Gone with the Wind and the Imagined Geographies of the American South Taulby H. Edmondson Dissertation Submitt
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The Wind Goes On: Gone with the Wind and the Imagined Geographies of the American South Taulby H. Edmondson Dissertation submitted to the faculty of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In Social, Political, Ethical, and Cultural Thought Emily M. Satterwhite, Co-Chair David P. Cline, Co-Chair Marian B. Mollin Scott G. Nelson February 13, 2018 Blacksburg, Virginia Keywords: Gone with the Wind, Mass Media and History, US South, Slavery, Civil War, Reconstruction, African American History, Memory, Race Relations, Whiteness, Nationalism, Tourism, Audiences Copyright: Taulby H. Edmondson 2018 The Wind Goes On: Gone with the Wind and the Imagined Geographies of the American South Taulby H. Edmondson ABSTRACT Published in 1936, Margaret Mitchell’s Gone with the Wind achieved massive literary success before being adapted into a motion picture of the same name in 1939. The novel and film have amassed numerous accolades, inspired frequent reissues, and sustained mass popularity. This dissertation analyzes evidence of audience reception in order to assess the effects of Gone with the Wind’s version of Lost Cause collective memory on the construction of the Old South, Civil War, and Lost Cause in the American imagination from 1936 to 2016. By utilizing the concept of prosthetic memory in conjunction with older, still-existing forms of collective cultural memory, Gone with the Wind is framed as a newly theorized mass cultural phenomenon that perpetuates Lost Cause historical narratives by reaching those who not only identify closely with it, but also by informing what nonidentifying consumers seeking historical authenticity think about the Old South and Civil War. In so doing, this dissertation argues that Gone with the Wind is both an artifact of the Lost Cause collective memory that it, more than anything else, legitimized in the twentieth century and a multi-faceted site where memory of the South and Civil War is still created. My research is grounded in the field of memory studies, in particular the work of Pierre Nora, Eric Hobsbawn, Andreas Huyssen, Michael Kammen, and Alison Landsberg. In chapter one, I track the reception of Gone with the Wind among white American audiences and define the phenomenon as rooted in Benedict Anderson’s conception of the nation. I further argue that Gone with the Wind’s Lost Causism provided white national subjects with a collective memory of slavery and the Civil War that made sense of continuing racial tensions during Jim Crow and justified white resistance to African American equality. Gone with the Wind, in other words, reconciled the lingering ideological divisions between white northerners and southerners who then were more concerned with protecting white supremacy. In chapter two and three, I analyze Gone with the Wind’s continuing popularity throughout the twentieth century and its significant influence on other sites of national memory. Chapter four uses contemporary user reviews of Gone with the Wind DVD and Blu-ray collector’s editions to reveal that the phenomenon remains popular. Throughout this study I analyze the history of black resistance to the Gone with the Wind phenomenon. For African Americans, Gone with the Wind’s Lost Causism has always been understood as justification for racism, imbuing the white national conscious with a mythological history of slavery and black inferiority. As I argue, black protestors to Gone with the Wind were correct, as the phenomenon has always resonated most during moments of increased racial tension such as during the civil rights era and following the Charleston Church Massacre in 2015. The Wind Goes On: Gone with the Wind and the Imagined Geographies of the American South Taulby H. Edmondson PUBLIC ABSTRACT This study analyzes the continuing popularity of the popular culture phenomenon Gone with the Wind, from its initial publication as a novel in 1936 to 2016. I first argue that Gone with the Wind is an artifact of the Lost Cause, which is defined as an amalgamation of myths about southern history that relies on negative racial stereotypes, the veneration of the Confederacy, and the position that slavery was unimportant to the causes of the American Civil War. The Lost Cause, as scholars have argued, has always been an ideological justification for anti-black racism, particularly Jim Crow apartheid. As a product of this white supremacist mythology, I further argue that Gone with the Wind is not merely an artifact of the Lost Cause, but its most powerful statement that defined what twentieth-century white Americans believed about southern history. As I reveal, Gone with the Wind resonated most among white audiences during periods of heightened racial tensions, in particular during various points in the civil rights era and following the 2015 Charleston Church Massacre. The Lost Cause remains a potent ideological force that