Canadian Trade Policy, 1870–1913
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The Irish in British Columbia Using the 1881 Census of Canada
„Finding‟ the Irish in British Columbia Using the 1881 Census of Canada by Michael Jervis B.A., Okanagan University College, 2004 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTERS OF ARTS in the Department of History Michael Jervis, 2010 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. ii Supervisory Committee „Finding‟ the Irish in British Columbia Using the 1881 Census of Canada by Michael Jervis B.A., Okanagan University College, 2004 Supervisory Committee Dr. Peter A. Baskerville (Department of History) Supervisor Dr. Eric W. Sager (Department of History) Departmental Member iii Abstract Supervisory Committee Dr. Peter A. Baskerville (Department of History) Supervisor Dr. Eric W. Sager (Department of History) Departmental Member Until the mid 1970s, the image of the Irish Diaspora in Canada in the nineteenth century was that of a dichotomous group consisting of Irish Protestants, who worked their way up the economic ladder into mainstream society, and Irish Catholics, who never found their way out of poverty. However, with the emergence of quantitative analysis, this perception of the Irish came to be regarded as simplistic and anachronistic. New research found that the Irish in nineteenth century Canada were more diverse and complex than previously thought. In order to unravel this diversity and complexity, comprehensive analysis needed to be done at a regional level. In the late nineteenth century prior to the coming of the railway, British Columbia was a „distinct society:‟ a geographically isolated province anchored not by agriculture but rather resource extraction industries that attracted a largely adult male settler population. -
Responding to the First Era of Globalization: Canadian Trade Policy, 1870–1913
Staff Working Paper/Document de travail du personnel 2018-42 Responding to the First Era of Globalization: Canadian Trade Policy, 1870–1913 by Patrick Alexander and Ian Keay Bank of Canada staff working papers provide a forum for staff to publish work-in-progress research independently from the Bank’s Governing Council. This research may support or challenge prevailing policy orthodoxy. Therefore, the views expressed in this paper are solely those of the authors and may differ from official Bank of Canada views. No responsibility for them should be attributed to the Bank. www.bank-banque-canada.ca Bank of Canada Staff Working Paper 2018-42 August 2018 Responding to the First Era of Globalization: Canadian Trade Policy, 1870–1913 by Patrick Alexander1 and Ian Keay2 1 International Economic Analysis Department Bank of Canada Ottawa, Ontario, Canada K1A 0G9 [email protected] 2 Department of Economics Queen’s University Kingston, Ontario, Canada K7L 3N6 [email protected] ISSN 1701-9397 © 2018 Bank of Canada Acknowledgements The authors thank seminar participants at the 2016, 2017, and 2018 CEA Annual Meetings, Carleton University, and the Université de Montréal for their thoughtful comments and suggestions. Frank Lewis, Eugene Beaulieu, Jevan Cherniwchan, and Alexander Chernoff generously provided data and support for this project. Katrina Brazzell, Bill Dorval, Hannah Keay, and Xiangtao Meng contributed excellent research assistance. The views expressed in this paper are solely those of the authors and may differ from official Bank of Canada views. No responsibility for them should be attributed to the Bank. The authors accept responsibility for all remaining errors and omissions. -
Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy
The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy Dr. Valerie Scatamburlo-D'Annibale University of Windsor, Windsor, Ontario, Canada Abstract This article explores how Donald Trump capitalized on the right's decades-long, carefully choreographed and well-financed campaign against political correctness in relation to the broader strategy of 'cultural conservatism.' It provides an historical overview of various iterations of this campaign, discusses the mainstream media's complicity in promulgating conservative talking points about higher education at the height of the 1990s 'culture wars,' examines the reconfigured anti- PC/pro-free speech crusade of recent years, its contemporary currency in the Trump era and the implications for academia and educational policy. Keywords: political correctness, culture wars, free speech, cultural conservatism, critical pedagogy Introduction More than two years after Donald Trump's ascendancy to the White House, post-mortems of the 2016 American election continue to explore the factors that propelled him to office. Some have pointed to the spread of right-wing populism in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis that culminated in Brexit in Europe and Trump's victory (Kagarlitsky, 2017; Tufts & Thomas, 2017) while Fuchs (2018) lays bare the deleterious role of social media in facilitating the rise of authoritarianism in the U.S. and elsewhere. Other 69 | P a g e The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy explanations refer to deep-rooted misogyny that worked against Hillary Clinton (Wilz, 2016), a backlash against Barack Obama, sedimented racism and the demonization of diversity as a public good (Major, Blodorn and Blascovich, 2016; Shafer, 2017). -
National Urban Policy: a Roadmap for Canadian Cities
