´Group Work Speeches

Shashi Tharoor’s address to the Oxford Union, Oxford, 2015

Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f7CW7S0zxv4 (0:00-6:48) (remember to stop the video at 6:48!) Transcript: http://www.news18.com/news/india/read-shashi-tharoors-full-speech-asking-uk-to-pay-india-for-20 0-years-of-its-colonial-rule-1024821.html Your task: Watch the speech together (go somewhere where you will not disturb anyone! – write on the blackboard where you will be sitting, so I can find you at any given time). In the speech, you must look at the following aspects:

✓ Background: o Who is the speaker? (occupation etc.) o What is the occasion/reason for the speech? ✓ What method(s) of delivery did the speaker use? -and why do you think this is the case? ✓ How is the speaker’s … o voice? (pronunciation, articulation, rhythm, volume, rate, accent/dialect) o choice of words? (accurate, clear, redundant) o body language? (gestures, movement, eye contact) ✓ Which pillars of persuasion did the speaker use to emphasize his/her point? Provide examples

All of the above must be presented to the rest of the class with the use of PowerPoint. Remember to use the tools about oral communication in your own presentation as well. Presentations will be followed by feedback / Q&A. While listening to presentations, each group must note at least one thing for feedback OR come up with a question to ask the group once the presentation is done.

Transcript: Madam President and gentlemen, ladies of the house I standing here with eight minutes in my hands in this venerable and rather magnificent institution, I was going to assure you that I belong to the Henry VIII School of public speaking - that as Henry VIII said to his wives 'I shall not keep you long'. But now finding myself the seventh speaker out of eight in what must already seem a rather long evening to you I rather feel like Henry VIII's the last wife. I know more or less of what expected of me but I am not sure how to do it any differently. Perhaps what I should do is really try and pay attention to the arguments that have advanced by the Opposition today. We had for example Sir Richard Ottaway suggesting - challenging the very idea that it could be argued that the economic situation of the colonies was actually worsened by the experience of British colonialism. Well I stand to offer you the Indian example, Sir Richard. India share of the world economy when Britain arrived on it's shores was 23 per cent, by the time the British left it was down to below 4 per cent. Why? Simply because India had been governed for the benefit of Britain. Britain's rise for 200 years was financed by it's depredations in India. In fact Britain's industrial revolution was actually premised upon the de-industrialisation of India. The handloom weaver's for example famed across the world whose products were exported around the world, Britain came right in. There were actually these weaver's making fine muslin as light as woven wear, it was said, and Britain came right in, smashed their thumbs, broke their looms, imposed tariffs and duties on their cloth and products and started, of course, taking their raw material from India and shipping back manufactured cloth flooding the world's markets with what became the products of the dark and satanic mills of the Victoria in England That meant that the weavers in India became beggars and India went from being a world famous exporter of finished cloth into an importer when from having 27 per cent of the world trade to less than 2 per cent. Meanwhile, colonialists like Robert Clive brought their rotten boroughs in England on the proceeds of their loot in India while taking the Hindi word loot into their dictionary as well as their habits. And the British had the gall to call him Clive of India as if he belonged to the country, when all he really did was to ensure that much of the country belonged to him. By the end of 19th century, the fact is that India was already Britain's biggest cash cow, the world's biggest purchaser of British goods and exports and the source for highly paid employment for British civil servants. We literally paid for our own oppression. And as has been pointed out, the worthy British Victorian families that made their money out of the slave economy, one fifth of the elites of the wealthy class in Britain in 19th century owed their money to transporting 3 million Africans across the waters. And in fact in 1833 when slavery was abolished and what happened was a compensation of 20 million pounds was paid not as reparations to those who had lost their lives or who had suffered or been oppressed by slavery but to those who had lost their property. I was struck by the fact that your Wi-Fi password at this Union commemorates the name of Mr Gladstone - the great liberal hero. Well, I am very sorry his family was one of those who benefited from this compensation. Staying with India between 15-29 million Indians died of starvation in British induced famines. The most famous example was, of course, was the great Bengal famine during the World War II when 4 million people died because Winston Churchill deliberately as a matter of written policy proceeded to divert essential supplies from civilians in Bengal to sturdy tummies and Europeans as reserve stockpiles. He said that the starvation of anyway underfed Bengalis mattered much less than that of sturdy Greeks' - Churchill's actual quote. And when conscious stricken British officials wrote to him pointing out that people were dying because of this decision, he peevishly wrote in the margins of file, “Why hasn’t Gandhi died yet?" So, all notions that the British were trying to do their colonial enterprise out of enlightened despotism to try and bring the benefits of colonialism and civilisation to the benighted. Even I am sorry - Churchill's conduct in 1943 is simply one example of many that gave light to this myth. As others have said on the proposition - violence and racism were the reality of the colonial experience. And no wonder that the sun never set on the British empire because even god couldn’t trust the English in the dark. Let me take the World War I as a very concrete example since the first speaker Mr. Lee suggested these couldn't be quantified. Let me quantify World War I for you. Again I am sorry from an Indian perspective as others have spoken abut the countries. One-sixth of all the British forces that fought in the war were Indian - 54 000 Indians actually lost their lives in that war, 65 000 were wounded and another 4000 remained missing or in prison. Indian taxpayers had to cough up a 100 million pounds in that time’s money. India supplied 17 million rounds of ammunition, 6,00,000 rifles and machine guns, 42 million garments were stitched and sent out of India and 1.3 million Indian personnel served in this war. I know all this because the commemoration of the centenary has just taken place. But not just that, India had to supply 173,000 animals 370 million tonnes of supplies and in the end the total value of everything that was taken out of India and India by the way was suffering from recession at that time and poverty and hunger, was in today's money 8 billion pounds. You want quantification, it’s available. Group Work Speeches

