CHAPTER FOUR

Pointers to New Social Order

Introduction

This chapter tries to look into the changes that had occurred in the social structure of Malabar during the eighteenth century. An attempt is made to understand the social structure of the period and to see how the changes that were mentioned in the previous two chapters led to the changes in the social structure. Every society has its own social hierarchy that is moulded according to the economic base. In the previous chapters we have seen how new social groups had come into land and also the subsequent changes in the political structure. In this chapter, an attempt is made to see if these changes led to corresponding change in the social hierarchy of Malabar.

1. Tracing the Social Formations of Malabar: Historical Antecedents

1.1. The Society of Cera Period

With the coming of Brahmins into Karaka one can see the reorganization of the social structure into the mould of the varnasramadharma. At the apex of the society were the Brahmins, followed by antarala jatis, the Sudras, the Ezhavas and the host of untouchable castes who stood outside the pale of the caste system. There were a handful of the Kshatriya castes in . Most of them followed the matrilineal system and the women had sambandham relationship with the Brahmins. Similarly, the Vaysya caste too was not present and the functions of the caste were done by the Christians, the and also the Jews.

As in other regions of Kerala, the Malabar society was also the temple oriented one in Cera period; the hoards of temple inscriptions, Tamil and Sanskrit literature are the testimonial to this fact. They acted as a force of socio-economic and cultural life of the Brahmana settlements during this period.748 Most of the inscriptions of the Ceras of Mahodayapuram (A.D. c. 800-1124), which were associated with the brahmana settlements, recorded the transactions that were related to the organization and administration of the settlements. They explained the functioning of various councils

748 M.G.S. Narayanan, Op.cit., p. 345.

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such as ur or sabhai (managing council), parisad (executive committee of managing council); kaccam (rules), devasvam (properties of the deity). Elamkulam Kunjan Pillai and T.V. Mahalingam has expressed their views on the character of these councils as democratic popular assemblies; in response to it, M.G.S. Narayanan has mentioned that, these councils were neither popular nor democratic, but at best, oligarchic caste corporations with a feudal character.749

As the repository of valuable assets and land holdings, the temples had a greater control over the society. The pooling of wealth in the temples and its redistribution among the functionaries of temple led to the formation new groups among the brahmana which constituted the agamic specialist as well as the Vedic priests. However the rich agamic specialists gradually emerged as separate groups called tantrikal who enjoyed high socio-ritual status.750 Potuval and Variyar are two other important functionaries of non-Brahmin category. Their functions became hereditary since the reward was in the form of service tenure, called as virutti. Kottikal or Marar, Cakkiyar, Nankaimar, were other groups associated with temples and were the professionals like drummer, male dancer and dancing girls respectively. These castes are generally called as antarala- jati, the caste between the Brahmins and other non-Brahmins.751

The karalar who formed another important group in the temple oriented agrarian society. it was from these castes that the samanta chieftains emerged. The artisan and craft groups were also formed a part of the temple society and at the base of the temple society was the servile group called as Atiyanmar.752 Whenever Brahmin house hold economy needed permanent functionaries, it led to the formation of the hereditary occupation groups and they gave rise to the occupation -labeled group, who in course of time turned into endogamous castes.753

749 M.G.S. Narayanan, Op. cit., p. 158. Cited in Kesavan Veluthat, Brahman Settlements in Kerala Historical Studies, Cosmo Books, , 1978, reprint 2013, p. 29. 750 Rajan Gurukkal, Social Formations of Early South , Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2010, p. 312. 751 Ibid., pp. 312-313. 752 Ibid., pp. 312-314. 753Ibid., pp. 312-315.

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1.2. The Society of post- Cera Period

The temples played an important role in the society and so, it was a temple centered one. The brahminical order was prevalent in the society during this period. They possessed large acres of land and the income from it was utilized for temple purposes. Apart from this, the rent from certain lands and fine from defaulters, which were payable in the form of gold, royal dues made over to the temple etc., were the other source of revenue for the temples.

The post Cera period had witnessed two important developments, which were related to the settlement of the society. One was the affiliation of various subsidiary settlements to the traditional brahmana settlements and the second was the emergence and the growth of few other new settlements. The Nalu Tali – the four leading settlements of Irinjalkuda, Paravur, Muzhikkulam and Airanikkulam754 had lost their prominence and in their place, two other settlements namely; Sukapuram and Panniyur came into existence. The Copper Plate of Viraraghava Chakravartin dated in 1225 A.D. acknowledges the importance of Sukapuram and Panniyur settlements as the members of the royal court; at the same time, there is only a nominal reference on the four talis, which constituted the kings council at the time of the Ceras.755

The feud between the two blocks namely; Sukapuram and Panniyur fraction under Aluvanceri Tamprakkal and Kaippanceri respectively paved the way for the formation of the Brahmana in Kerala into two blocks. The medieval Manipravalam champu, Unniccirutevicaritam, Kokasandesa, and the Sandesakavya of the same period refer to this feud.756 There existed a system of giving land grants to the brahmanas and; such lands were called brahmasvam. Strict rules were framed for the proper functioning of the system. As per the rules, the brahmasvam were not to be sold, mortgaged, donated or transacted and punishments were setup for the persons

754 Nalu Tali was the king’s council consisting of the managers of four temples was the seats of the four brahamin settlements around the capital city of the cheras of Mahodayapuram. See M.G.S. Narayanan , Perumals of Kerala Brahmin Oligarchy and Ritual Monarchy, Cosmo Books, Thrissur, 2014, pp. 161-163. 755 Kesavan Veluthat, Brahman Settlements in Kerala Historical Studies, Cosmo Books, Thrissur, 1978, reprint (2013), p.91. 756 Chathnath Achuthan Unny and M.R. Raghava Varier, Kokasandesam, verses 26, 27, Vallathol Vidyapeetham, Sukapuram, 2007. pp. 47-49.

