УДК 070.13 the Litvinenko Assassination Case: Through the Theoretical Frameworks of Gatekeeping, Agenda Setting and Framing
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The Russia You Never Met
The Russia You Never Met MATT BIVENS AND JONAS BERNSTEIN fter staggering to reelection in summer 1996, President Boris Yeltsin A announced what had long been obvious: that he had a bad heart and needed surgery. Then he disappeared from view, leaving his prime minister, Viktor Cher- nomyrdin, and his chief of staff, Anatoly Chubais, to mind the Kremlin. For the next few months, Russians would tune in the morning news to learn if the presi- dent was still alive. Evenings they would tune in Chubais and Chernomyrdin to hear about a national emergency—no one was paying their taxes. Summer turned to autumn, but as Yeltsin’s by-pass operation approached, strange things began to happen. Chubais and Chernomyrdin suddenly announced the creation of a new body, the Cheka, to help the government collect taxes. In Lenin’s day, the Cheka was the secret police force—the forerunner of the KGB— that, among other things, forcibly wrested food and money from the peasantry and drove some of them into collective farms or concentration camps. Chubais made no apologies, saying that he had chosen such a historically weighted name to communicate the seriousness of the tax emergency.1 Western governments nod- ded their collective heads in solemn agreement. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank both confirmed that Russia was experiencing a tax collec- tion emergency and insisted that serious steps be taken.2 Never mind that the Russian government had been granting enormous tax breaks to the politically connected, including billions to Chernomyrdin’s favorite, Gazprom, the natural gas monopoly,3 and around $1 billion to Chubais’s favorite, Uneximbank,4 never mind the horrendous corruption that had been bleeding the treasury dry for years, or the nihilistic and pointless (and expensive) destruction of Chechnya. -
Inside Russia's Intelligence Agencies
EUROPEAN COUNCIL ON FOREIGN BRIEF POLICY RELATIONS ecfr.eu PUTIN’S HYDRA: INSIDE RUSSIA’S INTELLIGENCE SERVICES Mark Galeotti For his birthday in 2014, Russian President Vladimir Putin was treated to an exhibition of faux Greek friezes showing SUMMARY him in the guise of Hercules. In one, he was slaying the • Russia’s intelligence agencies are engaged in an “hydra of sanctions”.1 active and aggressive campaign in support of the Kremlin’s wider geopolitical agenda. The image of the hydra – a voracious and vicious multi- headed beast, guided by a single mind, and which grows • As well as espionage, Moscow’s “special services” new heads as soon as one is lopped off – crops up frequently conduct active measures aimed at subverting in discussions of Russia’s intelligence and security services. and destabilising European governments, Murdered dissident Alexander Litvinenko and his co-author operations in support of Russian economic Yuri Felshtinsky wrote of the way “the old KGB, like some interests, and attacks on political enemies. multi-headed hydra, split into four new structures” after 1991.2 More recently, a British counterintelligence officer • Moscow has developed an array of overlapping described Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR) as and competitive security and spy services. The a hydra because of the way that, for every plot foiled or aim is to encourage risk-taking and multiple operative expelled, more quickly appear. sources, but it also leads to turf wars and a tendency to play to Kremlin prejudices. The West finds itself in a new “hot peace” in which many consider Russia not just as an irritant or challenge, but • While much useful intelligence is collected, as an outright threat. -
The Russian Job