Mary Robinson’s TED talk about climate change, New York, 2008

Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7JVTirBEfho (0:00-6:16) (remember to stop the video at 6:16!) Transcript: https://www.ted.com/talks/mary_robinson_why_climate_change_is_a_threat_to_human_rights/transcript ?utm_campaign=BeepBeepBites%20-%20Nieuwsbrief&utm_source=hs_email&utm_medium=email&_hsen c=p2ANqtz--8sWgWmTcex7zucd8mPaoT4rpZ6R81UdxatUiZMg9YWrhQTGpZ37GeTUJNkuCDCU8AbeZD Your task: Watch the speech together (go somewhere where you will not disturb anyone! – write on the blackboard where you will be sitting, so I can find you at any given time). In the speech, you must look at the following aspects:

Transcript: A question I'm often asked is, where did I get my passion for human rights and justice? It started early. I grew up in the west of Ireland, wedged between four brothers, two older than me and two younger than me. So of course I had to be interested in human rights, and equality and justice, and using my elbows! And those issues stayed with me and guided me, and in particular, when I was elected the first woman President of Ireland, from 1990 to 1997. I dedicated my presidency to having a space for those who felt marginalized on the island of Ireland, and bringing together communities from Northern Ireland with those from the Republic, trying to build peace. And I went as the first Irish president to the United Kingdom and met with Queen Elizabeth II, and also welcomed to my official residence -- which we call "Áras an Uachtaráin," the house of the president -- members of the royal family, including, notably, the Prince of Wales. And I was aware that at the time of my presidency, Ireland was a country beginning a rapid economic progress. We were a country that was benefiting from the solidarity of the European Union. Indeed, when Ireland first joined the European Union in 1973, there were parts of the country that were considered developing, including my own beloved native county, County Mayo. I led trade delegations here to the United States, to Japan, to India, to encourage investment, to help to create jobs, to build up our economy, to build up our health system, our education -- our development. What I didn't have to do as president was buy land on mainland Europe, so that Irish citizens could go there because our island was going underwater. What I didn't have to think about, either as president or as a constitutional lawyer, was the implications for the sovereignty of the territory because of the impact of climate change. But that is what President Tong, of the Republic of Kiribati, has to wake up every morning thinking about. He has bought land in Fiji as an insurance policy, what he calls, "migration with dignity," because he knows that his people may have to leave their islands. As I listened to President Tong describing the situation, I really felt that this was a problem that no leader should have to face. And as I heard him speak about the pain of his problems, I thought about Eleanor Roosevelt. I thought about her and those who worked with her on the Commission on Human Rights, which she chaired in 1948, and drew up the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. For them, it would have been unimaginable that a whole country could go out of existence because of human-induced climate change. I came to climate change not as a scientist or an environmental lawyer, and I wasn't really impressed by the images of polar bears or melting glaciers. It was because of the impact on people, and the impact on their rights -- their rights to food and safe water, health, education and shelter. And I say this with humility, because I came late to the issue of climate change. When I served as UN High Commissioner for Human Rights from 1997 to 2002, climate change wasn't at the front of my mind. I don't remember making a single speech on climate change. I knew that there was another part of the United Nations -- the UN Convention on Climate Change -- that was dealing with the issue of climate change. It was later when I started to work in African countries on issues of development and human rights. And I kept hearing this pervasive sentence: "Oh, but things are so much worse now, things are so much worse." And then I explored what was behind that; it was about changes in the climate -- climate shocks, changes in the weather. I met Constance Okollet, who had formed a women's group in Eastern Uganda, and she told me that when she was growing up, she had a very normal life in her village and they didn't go hungry, they knew that the seasons would come as they were predicted to come, they knew when to sow and they knew when to harvest, and so they had enough food. But, in recent years, at the time of this conversation, they had nothing but long periods of drought, and then flash flooding, and then more drought. The school had been destroyed, livelihoods had been destroyed, their harvest had been destroyed. She forms this women's group to try to keep her community together. And this was a reality that really struck me, because of course, Constance Okollet wasn't responsible for the greenhouse gas emissions that were causing this problem. Group Work Speeches