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who violated the rules and regulations.757 As a result, certain changes had taken place in the internal organizations of the old settlements.

Another important feature of the new settlements that emerged during this period was that the temples were the centers of local chieftains. In course of time, these temples developed. In short, the post-Cera period witnessed the growth of some old brahmana settlements within a wide range of activities in socio-economic and political spheres of the society. They were patronized by the local chieftains and it ultimately led to the elevation of the power and prestige of the settlements compared to the earlier period. The temples acted as a medium of communication between the local chieftain and the common people of the locality through a well organized and systematic group of brahmanas. Thus, the period marked the domination of brahmana settlements in Kerala and which led Veluthat to call the emergence and development of brahmandom in Kerala during the post –Cera period.758

In medieval Kerala, sanketam was the land of Brahmin power within the nadus, owing its allegiance to the Rajas in the neighbouring area, at the same time managing their own affairs and enjoying political power within a limited scale. It had its own janam (members of governing council) along with a samudayam (secretary of the governing council) and it functioned by carrying on regular meeting of the council sabhayogam, which was shortened into the word yogam, in due course. 759

During the sixteenth century, in different regions of Kerala, the autonomous jurisdiction of the sanketam was more coordinate and respected by the society. In order to ensure the protection of the temple lands, the kaval system was introduced. The system of Changatam, where temples were protected by the militia recruited from landlords, became wide spread.760

757 T.A.S., Vol. IV, No.7, pp. 248-250. The document dated 1188 A.D. shed light on this fact. 758 Kesavan Veluthat, Op.cit., pp. 98-99. 759M.G.S.Narayanan (ed.),Vanjeri Grandhavari, Introduction, pp. xviii -xix. 760 P.J. Cherian (ed.), Perspectives on Kerala History, Kerala Gazetteer Department, , 1999, p.161. Sanketam was a protected area under temple. Kaval were normally by the major landlords of the area and they also managed the collection of dues. Changatam was a militia attached to a ruler or a chieftain.

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The sanketams were technically self governing units, but in practice, they were much subservient to the local chiefs like any feudal vassal. Even though, the ritual superiority of the namboothiris gave them an opportunity to get away with high pretentions and to play one local chief against another by misusing their pride and pettiness. So, they were partly autonomous at the same time dependent on the chiefs of the locality. Thus, the nature of sanketam was highly complex as that of any other institutions of the feudal age.761 The janam of Trikkandiyur Shiva temple in Vettatunadu, it constituted five nambutiri chiefs namely Edamana, Kongad, Vanjicceri, Mangalacceri and Kadiyakovil, with a secretary of the council namely nambutiri of Mundakkottukuricci. But, the yogam of the temple constituted not only the Brahmins, but also the kovil nimbi and two nairs, the padamulam officials of the temple and the Kommali Ceramangalam were the part and parcel of the temple yogam. Thus, the yogam of the temple consisted of both Brahmin and non-brahmin elements.762

The Malabar society in seventeenth century has been built on a hierarchical structure and each group was either directly or indirectly connected with the possession of or tenure of land. Agriculture was the main occupation in the society and so it was the principle source of income. The nambutiris and rulers formed the category of land owners.

There were other non-cultivating land owners who were administrators of a particular region entrusted to their charge. The administration in these territories was carried on through chain of professional services between the landlord and the vassals. His system culminated in the formation of the samantas of rulers and swarupams. 763

Another group in the social hierarchy was the ministers of ruler who managed the administrative and judicial functions of the kingdom in the absence of the king. Mangattu Achan is one of the examples to it. This position was a hereditary one. Below them formed the naduvazhis and desavazhis, who looked after the administration of nadu and deams respectively. These entire administrators were nairs.

761 K.P. Padmanabha Menon, , Vol. II, pp. 90-95.; P. K. S. Raja, Medieval Kerala, pp. 241-244. 762 M.G.S.Narayanan (ed.), Op. cit., Introduction, pp. xix-xx. 763 Johnsy Mathew, Economy and Society in Medieval Malabar, St. Mary’s Press and Book Depot, , 1996, pp. 60-61. Samantas were nairs but they were socially linked with the nambutiris as a result of the system of primogeniture.