The Russian Job The rise to power of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation “We did not reject our past. We said honestly: The history of the Lubyanka in the twentieth century is our history…” ~ Nikolai Platonovich Patrushev, Director of the FSB Between August-September 1999, a series of explosions in Russia killed 293 people: - 1 person dead from a shopping centre explosion in Moscow (31 st August) - 62 people dead from an apartment bombing in Buynaksk (4 th September) - 94 people dead from an apartment bombing in Moscow (9th September) - 119 people dead from an apartment bombing in Moscow (13 th September) - 17 people dead from an apartment bombing in Volgodonsk (16 th September) The FSB (Federal Security Service) which, since the fall of Communism, replaced the defunct KGB (Committee for State Security) laid the blame on Chechen warlords for the blasts; namely on Ibn al-Khattab, Shamil Basayev and Achemez Gochiyaev. None of them has thus far claimed responsibility, nor has any evidence implicating them of any involvement been presented. Russian citizens even cast doubt on the accusations levelled at Chechnya, for various reasons: Not in living memory had Chechen militias pulled off such an elaborated string of bombings, causing so much carnage. A terrorist plot on such a scale would have necessitated several months of thorough planning and preparation to put through. Hence the reason why people suspected it had been carried out by professionals. More unusual was the motive, or lack of, for Chechens to attack Russia. Chechnya’s territorial dispute with Russia predates the Soviet Union to 1858. -
The Siloviki in Russian Politics
The Siloviki in Russian Politics Andrei Soldatov and Michael Rochlitz Who holds power and makes political decisions in contemporary Russia? A brief survey of available literature in any well-stocked bookshop in the US or Europe will quickly lead one to the answer: Putin and the “siloviki” (see e.g. LeVine 2009; Soldatov and Borogan 2010; Harding 2011; Felshtinsky and Pribylovsky 2012; Lucas 2012, 2014 or Dawisha 2014). Sila in Russian means force, and the siloviki are the members of Russia’s so called “force ministries”—those state agencies that are authorized to use violence to respond to threats to national security. These armed agents are often portrayed—by journalists and scholars alike—as Russia’s true rulers. A conventional wisdom has emerged about their rise to dominance, which goes roughly as follows. After taking office in 2000, Putin reconsolidated the security services and then gradually placed his former associates from the KGB and FSB in key positions across the country (Petrov 2002; Kryshtanovskaya and White 2003, 2009). Over the years, this group managed to disable almost all competing sources of power and control. United by a common identity, a shared worldview, and a deep personal loyalty to Putin, the siloviki constitute a cohesive corporation, which has entrenched itself at the heart of Russian politics. Accountable to no one but the president himself, they are the driving force behind increasingly authoritarian policies at home (Illarionov 2009; Roxburgh 2013; Kasparov 2015), an aggressive foreign policy (Lucas 2014), and high levels of state predation and corruption (Dawisha 2014). While this interpretation contains elements of truth, we argue that it provides only a partial and sometimes misleading and exaggerated picture of the siloviki’s actual role. -
Power and Plunder in Putin's Russia Miriam Lanskoy, Dylan Myles-Primakoff
Power and Plunder in Putin's Russia Miriam Lanskoy, Dylan Myles-Primakoff Journal of Democracy, Volume 29, Number 1, January 2018, pp. 76-85 (Article) Published by Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2018.0006 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/683637 Access provided by your local institution (13 Mar 2018 16:12 GMT) PRE created by BK on 11/20/17. The Rise of Kleptocracy POWER AND PLUNDER IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA Miriam Lanskoy and Dylan Myles-Primakoff Miriam Lanskoy is senior director for Russia and Eurasia at the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). She is the author, with Ilyas Akhmadov, of The Chechen Struggle: Independence Won and Lost (2010). Dylan Myles-Primakoff is senior program officer for Russia and Eurasia at the NED. Since Vladimir Putin rose to power in 1999, the quest to restore the might of the Russian state at home and abroad has been a hallmark of his rule. Yet another such hallmark has been rampant looting by the country’s leaders. Thus Russia has figured prominently in recent schol- arly discussions about kleptocracies—regimes distinguished by a will- ingness to prioritize defending their leaders’ mechanisms of personal enrichment over other goals of statecraft. In a kleptocracy, then, cor- ruption plays an outsized role in determining policy. But how have the state-building and great-power ambitions of the new Russian elite coex- isted with its scramble for self-enrichment? Putin’s Russia offers a vivid illustration of how kleptocratic plunder can become not only an end in itself, but also a tool for both consolidating domestic political control and projecting power abroad. -