John Key’s resignation speech, 2016

Video: http://www.newshub.co.nz/home/politics/2016/12/john-key-resignation-full-speech-video-and-transcript. html (0:00-6:41) (remember to stop the video at 6:41!) Transcript: http://www.newshub.co.nz/home/politics/2016/12/john-key-resignation-full-speech-video-and-transcript. html Your task: Watch the speech together (go somewhere where you will not disturb anyone! – write on the blackboard where you will be sitting, so I can find you at any given time). In the speech, you must look at the following aspects:

Transcript: Just a few days ago I marked the anniversary of my eighth year as Prime Minister and my tenth as leader of the National Party. Such an occasion seems a fitting time to not only take stock of the past 10 years, but to look forward. Being leader of both the party and the country has been an incredible experience. Along with my Cabinet and caucus colleagues, we steered the country through the global financial crisis which was arguably the worst recession since the Great Depression. We have stood with Christchurch in the wake of the earthquakes - the greatest natural disaster to hit our country since 1931, and we have mourned the victims of the Pike River Mine disaster; one of the saddest days our small nation has endured in recent times. During my time as Prime Minister the Government has positioned New Zealand so that our economy could harness the opportunities offered by a burgeoning Asia and a more connected world. Reforms have been far reaching, including substantial changes to our tax, welfare, planning and labour laws, not to mention the successful partial sell-down of state companies, the considerable overhaul of our Justice, Security and Corrections agencies and, of course, trade liberalisation. Ten years since I first became leader of the National Party, I believe we can look back on advanced race relations and real momentum in the Treaty settlement programme. We also have a more confident, outward-looking and multi-cultural New Zealand that competes and succeeds on the world stage. Throughout these years I have given everything I could to this job that I cherish, and this country that I love. All of this has come at quite some sacrifice for the people who are dearest to me - my family. For my wife Bronagh, there have been many nights and weekends spent alone, many occasions that were important to her that I simply could not attend. My daughter Stephie and my son Max have transitioned from teenagers to young adults while coping with an extraordinary level of intrusion and pressure because of their father's job. I thank them for their tolerance. Bronagh and I are immensely proud of them. My family has also had remarkable opportunities and experiences as we have met people and visited places from one end of our country to the other. We have celebrated alongside fellow Kiwis in their happiest times, and wept with them in their saddest. Simply put, it has, for me, been the most remarkable, satisfying and exciting time of my life. But despite the amazing career I have had in politics, I have never seen myself as a career politician. I have certainly never wanted my success in politics to be measured by how long I spent in Parliament. The National Party is in great shape. Bill English has told me that in all his years here, ours is the most cohesive Cabinet he has seen. And I personally am humbled and gratified that after eight years as Prime Minister, my personal support from the public remains high. I absolutely believe we can win the next election. But I do not believe that, if you asked me if I was committed to serving out a fourth term, that I could look the public in the eye and say yes. And more than anything else in my time here, I have tried to be straight and true with New Zealanders. I also believe that leadership change, for the right reasons and handled well, is good for