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The Kartha, Nambiar, Kurupu, Unni, Unnithan, Matampi, and Tampi belonged to this group.764

As kalari system was an unavoidable part of this society, the people associated with such physical cum military training had enjoyed a reputed status in the society. The Panikkar and Kurupu were the groups attached to this fencing school. Another section of the society was engaged in keeping records and registering main events in the society, especially those of attached to the kings and courts. These classes hold the title Menon. The nature of their professor, they were closely attached with kings and so resided in and around the palace and commanded high esteem in the society.765

The Tiyyas, formed the upper layer of the class of labourers, who the Portuguese records describe as the ‘growers of coconut’.766 They engaged in toddy–tapping and also worked as hired labourers of nairs. But, the Chekava who belonged to the same caste who followed military profession and so held high respect in the society.767

Below them, the artisanal groups, fisher folks and other low castes were formed in different layers in descending order in the caste hierarchy of the society. The artisanal and craft groups concentrated around the temple premises and provided implements and tools for the people who engaged in different occupations in the society. The Kammalars like carpenter, gold smith, blacksmith, potters etc. belonged to this category.

The low castes collectively called as ‘Aladiyar’ such as pulayas, cherumars, vettuvas, parayas etc. were subjected to all kinds of exploitations.768 Though, they were unavoidable part of the then society, they were at the bottom of social hierarchy of Malabar during the seventeenth century.

764 Ibid., pp. 61-62. 765 Ibid., p. 64. 766 Duarte Barbosa, The Book of Duarte Barbosa: An Account of the Countries bordering on the Indian Ocean and their inhabitants, Manual Longworth Dames (trans. and ed.), Vol. II, London, 1921, p. 60. 767 Francis Day, The Land of The Perumals or Cochin its Past and its Present, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1990, p.322. 768 S. Sivasankaran Nair, Pracheena Keralathinte Charithram, D.C. Books, Kottayam. 2006, reprint (2014), pp. 338-343.

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Communities outside the traditional caste hierarchy was also formed an essential part of Malabar society. Like the Muslim counter parts, the Christians had also undergone a process of acculturation and had been incorporated within the traditional social hierarchy in course of time. Most of them were engaged in trade and commerce. Nazrani teruvu at , which was known as a center of trade is one of the important centers of Christian in Malabar.769

Other groups who engaged in trade activities in Malabar region were pattars from , chettis from Coromandel Coast, vanias from and konkanis from Carana. The Pattar who engaged in overland trade carried the burden themselves or made their own men to do it. They relied heavily on animal power that in horde oxen and thus, cotton was carried from Coimbatore and Madurai to Quilon to to be distributed to the weavers. The rulers of Malabar granted certain privileges to them including exemptions from half of the duty for the loads they carried on their heads etc.770

The chettis were engaged in the trade of textiles, precious metals and jewels; whereas, vanias were involved in trade and related activities of port towns of Malabar. Thus, the chettis were busy with inland trade and vanias were active in overseas trade of Malabar during this period.771 Local Muslim as well as paradeshi Muslims merchants from Mecca, Egypt, Persia was also busy in the port towns of Malabar. Vadakkan Pattukal mentioned them as Jonakas and also mentions the street called jonaka teruvu.772

The tarakans, formed yet another group in the social structure of Malabar; were worked as brokers in between buyers and seller and enjoyed prominence in the society. They were highly specialized commercial group, who acted as an intermediary among the producers, as well as whole sale and retail consumers. Whenever the merchant ship reached at any port, the officers of the king hold the cargo under safe custody. It was the duty of the brokers was to provide an agreement regarding the price to the traders.773

769 Johnsy Mathew, Op. cit., pp. 64-65. 770Ibid.., pp. 187-188. 771 Barbosa, Op. cit., pp. 71, 73, 77. 772 Ibid., p.75. 773 Barbosa, Op. cit., p. 189.

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The document which belonged to seventeenth century explains that the power and position of sanketam was much higher than the Raja of the region. For instance, the Raja of Vettatunadu was compelled to do prayaschittam (atonement) as per the advice of the sanketam of Trikkandiyur temple in 1602A.D. The Raja had to offer two fields in this head and this act indicated the power enjoyed by the sanketam of temple in during the period of seventeenth century.774 Apart from this, the members of the yogam were also liable to such kind of punishment. The case of atonement offered by Mangalaccerri in 1635 A.D. stands as an example.775 This indicates the fact that, the power and the influence of the yogam as well as the koyima of the locality (Vettatunadu Raja) was superseded by the sanketam in the initial and first half of the seventeenth century.

Further to this, a new way of challenge was also faced by the Raja and the yogam during the period. In 1635A.D, the had polluted the water tank of the temple; the janam and samudayam met and discussed the matter and asked him not to touch the tank, but marakkar didn’t heed to those threats and took the stand to repeat his action in future also. Thus, the padamulam people were sent to the palace of Vettam Raja, but the karyakkar of the Raja had sent them back without any response to this matter. Afterward, the janam and samudayam started pattini with an intention to the punishment of the accused Muslim.776

Being a Muslim person, the marakkar had sent two Tamil Brahmins to the mandapam of the temple to address the samudayam and janam and shouted vulgar words against them.777 This act indicates that marakkar was powerful enough to silence the men of the Raja by mean of bribe or threat and it exposes the failure of the temple authority to turn the attention of the Raja towards their last weapon, the pattini, to force the unwilling secular power to submission. Moreover, the hiring of two Tamil Brahmin to attain the ends, showes marakkar’s economic affluence in the society during this period. Thus, it is evident that, a rich Muslim trader could have dared to challenge the yogam in a crude and open manner. Hence, it was a new challenge from the part of rich traders of the Muslims in Malabar during the period of seventeenth century. This indicates the emergence of Muslim as new groups in the existing society;

774 M.G.S.Narayanan (ed.), Op. cit., Doc.No.41 A, p.22. 775Ibid., Doc.No.83 A,pp.44-45.. 776 Ibid., Doc. No. 82 A, p.44. 777Ibid., Introduction, p. xxxi.