HJS 'Putin Sees and Hears It All' Report.Qxd
Putin SeeS and HearS it all: How ruSSia’S intelligence agencieS Menace tHe uK BY DR ANDREW FOXALL DEMOCRACY | FREEDOM | HUMAN RIGHTS November 2018 First published in 2018 by The Henry Jackson Society. The Henry Jackson Society Millbank Tower 21-24 Millbank London SW1P 4QP Registered charity no. 1140489 Tel: +44 (0)20 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2018. All rights reserved. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its Trustees. Title: “PuTiN SEES AND HEARS iT ALL: HOW RuSSiA’S iNTELLigENcE AgENciES MENAcE THE uK” By: Dr Andrew Foxall Putin SeeS and HearS it all: How ruSSia’S intelligence agencieS Menace tHe uK BY DR ANDREW FOXALL November 2018 PuTiN SEES AND HEARS iT ALL “Dr. Foxall’s report forcefully reminds us that Russian Intelligence activity in the West is still large scale and intrusive, and that we need to devote significant resources and expertise ourselves to monitoring and blunting this threat to our national security. As during the Cold War an effective counterintelligence capability remains an essential part of our own intelligence and security community.” Sir richard dearlove KcMg oBe chief of the Secret intelligence Service (Mi6) (1999-2004) “Anyone who is relaxed or complacent about Russian intelligence activity in the United Kingdom should read this Report. Not only have we experienced the murder of Litvinenko and the attempted murder of the Skripals on British soil, Britain and the West as a whole face an unrelenting assault from Putin’s bloated intelligence and security agencies. -
Chechnya. Calamity in the Caucasus' and Goltz, 'Azerbaijan Diary
H-Russia Mannteufel on Gall and Waal, 'Chechnya. Calamity in the Caucasus' and Goltz, 'Azerbaijan Diary. A Rogue Reporter's Adventures in an Oil-Rich, War-Torn, Post-Soviet-Republic' Review published on Wednesday, November 1, 2000 Carlotta Gall, Thomas de Waal. Chechnya. Calamity in the Caucasus. New York: New York University Press, 1998. xiv + 416 pp. $26.95 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8147-3132-1.Thomas Goltz. Azerbaijan Diary. A Rogue Reporter's Adventures in an Oil-Rich, War-Torn, Post-Soviet-Republic. Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, 1998. xxx + 528 pp. $39.95 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-7656-0244-2. Reviewed by Ingo Mannteufel (Journal OSTEUROPA. Zeitschrift für Gegenwartsfragen des Ostens, Aachen, Germany) Published on H-Russia (November, 2000) The Caucasus in the 1990s from the Perspective of War Correspondents The Caucasus in the 1990s from the Perspective of War Correspondents Since the last years of the Soviet Union the region around the Caucasus mountains has become an area of violent ethnic conflicts. The Armenian-Azerbaijan War for Nagorno-Karabakh, the hostilities in Georgia (South-Ossetia, Abkhazia), the clashes between Ossetians and Ingush within the Russian Federation, and last but not least the two large-scale Russian-Chechen Wars have drawn the attention of the international public to this up to then unknown region at the edge of Europe. But it was precisely this dangerous atmosphere that attracted journalists from all over the world to report directly from this new hot spot. Thomas Goltz, an American journalist who worked in Turkey during the 1980s, was one of these journalists. -
Nowhere to Turn but Yeltsin