IMFG No. 14 / 2016 perspectives National Urban Policy: A Roadmap for Canadian Cities Abigail Friendly About IMFG The Institute on Municipal Finance and Governance (IMFG) is an academic research hub and non-partisan think tank based in the Munk School of Global Affairs at the University of Toronto. IMFG focuses on the fiscal health and governance challenges facing large cities and city-regions. Its objective is to spark and inform public debate, and to engage the academic and policy communities around important issues of municipal finance and governance. The Institute conducts original research on issues facing cities in Canada and around the world; promotes high-level discussion among Canada’s government, academic, corporate and community leaders through conferences and roundtables; and supports graduate and post-graduate students to build Canada’s cadre of municipal finance and governance experts. It is the only institute in Canada that focuses solely on municipal finance issues in large cities and city-regions. IMFG is funded by the Province of Ontario, the City of Toronto, Avana Capital Corporation, and TD Bank Group. Author Abigail Friendly is the 2015–2016 Postdoctoral Fellow at IMFG. She received her PhD in planning from the Department of Geography and Planning at the University of Toronto. Her research at IMFG focuses on comparing land value capture in São Paulo, Brazil and Toronto, Canada. Acknowledgements The author would like to acknowledge Richard Stren and Selena Zhang for their thoughtful comments on earlier drafts of this paper. Special thanks go to Enid Slack for her input and guidance throughout the publication process and to Duncan Maclennan for his comments on the final stage of this paper. -
Canada's Third National Policy: A
+(,121/,1( Citation: 59 U. Toronto L.J. 469 2009 Content downloaded/printed from HeinOnline (http://heinonline.org) Mon Dec 23 00:22:02 2013 -- Your use of this HeinOnline PDF indicates your acceptance of HeinOnline's Terms and Conditions of the license agreement available at http://heinonline.org/HOL/License -- The search text of this PDF is generated from uncorrected OCR text. -- To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your HeinOnline license, please use: https://www.copyright.com/ccc/basicSearch.do? &operation=go&searchType=0 &lastSearch=simple&all=on&titleOrStdNo=1710-1174 Roderick CANADA'S THIRD NATIONAL POLICY: A. Macdonald* & THE EPIPHENOMENAL OR THE Robert Wolfe** REAL CONSTITUTION?t The idea of the NationalPolicy as both a collective endeavour and a framework for detailed policy analysis is more constitutive of the Canadianstate and its governing instruments than is any of its renamed Constitution Acts. Nationalpolicies orig- inate in the actions and demands of citizens and are often framed by cultural and economic elites before being appropriated by politicians. This essay begins with a descriptive genealogy of Canada's three National Policies (NP1, from the 1840s through the 1930s; NP2, from the 1930s through the 1970s; and NP3, from 1980 onward). In subsequent sections, the essay elaborates the principles and components of Canada's contemporary National Policy, based on the notion of embedded citizen agency. It then explores a set of hypotheses about integrative action in the traditionalanalytic registersfor thinking about the National Policy: economic, communications, and social policy. Canada's third National Policy is an emerging fact reflected in a number of initiatives taken by both Liberal and Conservative governments over the past thirty years. -
The Harper Casebook
— 1 — biogra HOW TO BECOME STEPHEN HARPER A step-by-step guide National Citizens Coalition • Quits Parliament in 1997 to become a vice- STEPHEN JOSEPH HARPER is the current president, then president, of the NCC. and 22nd Prime Minister of Canada. He has • Co-author, with Tom Flanagan, of “Our Benign been the Member of Parliament (MP) for the Dictatorship,” an opinion piece that calls for an Alberta riding of Calgary Southwest since alliance of Canada’s conservative parties, and 2002. includes praise for Conrad Black’s purchase of the Southam newspaper chain, as a needed counter • First minority government in 2006 to the “monophonically liberal and feminist” • Second minority government in 2008 approach of the previous management. • First majority government in May 2011 • Leads NCC in a legal battle to permit third-party advertising in elections. • Says “Canada is a Northern European welfare Early life and education state in the worst sense of the term, and very • Born and raised in Toronto, father an accountant proud of it,” in a 1997 speech on Canadian at Imperial Oil. identity to the Council for National Policy, a • Has a master’s degree in economics from the conservative American think-tank. University of Calgary. Canadian Alliance Political beginnings • Campaigns for leadership of Canadian Alliance: • Starts out as a Liberal, switches to Progressive argues for “parental rights” to use corporal Conservative, then to Reform. punishment against their children; describes • Runs, and loses, as Reform candidate in 1988 his potential support base as “similar to what federal election. George Bush tapped.” • Resigns as Reform policy chief in 1992; but runs, • Becomes Alliance leader: wins by-election in and wins, for Reform in 1993 federal election— Calgary Southwest; becomes Leader of the thanks to a $50,000 donation from the ultra Opposition in the House of Commons in May conservative National Citizens Coalition (NCC). -