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their economic and social influence; and also, the formation of a new layer of group, who were influential enough to question the existing norm of the society, especially that of the temples.

2. Malabar Society in 18th Century: Elements in New Social Order The conventional society of Malabar undergoes remarkable changes in the socio-economic spheres during the period of the eighteenth century. This transition was a sluggish and steady process, the medieval elements of feudal institutions like caste hierarchy, traditional laws etc faced serious setback from the west. Here, we have looked into the changes that occurred in the social systems of Malabar in eighteenth century. As the temple was a dominant institution in the late medieval period of Malabar, it is necessary to discuss the transitions that occurred in relation to the temples of Malabar at first.

2.1. Malabar Society and Temples in 18th Century

During the period of the eighteenth century, a common trend can be observed among all the rulers as well as the chiefs of the localities, of their devotion or faith as a medium to hold their power in the respective regions. Though, such a trend had started in the initial period of the post- Cera era, it became more wide spread during the eighteenth century. Number of temples sprang up and this trend was a common feature of the society in this period. Power centers, both big or small, rendered patronage to these temples; and through this network of relationship both of them attained personal gains. This mutual give and take approach between the temples and the power centers is more evident in Malabar during the period of the eighteenth century. It is clearly mentioned in the writings of Canter Visscher that the estates of Samutiri are attached to the pagodas; from which they derived considerable rate of revenue and it increased by the offerings of the faithful.778

Therefore, V.V. Haridas in his work has quoted that the observations of Nicholas B. Dirks pertain to the context of Pudukkotai, that “the king is in a priory sense first devotee and first to be honoured in any state temple” is apt in the case of the Samutiri too.”779 For instance, the Samutiri had a number of temples in his kingdom,

778 K.P. Padmanabha Menon, Op. cit.,, Vol. IV, Letter No. XXIII, p. 3. 779 V.V .Haridas, Op. cit., p. 204.

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and were classified into temples patronized by Samutiri; temples constituted in the kingdom of patronized by the chieftains or magnates of the locality and the brahmanical temples, their affairs were influenced by the Samutiri, magnates and chieftains of the locality.

The Vishnu Temple of Thirunavaya, Kurumba Bhagavati Temple at are the examples of royal temples; apart from those temples, the temples of contemporary initiation like Tali Shiva temple at Calicut, Bhagavathi temple at Thiruvalayanatu, Bhagavathi temple at Varakkal, Bhagavathi temple at Trikkavu in , temple and Ayyappan temple at Chamravattam also belonged to the same category. Apart from this, so many temples were patronized by the local chieftains namely Triikkandiyur Shiva temple and Trippangot Siva temple; both of them were patronized by the Vettam Utaya Mutha Kovil. Besides, the brahminical temples like Varahamurthy temple at Panniyur and Dhakshinamurthy temple at Sukapuram also existed during this period.

The reference about the studies on the temples in South India is useful in this context to get clarity to address one of the research questions of the present study. The well know scholar Burton Stein, in his introduction to a collection of essays states that, the reason for the scholars of South India to study the temples in the region was that, it attracted the attention being the most enduring and grand monuments in South India.780 Furthermore, he compares the temples of the South India to the tombs of Muslim rulers in North India and Deccan; religious structures of Europeans, Africans and Asians in their architectural creativity. But, he and his associates seem to be gave more concentration on power structure and political ascendancy; aloof from the economic base of these structures.

As early as 1929, A.K. Nilakanta Sastri in his work mentions that historically, the temples were more important as a socio-economic entity than a religious institution.781 T.V. Mahalingam also gave emphasis on the economic functions of the

780Burton Stein, (ed.), South Indian Temple, Delhi, 1980, p. 1. quoted in M.G.S. Narayanan, Foundations of South India Society and Culture, Bharatiya Book Corporation, Delhi, 1994. p. 310. 781A.K. Nilakanta Sastri, The Pandyan Kingdom, London,1929, p.231.The temples had various functions such as agricultural production, rehabilitation of decayed villages, purchaser of articles for worship, promoter of rural industries around the temple etc. quoted in M.G.S. Narayanan, Op.cit.,1994. p. 311.

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temples in his studies.782 According to W. Spencer, the existence of temples does not necessarily presuppose the development of a centralized bureaucratic state and it may actually function in some societies as a “system- maintaining mechanism of a weekly organized polity.”783 Later, Burton Stein goes further and he recognized the temples as parallel source of power in a segmentary society with a network of temples, guilds and village assemblies.