Nowhere to Turn But Yeltsin JOHN LLOYD he Russian intelligentsia, dispirited, shorn of influence, and broke, had a Tcolloquium in Literaturnava Gazeta in February on its relationship with power. Led off by the greatest of the surviving 1960s bards, Bulat Okudzhava-who said that Yeltsin had tumed away from a group that had represented his staunchest supporters when he was elected five years ago, and now "scorned" it because he and his cronies could not bear criticism-the colloquium was in the main a melancholic series of reflections. Most agreed with Okudzhava by lamenting the loss of a leader who had held out a promise of renewal, yet those who remained reluctantly loyal-and none were robust about being so-fell back on a recognition that speech was now free and that life under the Communists would be worse. Their collective posture was well summed up by the writer Andrei Bitov: The mark of a member of the intelligentsia, he said, was to stand for certain moral and intellectual values, and to have nothing to do with power. Those members of the intelligentsia who had expected more and tried to help Yeltsin achieve it have usually had their fingers burned. Some have resigned, some were sacked, a few cling on for the usual reason that to leave would be to hand their place to someone worse. The most famous defector was the former prisoner of conscience Sergei Kovalev, who served as Yeltsin's Human Rights Ombudsman, protested loudly and with great courage against the war in Chechnya (he spent many weeks under bombardment in Grozny, the Chechen capital), and finally resigned from the last of his official posts earlier this year. -
Berezovsky-Judgment.Pdf
Neutral Citation Number: [2012] EWHC 2463 (Comm) Royal Courts of Justice Rolls Building, 7 Rolls Buildings, London EC4A 1NL Date: 31st August 2012 IN THE HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE Case No: 2007 Folio 942 QUEEN’S BENCH DIVISION COMMERCIAL COURT IN THE HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE Claim Nos: HC08C03549; HC09C00494; CHANCERY DIVISION HC09C00711 Before: MRS JUSTICE GLOSTER, DBE - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Between: Boris Abramovich Berezovsky Claimant - and - Roman Arkadievich Abramovich Defendant Boris Abramovich Berezovsky Claimant - and - Hine & Others Defendants - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Laurence Rabinowitz Esq, QC, Richard Gillis Esq, QC, Roger Masefield Esq, Simon Colton Esq, Henry Forbes-Smith Esq, Sebastian Isaac Esq, Alexander Milner Esq, and Ms. Nehali Shah (instructed by Addleshaw Goddard LLP) for the Claimant Jonathan Sumption Esq, QC, Miss Helen Davies QC, Daniel Jowell Esq, QC, Andrew Henshaw Esq, Richard Eschwege Esq, Edward Harrison Esq and Craig Morrison Esq (instructed by Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom LLP) for the Defendant Ali Malek Esq, QC, Ms. Sonia Tolaney QC, and Ms. Anne Jeavons (instructed by Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer LLP) appeared for the Anisimov Defendants to the Chancery Actions David Mumford Esq (instructed by Macfarlanes LLP) appeared for the Salford Defendants to the Chancery Actions Jonathan Adkin Esq and Watson Pringle Esq (instructed by Signature Litigation LLP) appeared for the Family Defendants to the Chancery Actions Hearing dates: 3rd – 7th October 2011; 10th – 13th October 2011; 17th – 19th October 2011; 24th & 28th October 2011; 31st October – 4th November 2011; 7th – 10th November 2011; 14th - 18th November 2011; 21st – 23 November 2011; 28th November – 2nd December 2011; 5th December 2011; 19th & 20th December 2011; 17th – 19th January 2012. -
The UK and Russia Which Undermine the Political Relationship
Conflict Studies Research Centre Russi an Series 07/17 Defence Academy of the United Kingdom The UK Russia – A Troubled Relationship Dr Andrew Monaghan (ed) Key Points * The fatal poisoning of Alexander Litvinenko and the controversial statements by Boris Berezovsky have brought the UK-Russia relationship to an important moment. * An increasing tension is emerging between, on one hand, a UK-Russia political relationship that is short of mutual confidence – and as a result appears to be deteriorating – and a developing professional and technical-level engagement, especially in business and energy relations, on the other. * There is an important shortage of expertise and resources devoted to the development of the state to state relationship. This reflects the fact that neither party has been a priority for the other. * Serious “values” differences exist between the UK and Russia which undermine the political relationship. London and Moscow espouse different approaches to society, London supporting a bottom up approach, encouraging civil society, Moscow preferring top down control of societal development. The UK & Russia – A Troubled Relationship Part I Dr Andrew Monaghan (ed) Contents Introduction: 1 The UK & Russia – a Divergent