a political party. For all these reasons, I today told my Cabinet and caucus colleagues of my decision to step down as Leader of the National Party and as Prime Minister. It is my expectation that on Monday 12 December National MPs will hold a special caucus meeting to select a new leader and later that day I will tender my resignation to the Governor-General. This has been the hardest decision I have ever made and I do not know what I will do next. But for me this feels the right time to go. It gives the Cabinet and caucus plenty of time to settle in with a new leader before heading into the next election with a proud record of strong economic management, a commitment to the most vulnerable in our society and lots of ideas to keep lifting New Zealanders up in the world. It would be easy to say I have made this decision solely to rediscover the personal and family life I once had, and that is a factor, but it is one among many. Over the years I have observed many leaders who, in a similar position, fail to take this step. I can understand why. It is a hard job to leave. But, for me and the National Party, this is a good time to go. Party membership is high and the party is well-funded. The caucus is talented and eager to serve, and one of the achievements of which I am proud is having built with my colleagues a Cabinet team that is capable, committed and cohesive. That is a great legacy for National's next leader. Just as I grasped the challenge of leadership so will a new leader. Inevitably they will bring their own personality, emphasis and priorities to the role. This is part of the process that allows a long-serving government to keep delivering. For my part I am confident the caucus has a number of individuals who would make a fine future PM. It is inevitable I will be asked who I will vote for at the caucus meeting on December 12. Whoever the caucus elects will have my unwavering support, but if Bill English puts his name forward then I will vote for him. For 10 years now Bill and I have worked as a team. I have witnessed first-hand his leadership style, his capacity for work, his grasp of the economy, his commitment to change and, most of all, his decency as a husband, as a father, as a friend, a colleague and as a politician. Bill has, I believe, grown a great deal since he was last Party leader. Fifteen years on he has more experience and the party and political cycles are quite different. I believe that National, under Bill's leadership, would win the election in 2017. This is not the time to thank all of those who have made the past 10 years possible for me. But nor can I stand here without acknowledging Bronagh, Stephie and Max who have sacrificed a lot for me to have been able to do what the job demands. No person in this role can succeed without the support of an enormous number of talented and dedicated individuals. I thank my deputy Bill English, the Cabinet and caucus for their loyalty and energy and, of course, my wonderful staff, so well led by Wayne Eagleson, who have done more than I ever could have hoped or expected. I also wish to thank and acknowledge our support partners ACT, United Future and the Maori Party without whom the strong and stable Government we have delivered would not have been possible. I have no doubt my successor will look to build upon these relationships. Group Work Speeches

Nelson Mandela’s address to the Parliament, Cape Town, 1999

Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=l2DUjE2RldI (19:20-25:15) (Notice that you do not start at the beginning at the video but at 19:20!)

Transcript: http://www.mandela.gov.za/mandela_speeches/1999/990326_parlfinal.htm Your task: Watch the speech together (go somewhere where you will not disturb anyone! – write on the blackboard where you will be sitting, so I can find you at any given time). In the speech, you must look at the following aspects:

Transcript: Madame Speaker; Chairperson of the National Council of Provinces; Honourable Members and Delegates, Today does not mark the end of our country's first democratic government. Nor does it bring to an end the term that I have the profound privilege to be serving as President. The business of government continues for some months to come and the high responsibilities which our Constitution confers on the President must still be exercised in the interests of our nation. But this day is a moment of deep significance for all of us whom the people of South Africa have entrusted with representing their needs and interests, their aspirations and hopes. And so it comes to pass that we who have collectively accepted the role of political leadership of our nation, today take leave of one another as members of this, our country's first democratically elected Parliament. Because the people of South Africa finally chose a profoundly legal path to their revolution, those who frame and enact constitution and law are in the vanguard of the fight for change. It is in the legislatures that the instruments have been fashioned to create a better life for all. It is here that oversight of government has been exercised. It is here that our society in all its formations has had an opportunity to influence policy and its implementation. In brief, we have laid the foundation for a better life. Things that were unimaginable a few years ago have become everyday reality. And of this we must be proud. Questions have been raised, we know, as to whether this House is not a carriage on the gravy train, whose passengers idle away their time at the nation's expense. To those who raise such questions we say: Look at the record of our Parliament during these first years of freedom Look at the work of the nation's representatives when they formed themselves into a Constitutional Assembly. With a breadth of consultation and public participation that few would have imagined possible, and in a spirit of unprecedented consensus-seeking, it was here that a constitution was formulated and adopted to enshrine our people's deepest aspirations. Look at the one hundred laws on average that have been passed by this legislature each year. These have been no trivial laws nor mere adjustments to an existing body of statutes. They have created a framework for the revolutionary transformation of society and of government itself, so that the legacy of our past can be undone and put right. It was here that the possibility was created of improving the lives and working conditions of millions. Look at the work of the committees that have scrutinised legislation and improved it, posed difficult questions of the executive and given the public insight and oversight of government as never before, This is a record in which we can take pride. But even as we do so, we do need to ask whether we need to re-examine our electoral system, so as to improve the nature of our relationship, as public representatives, with the voters! Group Work Speeches

Kevin Rudd’s Apology to Australia's Indigenous Peoples, Parliament House, 2008

Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9XtUJTbQaN0 (from 0:00-6:10) (remember to stop the video at 6:10!) Transcript: https://pmtranscripts.pmc.gov.au/release/transcript-15758 Your task: Watch the speech together (go somewhere where you will not disturb anyone! – write on the blackboard where you will be sitting, so I can find you at any given time). In the speech, you must look at the following aspects:

Transcript: - I move:

That today we honour the Indigenous peoples of this land, the oldest continuing cultures in human history.

We reflect on their past mistreatment.

We reflect in particular on the mistreatment of those who were Stolen Generations - this blemished chapter in our nation's history.

The time has now come for the nation to turn a new page in Australia's history by righting the wrongs of the past and so moving forward with confidence to the future.

We apologise for the laws and policies of successive Parliaments and governments that have inflicted profound grief, suffering and loss on these our fellow Australians.

We apologise especially for the removal of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children from their families, their communities and their country.

For the pain, suffering and hurt of these Stolen Generations, their descendants and for their families left behind, we say sorry.

To the mothers and the fathers, the brothers and the sisters, for the breaking up of families and communities, we say sorry.

And for the indignity and degradation thus inflicted on a proud people and a proud culture, we say sorry.

We the Parliament of Australia respectfully request that this apology be received in the spirit in which it is offered as part of the healing of the nation.

For the future we take heart; resolving that this new page in the history of our great continent can now be written.

We today take this first step by acknowledging the past and laying claim to a future that embraces all Australians.

A future where this Parliament resolves that the injustices of the past must never, never happen again.

A future where we harness the determination of all Australians, Indigenous and non-Indigenous, to close the gap that lies between us in life expectancy, educational achievement and economic opportunity.

A future where we embrace the possibility of new solutions to enduring problems where old approaches have failed.

A future based on mutual respect, mutual resolve and mutual responsibility. A future where all Australians, whatever their origins, are truly equal partners, with equal opportunities and with an equal stake in shaping the next chapter in the history of this great country, Australia.

There comes a time in the history of nations when their peoples must become fully reconciled to their past if they are to go forward with confidence to embrace their future. Our nation, Australia, has reached such a time. And that is why the parliament is today here assembled: to deal with this unfinished business of the nation, to remove a great stain from the nation's soul and, in a true spirit of reconciliation, to open a new chapter in the history of this great land, Australia.

Last year I made a commitment to the Australian people that if we formed the next government of the Commonwealth we would in parliament say sorry to the Stolen Generations. Today I honour that commitment. I said we would do so early in the life of the new parliament. Again, today I honour that commitment by doing so at the commencement of this the 42nd parliament of the Commonwealth. Because the time has come, well and truly come, for all peoples of our great country, for all citizens of our great Commonwealth, for all Australians - those who are Indigenous and those who are not - to come together to reconcile and together build a new future for our nation.