Though, afore said scholars have looked upon the temples as a religious institution with several socio-economic functions, M.G.S. Narayanan argues that, the temple was primarily a socio-economic institution with religious form and message at the core. He tries to look upon the temple within the frame of historical materialism with its emphasis on the primacy of economic factors. The temple was a powerful instrument in the hands of the brahmanas land lord class, who occupied an intermediary place in between the rulers and the commoners. Besides, it served as an agency for easier and more effective extraction of the surplus from the agrarian economy.

2.1. 1. The Growth of Non-Brahmin Temples

When we come to the eighteenth century, we can see that, the non- Brahmin temples, especially the kavus, acted as an agency for consolidation of the dominance of non-Brahmin landlords. They were powerful instruments in the hands of the non-Brahmin land lords, who occupied an intermediary place in between the rulers and the commoners. The working of these kavus has to be seen in the material milieu of an increasingly monetized economy. Many of these non- Brahmin temples also had some connection with trade routes or trading community. They started collecting new dues from the surrounding populous irrespective of the religion. These new dues as seen in the previous chapter can be seen as extending their authority over the region. Like the Brahminical temples, they too integrated the population of the locality. So, important was the collection of these new players to these kavus as can be seen in the work of Margaret Frenz where she says Pazhasi Raja even while he was fugitive came

782T.V. Mahalingam, South India Polity, Madras, 1955, pp.389-390.quoted in M.G.S. Narayanan, Ibid., pp. 311- 312. 783 W. Spencer, ‘Religious Networks and Royal Influence in Eleventh Century South India’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, XII, i, January, 1969, pp. 42-56. cited in M.G.S. Narayanan, Ibid., . p. 312.

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to worship at his temples during the festival. In a way it linked the people of the locality through its various taxes, dues and rights. Even though a monetized economy was taking shape the relations at times reflected that of the feudal age.

This integrating role of the temples paved the way for the non-Brahmin inspired and supported power centers in some regions of Malabar during the period of the eighteenth century. It ultimately led to the formation of certain changes in the brahmanical varnasrama ideology by adding new elements with some rights, which were hither to deny to them, as new layers of the social structure of Malabar in the eighteenth century. These kavus extracted the revenue surplus of the society through various channels; it created the accumulation of revenue surplus of the society in these institutions; it prompted them to redistribute these incomes among the various sections of the society and it paved the way for their emergence as landed magnates and subsequently the biggest landlords in their respective region. Apart from the role as a medium of the extraction of the surplus of production, these kavus acted as the base for many power centers, and on which the super structure was erected during the eighteenth century.

Koodali TazhathuVeedu is one of the best examples of foresaid transition. As per available data, we can find that there were existed various channels of extraction pertaining to the income of Koodali Veedu such as the collection of Koodali kavil melayma, kavil ravam, kalpana panam, desam melayma, melayma palisa, palisapanam etc. The redistribution of the revenue accumulated by the kavu, by the TazhathuVeedu, the uralar of kavu had engaged in the money lending process that also increased their wealth and holdings in land. By these processes of money lending, janman and kanam transactions, the Veedu, the uralar of Koodali kavu had obtained large areas of lands in different categories on various tenures in many parts of during the period of the eighteenth century. Apart from this, the available data indicated that melayma was a right that emerged in relation to the Koodali kavu, and as the uralar of the kavu, the Koodali family enjoyed this right as the apex authority in the region. A right with such characters was hither to enjoyed by the uralars of Brahmin temple. Thus, we can see the melayma was a new right that emerged in association with or obtained by a non-Brahmin uralar of kavu in Malabar during the period of the eighteenth century. Thus, Malabar had witnessed the emergence of new

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rights associated with the kavus, the non- Brahmin temples during the eighteenth century. For more detail see the flow chart in Appendix V, showing the various channels of revenue extraction and redistribution of Koodali Veedu, one of the important non-bramhin centres of power emerged in Malabar in eighteenth century.

The document exposes the details of people who were liable to remit melayma to the Koodali Tazhatu Veedu and along with it; most of the remitters were obliged to give a fixed quantity of oil to the kavu. Majority of the remitters were Muslims in Thattankandi, Puthiyangadi and Pooovathur region of North Malabar.784 It signifies the fact that, besides the different layers of the caste hierarchy of the traditional society, the uralar of Koodali kavu had under its jurisdiction the other religious groups like the Muslim of the society during the eighteenth century. It had widened the scope of the remitters to the kavu, by incorporating different layers of the society without any labeling on the basis of religion. Thus, it was another right obtained by the kavu in eighteenth century.

2.1. 2. Changes in the spheres of Temple Land Transactions

Moving on to the South Malabar, we observe that, certain changes have occurred in the role of sanketams in the eighteenth century. One could observe that, a document belonging to the eighteenth century opens up an interesting fact about the history of temples or temple authorities in Malabar, during that period. An ubhaya pattolakarunam dated 1773 A.D. states that Morthilacherry Thamothiran, the head of Vanjeri illam, the uralar of Cheru Trikkovil temple had received 16 acchupanam from Kolacheryppattu Kannan and in lieu of this, he gave the right of occupancy of the paddy fields situated on the southern side of the temple in Muthoor desam.785

This infers that, as an uralar of the temple, the head of Vanjeri Illam has transacted the devaswam property of the temple to another person on pattam basis. This indicates that the rules and regulations which were framed pertain to the brahmaswam properties of the temple in the post- Cera period and they come under the transition during the period of the eighteenth century. It was a remarkable transition. Furthermore, it indicates that the encroachment of the Brahmin families as

784 M.G.S.Narayanan (ed.), Op. cit., Doc. 34 E, Ola 53-54, Puram 1-2-1-2. pp. 132-133. 785 Ibid., Doc. No.116 A, p.56.

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the uralars of the temple to alter the devaswam properties to their own transactions. In such a way, the eighteenth century witnessed remarkable changes in the matters relating to the temples lands in Malabar.