underpins American white supremacy. In chapters one and two, I analyze Gone with the Wind’s popularity in the twentieth century using reviews by readers and viewers. I reveal that Gone with the Wind’s popularity was more due to its Lost Cause mythology rather than its narrative plot, and was widely popular among white audiences across the North and the South. In chapter two, I also look at Gone with the Wind’s influence on later novels and films about the South before, in chapter three, highlighting how Gone with the Wind’s version of the Lost Cause became the primary historical narrative at sites of southern heritage tourism, in particular plantation museums and Georgia’s Civil War sites. In chapter four, I highlight contemporary user reviews of Gone with the Wind’s DVD and Blu-ray collector’s editions to reveal that its version of the Lost Cause remains a potent ideological influence among its fans. Throughout the chapter I also analyze the history of black resistance to the Gone with the Wind phenomenon, including organized pickets during its original theatrical release and the arson of a Gone with the Wind museum. For African Americans, Gone with the Wind’s Lost Causism has always been understood as justification for racism, imbuing the white national conscious with a mythological history of slavery and anti-black stereotypes. Acknowledgements Research funding for this project was generously supplied by the Departments of History and the Department of Religion and Culture at Virginia Tech. Thank you Mark, Linda, Brianna, Brian, and Karen for making it possible. Thank you Francois, Tamara, and the Alliance for Social, Political, Ethical, and Cultural Thought for supplying necessary funding for conference travel that greatly improved the quality of this dissertation. Gratitude is also owed to the folks at the Whitney Plantation Museum, especially Ashley Rogers, who took me on a private tour of the grounds. The work you all are doing is of tremendous importance. Many thanks are owed to my committee, especially Emily Satterwhite, who was the first reader, my mentor, and always dedicated to helping me through the project at every turn, no matter if the issues were personal or professional. There is no way that I could have completed this without you. Thank you David Cline for serving as co-chair and for guiding me through an independent study that laid much of the theoretical groundwork for this project. Thank you Marian Mollin and Scott Nelson for serving as committee members and for the work you did as my former teachers. Your feedback and support has been invaluable. A great deal of gratitude is owed to my former mentors: Julia, Jack, and Judkin. This project is truly a culmination of my work at every academic level. Your influence is clear. Many thanks to my colleagues Jordan, Katie, Sascha, Francine, Jamie, Holly, Christian, Mario, Alex, Melissa, Eli, and Komal for your continued support, and for being there when I needed a break and a drink. Above all, I owe a great debt to my wife, Sheena, for her love, compassion, and understanding. This project could not have been completed otherwise. And, of course, thank you to Trigger, Ember, and Samson for the love, even if you weren’t always the most helpful. To my parents, Tony and Alice: thank you for always supporting me in my endeavors, and for instilling in me a love for history and education at an early age. I would not be where I am today without you. Words cannot express my gratitude. iv Table of Contents Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………………...iv Table of Contents……………………………………………………………………...v-vi Introduction………………………………………………………………………………1 Literature Review: The Lost Cause and Gone with the Wind……………………..2 Gone with the Wind: A Memory Phenomenon…………………………………..20 Methodological Note on Reception Analysis……………………………………28 The Gone with the Wind Phenomenon: 1936-2016……………………………...33 African-American Resistance to the Gone with the Wind Phenomenon………...48 Chapter 1: Origins of—and Resistance to—the Gone with the Wind Phenomenon in Memory and Popular Culture, 1936-1940…………………………………………….55 Margaret Mitchell, Thomas Dixon, The Birth of a Nation, and Gone with the Wind’s Racism…………………………………………………………………...57 White American and the Initial Reception of Gone with the Wind………….......66 Building Resistance to the Production of Gone with the Wind…………..………80 White Contemporaries’ Praise for David Selznick’s Gone with the Wind…........89 Radical African-American Resistance to David Selznick’s Gone with the Wind, 1939-1940………………………………………………………………………..98 Chapter 2: Gone with the Wind’s Pervasive Cultural Influence in Twentieth-century Fiction and Film……………………………………………………………………….115 Record Popularity and Gone with the Wind as a Distinct Memory Phenomenon, 1936-1942 …………………………………………………………………...…116 The Mass Commercialization of Gone with the Wind circa 1937-1942………..122 Margaret Mitchell’s Impact on Southern Literature, 1937-1953……………….125 The Long Cinematic Shadow of Gone with the Wind, 1938-2003……………..129 Rereleases, Brown v.