167-186.Walter Block
A LIBERTARIAN CASE FOR FREE IMMIGRATION Walter Block* “None are too many.”—Reply of an anonymous senior official in the government of Canadian Prime Minister McKenzie King to the question, “How many Jews fleeing Nazi Germany should be allowed into this country?”1 All merchants shall have safe and secure exit from Eng- land and entry to England, with the right to tarry there and to move about as well by land as by water, for buy- ing and selling by the ancient and right customs, quite from all evil tolls, except (in time of war) such merchants as are of the land at war with us. And if such are found in our land at the beginning of the war, they shall be de- tained, without injury to their bodies or goods, until in- formation be received by us, or by our chief justiciar, how the merchants of our land found in the land at war with us are treated; and if our men are safe there, the others shall be safe in our land.2 n this paper I will attempt to analyze laws limiting emigra- tion, migration, and immigration from the libertarian per- Ispective. I will defend the view that the totally free move- ment of goods, factors of production, money, and, most important of all, people, is part and parcel of this traditional libertarian *Walter Block is chairman of the economics and finance department at the Uni- versity of Central Arkansas, and is a senior fellow of the Ludwig von Mises In- stitute. He is co-editor of The Journal of Libertarian Studies and the Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics, and has served as editor of other scholarly journals. -
Are Clusters Resilient? Evidence from Canadian Textile Industries∗
Are clusters resilient? Evidence from Canadian textile industries∗ Kristian Behrens† Brahim Boualam‡ Julien Martin§ November 19, 2018 Abstract We investigate whether plants inside and outside geographic clusters differ in their resilience to adverse economic shocks. To this end, we develop a bottom-up procedure to delimit clusters using Canadian geo-coded plant-level data. Focus- ing on the textile and clothing (T&C) sector and exploiting the series of dramatic changes faced by that sector between 2001 and 2013, we find little evidence that plants in T&C clusters are more resilient than plants outside clusters. Over the whole period, plants inside clusters are neither less likely to die nor more likely to adapt by switching their main line of business. However, in the industries the most exposed to the surge of Chinese imports after 2005, plants inside clusters die and exit less than others in the following two years. Keywords: Geographic clusters; resilience; textile and clothing industries; multi- fibre arrangement; geo-coded data. JEL Classifications: R12;F14 ∗We thank the editor Frédéric Robert-Nicoud and two anonymous referees for their comments and suggestions. We further thank David Cuberes, Ryan Kelly, Pierre Therrien, Thijs van Rens, Frank Neffke, Jamal Haidar, Ricardo Haussman, Stephan Heblich, and Florian Mayneris; as well as seminar and workshop participants in Harvard Kennedy School, cmsse Saint Petersburg, hse Moscow, the University of Warwick, Université Laval, Université de Sherbrooke, University of Oklahoma, the Montréal Macro Workshop, the 2016 Meetings of the Urban Economics Association in Minneapolis, and the 2017 European Meetings of the Urban Economics Association in Copenhagen for constructive comments and feedback. -
The Bloc Québécois As a Party in Parliament a Thesis Submitted To
A New Approach to the Study of a New Party: The Bloc Québécois as a Party in Parliament A Thesis Submitted to the College of Graduate Studies and Research In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Masters of Arts In the Department of Political Studies University of Saskatchewan Saskatoon By James Cairns September 2003 Copyright James Cairns, 2003. All rights reserved. PERMISSION TO USE In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Graduate degree from the University of Saskatchewan, I agree that the Libraries of this University may make it freely available for inspection. I further agree that permission for copying of this thesis in any manner, in whole or in part, for scholarly purposes may be granted by the professors who supervised my thesis work, or in their absence, by the Head of the Department of Political Studies or the Dean of the College of Graduate Studies and Research. It is understood that any copying or publication or use of this thesis or parts thereof for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. It is also understood that due recognition shall be given to me and to the University of Saskatchewan in any scholarly use which may be made of any material in my thesis. Requests for permission to copy or to make other use of material in this thesis in whole or part should be addressed to: Head of the Department of Political Studies University of Saskatchewan 9 Campus Drive Saskatoon, Saskatchewan S7N 5A5 ii ABSTRACT Since forming a parliamentary party in 1994, the Bloc Québécois has been interpreted exclusively as the formal federal manifestation of the Québec separatist movement. -
Railroad Crossings: the Transnational World of North