2.1. 3. Changes in Role versus Encroachment on Temple Rights

Apart from this, we get to know about another fact related to the role of temples in Malabar during the period of the eighteenth century. There are references to the agreement between the temples of , Kunhitalli, Peralcheri, Tiruvengad and Mulappilankad with the Achanmar for part payment of the Achanmar’s debt to the East India Company in 1749 A.D. As per this agreement, these temples belonged to the region of the Achanmar of Randatara and they were obliged to give a portion of the temple revenue to the Company towards the debt of the Achanmar to the British. If they failed to do so, the properties of the temples were confiscated.786 Following this agreement, the E. E. I. C. made further agreement with the concerned officials of the temples separately. Then, the temples were obligated to their overlord and also, were liable to the British in these transactions. These agreements highlight some facts related to the temples in the eighteenth century. Firstly, they acted as a medium of revenue recovery of their overlord, which he had committed for his political, commercial or some other drives. Secondly, it was an attempt of the colonial power to intervene directly in the affair of the temples of Malabar, especially of their financial aspects if it meant revenue due to them could be derived from it. And so, it was a breakdown of the conventional social milieu of Malabar.

2.2. Invasions of 18th Century: A gist of Malabar Society

Since it was a period of transition, the Malabar society had underwent changes in various fields. During the first half of the century, the competition and rivalry among the commercial enterprises of Europe was very acute in Malabar, especially in the northern region. The feud between the Dutch, British and French Companies were a common feature of the century. The second half of the century was noted for the Mysorean intrusion into Malabar. The last decade of the century Malabar was came under the direct administration of the E. E. I. C. Along with it; Malabar faced the attack of the Bednur in the eighteenth century.

786 William Logan, (1998), No. LVI, l, p. 51, ; LVII. I, pp. 51-52. ; LVIII. I, LIX. I, LX. I, p. 52; LXI. I. p. 53.

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2.2.1. Canarese Invasion

As we discussed in the previous chapter, the Canarese invasion took place in the early decades of the eighteenth century.787 Their invasions open up the influence of traders of North Malabar in eighteenth century. When the combined force of the Prince Regent and the Canarese crossed the river Baliapatam and entered into the borders of with the intention to suppressing the in January 1733 A. D. but, the Mappilas succeeded in bring the Canarese to their side and made an attempt to conclude a treaty with the Canarese excluding the Prince Regent.788 Though, their attempt was not materialised, it signified the role played by this group of traders in the power relations of North Malabar during the period of the eighteenth century.

2.2.2. Mysorean Intervention

The impact of the Mysorean intervention on the coastal Malabar was profound. The local merchants of the region were frightened and they fled to other parts of the country and their desertion had created its impact on the ports. So, the merchants of North Malabar, especially at , were unwilling to enter into contracts. The recipient of the money advanced by the merchants had left the region due to the Mysorean conquest and the Company at Thalassery had to put in great effort to induce the merchants to enter into fresh contracts. But, the fine for default had to be drastically reduced. 789

Available data explain the fact that, Haider was fully aware of benefits of prosperous trade and hence, he had adopted a policy to foster trade based on sympathetic handling of the coastal merchants alone. But, it was a fact that, trade was impossible without the internal stability of the region. During this time, a nair rebellion took place and during the period of 1766-1768 A.D, a problem aroused in Malabar which was caused by a sharp fall in supply due to the political unrest.790

787 Factory Records, Tellichery, Letters sent, Sl. No.1574, dated 19th July 1733, cited in K. K. N. Kurup, The Ali Raja of Cannanore, p. 18. 788 The Diary 5 January 1733, T. C., Vol. VI, p. 31. 789 Bombay Public Proceedings.1766, range 341, vol. 29, pp. 236-239. Cited in Ashin Das Gupta, Malabar in Asian Trade 1740-1800, Cambridge University Press, 1967, p. 111. 790Ashin Das Gupta, Op. cit., p. 112.

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The army returned to Malabar in 1773A.D. after a sojourn in their home land with a different mission. They had left all the concerns for trade and looked at another ways to obtain quick profit. Adrian Moens mentions that, the Mysore officials had rendered at most attention to put into practice this mission in an impartial way; and for which, they inflicted the use of their passes on all vessels moving through the region. Number of bombaras was called back to Calicut for the above said purpose. He expressed the hope that, once Haider had obtained the deep knowledge over the administration, he would safe guard the trade; at any rate prevent the glaring abuses.