Some have asked, ‘Why apologise?' Let me begin to answer by telling the parliament just a little of one person's story - an elegant, eloquent and wonderful woman in her 80s, full of life, full of funny stories, despite what has happened in her life's journey. A woman who has travelled a long way to be with us today, a member of the Stolen Generation who shared some of her story with me when I called around to see her just a few days ago. Nungala Fejo, as she prefers to be called, was born in the late 1920s. She remembers her earliest childhood days living with her family and her community in a bush camp just outside Tennant Creek. She remembers the love and the warmth and the kinship of those days long ago, including traditional dancing around the camp fire at night. She loved the dancing. She remembers once getting into strife when, as a four-year-old girl, she insisted on dancing with the male tribal elders rather than just sitting and watching the men, as the girls were supposed to do.

Group Work Speeches

Justin Trudeau’s address to the UN General Assembly, New York, 2008

Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ulDYH87K_VU (0:00-6:00) (remember to stop the video at 6:00!) Transcript: https://pm.gc.ca/eng/news/2016/09/20/prime-minister-justin-trudeaus-address-71st-session-united-n ations-general-assembly Your task: Watch the speech together (go somewhere where you will not disturb anyone! – write on the blackboard where you will be sitting, so I can find you at any given time). In the speech, you must look at the following aspects:

Transcript: Good afternoon. Mr. President, fellow delegates, and friends. It is an honour to be with you today. And it’s wonderful to be here in the great city of New York. Once again this week, New Yorkers showed us how to be resilient and resolute in the face of violent extremism. On behalf of everybody in this room, let me say directly to the people of New York: you are a model to the world. And we thank you. It is the responsibility of a leader to spend time with the people they were elected to serve. If you want the real stories, you have to go where people live. Coffee shops and church basements, mosques and synagogues. Farmer’s markets. Public parks. It was in places like that that I got the best sense of what Canadians were thinking, and how they were doing. And through the politeness—because we Canadians are always polite, even when we’re complaining—I learnt some things. I talked with people my age who were trying to be hopeful about their future, but found it tough to make ends meet, even when they were working full time. I heard from young Canadians who were frustrated. Who told me that they couldn’t get a job because they don’t have work experience, and they couldn’t get work experience because they don’t have a job. I heard from women and girls who still face inequality in the workplace and violence just because they are women, even in a progressive country like Canada. I met parents working hard to give their children every chance to succeed, but were afraid that their efforts won’t be enough. And I had the opportunity to share meals with retired seniors who worked hard their whole lives and are now forced to rely on food banks. I’ve had too many distressing conversations with Canadians over the past few years. But they made something very clear to me. Canadians still believe in progress. Or at least, that progress is possible. But that optimism is mixed with a lot of concern. Obviously, Canadians are not alone in feeling that way. Those feelings are ubiquitous. That anxiety is a reality. When leaders are faced with citizens’ anxiety, we have a choice to make. Do we exploit that anxiety or do we allay it? Exploiting it is easy. But in order to allay it, we need to be prepared to answer some very direct questions. What will create the good, well-paying jobs that people want, and need, and deserve? What will strengthen and grow the middle class, and help those working hard to join it? What will build an economy that works for everyone? What will help to make the world a safer, more peaceful place? To allay people’s anxiety, we need to create economic growth that is broadly shared, because a fair and successful world is a peaceful world. We need to focus on what brings us together, not what divides us. For Canada, that means re-engaging in global affairs through institutions like the United Nations. It doesn’t serve our interests—or the world’s—to pretend we’re not deeply affected by what happens beyond our borders. Earlier this year, we helped negotiate the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. As part of our commitment to implementing that agreement, we announced that Canada would invest $2.65 billion over five years to fund clean, low-carbon growth in developing countries. In order to help promote peace and security in areas affected by instability, we reaffirmed our support for NATO and committed ourselves to expanding Canada’s role in United Nations peacekeeping operations. And we hosted the Fifth Global Fund Replenishment Conference, where we increased our contribution by 20% by giving more than $800 million to the Global Fund. And we also encouraged our partners to increase their contributions, making it possible to raise $13 billion in support of ending AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria by 2030. We’ve done all this—and will do much more—because we believe we should confront anxiety with a clear plan to deal with its root causes. And we believe we should bring people together around shared purposes like the UN Sustainable Development Goals.