had flourished throughout centuries of native utilization immediately waned. Known banks were stripped of their fish, after which others were sought. As early as 1893 the sailing vessels undertook difficult voyages to reach undepleted areas, and the quest continued for a quarter century. The fishery was subject to no control or limitation…the methods of the fisherman were exactly that of an invading army; they adopted the same tactics as are employed by modern day professional exterminators: as the fishing frontier was driven back the conquered territory was kept in a permanent state of devastation by unremitting attack. Topic 7: Cumulative Effects Summary (9)
This presentation has not attempted to provide a comprehensive view of cumulative effects, it only touches on selected information for a number of topics:
• Disease and depopulation • Alienation of lands, waters and resources • Loss of language and culture • Industrial logging, mining and hydroelectric developments • Establishment of parks • Depletion of fisheries and other aquatic resources, imposition of regulations; and • re-routing of the international shipping lanes in 2005 such that they intersect and interfere with safe access at ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) Presentation Summary
• While some information in this presentation previously reported, recent research has uncovered additional and important information; • Updated information for Pacheedaht Traditional Use and Occupation sites has not been included in this presentation due to time constraints; and • A more complete version of Pacheedaht’s information will be included in a report due at the end of June 2019;
• The topics covered included: • Introduction to Pacheedaht First Nation and Territory • Pacheedaht Origin History • Traditional Governance • Tatoosh Island, Strait of Juan de Fuca and ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) • Pacheedaht and Trade • ?’uöu:?a: (Swiftsure Bank) Resources • Cumulative Effects Overview People of the Seafoam
CEEA Community Panel Hearing Pacheedaht First Nation June 17, 2019
View from Pacheedaht Pacheedaht Campground & Beach Setting Fishing Nets in the San Juan River ƛučii?aa?aq Swiftsure Bank Abundance ƛučii?aa?aq Swiftsure Bank Abundance Suyu.l Halibut from ƛučii?aa?aq Pacheedaht Fish for all Generations Days Harvest at ƛučii?aa?aq hasa.ʔbc Community Crabbing Tide’s Out – Table is Set k’učup , c̓ eʔi.daw, c̓ i.daxtp̣ Intertidal Seafoods ča ypiš Abundant Seaweeds Healthy Catch = Healthy Community Seven Generational Teachings Map of Shipping Traffic Route Through Pacheedaht Territory Foggy Conditions at Swiftsure Bank A Risk on the Waters in our Territory Shipping Lane Traffic in Traditional Territory Fisherman at Swiftsure, and Ship Wake Swiftsure Bank
View of Juan De Fuca Strait and Community Practicing Preservation Techniques Smokehouse at Pacheedaht All Generations Together Carrying on Traditions Community Well-Being Cultural Significance of kakawad SRKW Habitat at Swiftsure Bank, also transited by marine traffic
SRKW 2019 Recovery Measures
SRKW Research & Recovery Measures Southern Resident Killer Whale kakawad at Swiftsure Bank Kleco Kleco!