RAILROAD CROSSINGS: THE TRANSNATIONAL WORLD OF NORTH AMERICA, 1850-1910 By Christine Ann Berkowitz A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of History University of Toronto © Copyright by Christine Ann Berkowitz 2009. RAILROAD CROSSINGS: THE TRANSNATIONAL WORLD OF NORTH AMERICA, 1850-1910 By Christine Ann Berkowitz Doctor of Philosophy, Graduate Department of History, University of Toronto, 2009 ABSTRACT The last quarter of the nineteenth century is often referred to as the “Golden Age” of railroad building. More track was laid in this period in North America than in any other period. The building of railroads was considered synonymous with nation building and economic progress. Railway workers were the single largest occupational group in the period and among the first workers to be employed by large-scale, corporately owned and bureaucratically managed organizations. While there is a rich historiography regarding the institutional and everyday lives of railway workers and the corporations that employed them, the unit of analysis has been primarily bounded by the nation. These national narratives leave out the north-south connections created by railroads that cut across geo-political boundaries and thus dramatically increasing the flows of people, goods and services between nations on the North American continent. Does the story change if viewed from a continental rather than national perspective? Railroad Crossings tells the story of the people and places along the route of the Grand Trunk Railroad of Canada between Montreal, Quebec and Portland, Maine and the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railroad (and later of the Southern Pacific) between Benson, Arizona and Guaymas, Sonora. -
The State of National Urban Policy in Canada
THE STATE OF NATIONAL URBAN POLICY IN CANADA Name of national urban policy No national urban policy – sectoral and subnational policies relevant to urban development do exist Date of national urban policy Not applicable Explicit or partial Not applicable Legal status (e.g. act of the legislature, Not applicable executive order, administrative guidance, etc.) Previous/secondary policies Caucus Task Force on Urban Issues 2001; Urban Development Agreements 1995 Stage of development Feasibility How developed (e.g. through a Not applicable participatory/stakeholder process, or act of parliament, etc.) Implementing body National/federal, subnational/provincial and territorial governments with cities and municipalities Government system Federal Type of national urban agency Subnational agency: metropolitan/local authority Implementation mechanism (e.g. Not applicable committee, involvement of multiple agencies, national-local co-ordination) Current national urban policy Canada does not have a national urban policy, as cities and municipalities are a provincial responsibility (OECD, 2015). Policies related to urban development are implemented through national sectoral policies and through subnational policies. Federal/provincial/territorial First Ministers Conferences or Meetings (FMMs) are held regularly to exchange information and ideas, and often provide the opportunity for governments to find common purposes and chart general policy directions. Much of the work in intergovernmental relations takes place in a growing number of councils of federal, provincial and territorial ministers responsible for developing co-operation in specific policy sectors, from the environment to social policy. The federal government sectors that affect urban development include infrastructure, monetary, economic and housing policy (through the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation) (UN-Habitat, 2015). -
Maritime Provinces and the National Policy (Comments Upon Economic Regionalism in Canada)
MARITIME PROVINCES AND THE NATIONAL POLICY (COMMENTS UPON ECONOMIC REGIONALISM IN CANADA) · S. A. SAUNDERS T has long been evident that within the Dominion there is a I wide diversity of economic interests and outlook: but with the spate of complaints, protests, and petitions that since 1929 has poured into Ottawa this diversity has taken on distinct regional characteristics. The Maritime Provinces, the Central Provinces, the Prairie Provinces, and British Columbia have had each its peculiar economic difficulties. For the most part, these economic difficulties have been attributed to the policy followed by the Dominion Government: the manner in which taxes have been levied and revenues disbursed, the cost of giving tariff protection to domestic industries, and the encroachments upon the rights and privileges of provincial Governments. The Maritime Pro vinces have complained that they were not receiving their share of the good things of life which Confederation had brought to the Dominion as a whole; they have asked repeatedly for a larger share of the federal funds with which to carry on those new funct ions of government that came gradually to be recognized in the western world as natural and legitimate; and they do not appear ever to have felt altogether at home in the new edifice erected by the Fathers of Confederation. Although, in this article, attention will be focussed upon the National Policy with special reference to the Maritime Provinces, and upon the relations between the Mari time Provinces and the rest of the Dominion, the approach has nation-wide application, and it is hoped that the discussion will make some contribution to a better understanding of the general problem of economic regionalism in Canada.