Relationship Dr. Andrew Monaghan Chapter 1: 9 Misunderstanding Russia: Alexander Litvinenko Henry Plater Zyberk Chapter 2: 13 UK-Russia Political relations Dr. Edwin Bacon Chapter 3: 24 UK-Russia military cooperation Maj-Gen. (retd.) Peter Williams Chapter 4: 26 Saving the AS-28 Commander Ian Riches Chapter 5: 29 UK-Russia Energy Relations Julian Lee Chapter 6: 40 Understanding Russia: Sakhalin II Dr. Nazrin Mehdiyeva Chapter 7: 55 Russia for the Russians: the View of a Western Business Advisor Andrew Gavan 07/17 The United Kingdom and Russia: A Divergent Relationship? Dr Andrew Monaghan Under apparently constant tension, the United Kingdom (UK)-Russia relationship presents a paradoxical and interesting picture. -
H. Con. Res. 154
III 110TH CONGRESS 2D SESSION H. CON. RES. 154 IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES APRIL 2, 2008 Received and referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations CONCURRENT RESOLUTION Expressing the sense of Congress that the fatal radiation poisoning of Russian dissident and writer Alexander Litvinenko raises significant concerns about the potential involvement of elements of the Russian Government in Mr. Litvinenko’s death and about the security and pro- liferation of radioactive materials. Whereas Russian dissident and writer Alexander Litvinenko, a citizen and resident of Great Britain, suddenly fell ill on November 1, 2006, and died three weeks later in a London hospital; Whereas British health officials concluded, following an au- topsy, that Mr. Litvinenko died of radiation poisoning caused by ingestion of the radioactive VerDate Aug 31 2005 03:59 Apr 03, 2008 Jkt 069200 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 6652 Sfmt 6300 E:\BILLS\HC154.RFS HC154 smartinez on PRODPC60 with BILLS 2 element polonium-210, and British law enforcement offi- cials have announced that they are treating Mr. Litvinenko’s death as a murder; Whereas polonium-210, according to the Health Physics Soci- ety, radiates alpha particles that cannot penetrate paper or human skin but, if ingested through eating, drinking, or breathing, are extremely toxic, with the ability to de- stroy cells, damage vital organs such as the liver, kid- neys, and bone marrow, cause cancer, and result in human death; Whereas according to the Health Physics Society, just one millionth of a gram of polonium-210 -
Management of Response to the Polonium-210 Incident in London
Management of Response to the Polonium-210 Incident in London John Croft a*, Michael Baileyb, Helen Maguirec, Phil Tattersallb, Mary Morreyb, Neil McCollb, Lesley Prosserb, Graham Fraserc, and Roger Grossc a Consultant, formerly at Radiation Protection Division, Health Protection Agency, Chilton, Oxfordshire, OX11 0RQ, United Kingdom. b Radiation Protection Division, Health Protection Agency, Chilton, Oxfordshire, OX11 0RQ, United Kingdom. c Local and Regional Services, Health Protection Agency, London Region, Holborn Gate, 330 High Holborn, London WC1AA 7PP, United Kingdom Abstract. On the 23 November 2006, Alexander Litvinenko died in London allegedly from poisoning by 210Po, an alpha particle emitter. The spread of radioactive contamination, arising from the poisoning and the events leading up to it, involved many locations in London. The potential for intakes of 210Po arising from the contamination posed a public health risk and generated significant public concern. The scale of the event required a multi-agency response, including top level UK Government emergency response management arrangements. The Health Protection Agency (HPA) had a leading role in co-ordinating and managing the public health response. This paper reviews the management of the incident response and the issues involved. KEYWORDS: Radiological emergency, Incident management, polonium-210 1. Introduction On the 23 November 2006, Alexander Litvinenko died in London allegedly from poisoning by 210Po, an alpha particle emitter. The spread of radioactive contamination, arising from the poisoning and the events leading up to it, involved many locations in London. The potential for intakes of 210Po arising from the contamination posed a public health risk and generated considerable public concern. The scale of the event required a multi-agency response, including top level Government emergency response management arrangements.