The Mysorean conquest of Malabar occurred in 1766 A.D.; after two years, they returned to their home station and again went to Malabar in 1773 A.D. During the period from 1773 A.D. to 1782 A.D. the North Malabar was under the ascendancy of Haider Ali. After the death of Haider, his son, Tipu became the ruler in 1782 A.D. and he regained all the lost territories from the British in 1784 A.D. as per the treaty of . Thus, the period from 1784 A.D. to 1790 A.D. was the rule of Tipu in Malabar in its real sense. 791

Moens states that, the land of Samutiri was severely plundered; its merchants were robbed and suppressed in such a manner that Tipu had an intention to drain and devastate the region completely.792 Naranna Prabhu, an envoy from the Malabar Council to Calicut in 1784 A.D. had mentioned that sandal trees and pepper wines were cut down by the people of the region as per the order of Tipu. The intention of Tipu was to prevent the European attempt to wage a war against the Mysoreans in order to put their hands on those afore mentioned commodities on trade. Canaple, the French Commandant at Mahe, has mentioned that, Tipu ordered his subjects to sell their produce only to his government officials on 10th September 1789 A.D. and Tipu entrusted the monopoly of the collection to three Mappilas merchants of Calicut; this was not an exclusive right of a government department as in the case of the policy implemented by Marthanda Varma in . The names and a short account of

791 Mark Wilks, Historical Sketches of the South India, Vol. I, 1869, pp. 288-294; 332-333; Vol. II. pp.1-3, 9, 27-32, 35, 120-146, 152-155. 792 Gallitte, Op. cit., p. 161.

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the personal trade of those merchants at Calicut in 1792A.D. were given by John Agnew, English Resident at the city.793

Sheikh Koonjee, one among the three merchants, wrote a letter to the Malabar Commission which was formed by Cornwallis. The letter was written in the year 1788-1789 A.D. As per the letter, Tipu had established two Circar factories in Malabar, one at Badakara and the other at Farrokhia. Apart from this, one subordinate factory was also established in each taluk and each one of them functioned as the collecting points of coconut, beetle nuts, pepper and sandal wood from their respective geographical limits. These collected commodities were then enrooted to the Circar Factories. The merchants could buy those commodities directly from the Circar factories and the amounts of the profits from those transactions were credited to the Circar.794 As per the order of Tipu, a number of Vessels were built in order to have a smooth transport of trade articles. Thus, for the first time in the history, the Samutiri’s land witnessed the disappearance of free trade.

The existing policies of the Mysorean in Calicut became dangerous as far as the wealthiest merchants of the region were concerned. Isaac Surgun, the principal Jewish merchant at Calicut was compelled to pay Rs.40000/- as fine to Tipu Sultan in 1788 A.D. and was placed under house arrest. The same fate was faced by the other merchants of Calicut at that time. Here, we can see the role played by Isaac Surgun as the well wisher of the Dutch; he advised the Dutch at Cochin that Tipu had an eye on Dutch Cochin; hence, he requested the Company to form an alliance with the Travancore to resists the Mysorean encroachment at Cochin.

793Tellicherry Factory Records, Index No. II, pp.121-122, mentioned in Ashin Das Gupta, Op. cit., p.182. 794Madras Record Office Serial 1875, Vouchers to the Malabar Commissioners Report’, p. 192; for further details about Tipu’s monopoly see Malabar Report II, p. 61; Buchanan, II, p. 515. cited in Ashin Das Gupta, Op. cit., p. 182. The Persian manuscript of Tipu’s commercial regulations and a collection of papers and ordinances show how in the 1790s Tipu was trying to develop commerce within his kingdom and to establish profitable lines of commerce with other parts of India and abroad. He copying the organization of the European East India Companies with only the difference that the capital raised for his ‘company’ was from state treasury. He tried to maintain considerable personal control over the affairs of his company and its commercial factories within and outside Mysore. He appointed a bunch of chief merchants who took in charge of the factories of the Sultan’s government and are required to take care of the business of the ships and factories and the army of the sultan’s government in the territories of the other countries. cited in Iftikhar A. Khan , ‘The Regulations of Tipu Sultan for His State Trading Enterprise’, Irfan Habib (ed.), Resistance and Modernisation Under Haider Ali and Tipu Sultan, Tulika, New Delhi, 1999, pp. 148-160.

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The famous Rodriguez family took the charge of Ezechiel Rabi’s or Rahabi transactions at Tellichery. The role played by the three generations of Rodriguez family in the trade and politics of North Malabar was very striking. Pedro Rodriguez was an interpreter or linguist attached to the British settlement of Tellichery during the eighteenth century.

The Minutes of Consultation dated 13th October 1741, explains that, the Company had borrowed Rs.12000/- at the interest rate of 10 % for twelve months of thirty days from Rodriguez, the linguist at Tellichery.795 This transaction indicates the involvement of the Rodriguez family as a financier to the E. E. I. C. in the eighteenth century.

During the period of the internal feuds of Kolatunadu, the government of Prince Kunhi Homa was going through a civil war. In this periled situation, the young princes Ockoo and Omar had joined hands together to move against Kunhi Homa; the Ali Raja also came forward to support the young princes. At this juncture, Kunhi Homa wrote a letter to the Bombay Council; which reveals the strained relationship of the British with the Prince and the role played by Domingo Rodriguez to create hostility between them. He explained that “I should be very glad that the Company’s trade and respect in my country would increase; on the other hand my subjects and their estates be solely under my control but he [the English Linguist] will not permit it to be so...”796 Here, we can find the role played by Domingo Rodriguez from more than a linguist to an intriguer in political policies of the Company in Kolatunadu during the eighteenth century.

By the deed of sale in 1756 A.D., the Raja of Chirakkal gave Kallayi in favour of Domingo Rodriguez and ceded all rights he possessed therein, including all its fortified places, allowance to erect another one, prerogatives of justice and revenue that came out from its administration, collection of tolls and customs. The deed further states that, neither the British nor any other Europeans shall have any right upon this territory.797 This indicates the fact that, the Raja of Chirakkal had handed over Kallayi

795 The Minutes of Consultation dated 13th October 1741, cited in T. C., 1741 Vol. XIII, pp. 32-33. 796 K.K.N. Kurup, (1985), p. 108. 797 J. C. R. M., para. 19.

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in Chirakkal Taluk with all rights on the territory to the British linguist of Tellichery in the second half of the sixth decade of the eighteenth century.

The clauses in the deed signify that, the transaction was done in favour of an individual, and not a group of people or a family. Thus, it clearly indicates that, the transaction was carried out in the name of an individual in Malabar during the eighteenth century. It also exposes the gradual transformation of a European, basically a linguist, to the position of a land holder, though the tenure behind its holding is a second thing as far as the fact that is mentioned first in relation to the deed. It adds new elements in the existing society of Malabar during the eighteenth century. Though, all the above mentioned rights enjoyed by Rodriguez in Kallayi was replaced by Tipu in 1766 A.D., the linguist enjoyed them as such for eight years until it was handed over to the Ali Raja of Arakkal by the Mysoreans.

During the year 1776 A.D., the expenditure of the Company at Tellichery was high, compared to the revenue returns or from trade. As a result the Company had decided to withdraw their troops, and convert the factory into a residency.798 Consequent to the steps adopted by the Company, the majority inhabitants belonging to different castes in the region were forced to submit a petition before the Company Chief at Tellichery. Their aim was to explain the deplorable conditions of the people as a result of the withdrawal of the security by the Company in the locality. The inhabitants also agreed to contribute sufficient revenue to maintain the force for their protection, by way of tax and, also demanded to keep a Chief, as before, to defend and protect them from external aggressions.799 Evaluating the whole situation, the Chief and the factors informed the Superior authority that, the settlement should be kept on a better status than a residency and the native people’s willingness to contribute to the expenses of the settlement by paying proposed tax. Due to the difference of opinion regarding this policy of the Company Chief, Domingo Rodriguez, not a mere linguist of the Company at Tellichery, but a person with huge assets and properties in the region, left his service in the factory and joined the service of the Prince of Chirakkal.800 This led to the renouncement of the British Settlement at Tellichery by

798 The Diary 10th January 1776, DC, MMS serial 1487, p. 6. mentioned in K.K.N. Kurup (1985), p. 154. 799 Ibid., p.9. mentioned in K.K.N. Kurup,Ibid.,., p. 154. 800Ibid., p.7.

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Domingo Rodriguez with strong disaffection and had sought the protection of the Raja of Chirakkal in the initial month of the year 1776 A.D.

The Prince of Chirakkal intended to regain his lost domain of his royal family. The Mysorean ruler restored it to the Prince on the ground that, the payment of annual tribute and a sum of money for which, Domingo Rodriguez played the role as the Raja’s security to Haider. Hence, the security offered by the linguist formed on the bases for the restoration of own territory to the Raja of Chirakkal by Haider Ali during this period. As a result, Haider also conferred on him the office of the manager of Kolatiri.801

Like wise, the Mysorean intervention produced certaine impact on the Mappilas of Kasaragode. We can get references about the Mappilas of Kasarkod region during the period of the eighteenth century. The region was under the control of the Kumbala dynasty and after the disintegration of the Kolatiri, they accepted the suzerainty of the Vijayanagara dynasty.

It was in the year 1763 A.D., the region came under the control of Haider Ali and, he supported the Muslims of the region by recruiting them to the navy and also appointing them to higher posts in the eighteenth century. He invited the Konkani and the Gujarti merchants to Mangalore and it was due to his efforts that, the city of Mangalore developed into an important trading center during the eighteenth century.802 Tipu had constructed a fort at Povval and appointed Sardar Kunji Muhammad Shah as an officer in charge of the administration of the region. His family members were appointed to three places of Kasarkod namely; Mogral, Padoor and Keezhoor and later on, they became the prominent Muslim Jenmis of Kasarkod region.803

Thus, it signifies the fact that, the social structure of the northern most part of North Malabar underwent drastic changes during the period of the eighteenth century. The external under currents namely; the Mysorean intrusion, had played an important role in these transitions. It paved the way for the formation and growth of new strata in the social hierarchy of North Malabar during the period of the eighteenth century. The Muslims, who got job opportunities in the naval force of Mysorean

801 J. C. R. M., para. 25. 802 Islamika Vijnanakosam, Vol.VII, p. 660. Isal means stanza. 803Moin Malayamma Hudawi, Op. cit., pp. 128-129.

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Government, were the strong supporters of the Sultan’s administration in Malabar. It gradually enhanced the economic standard of this section and eventually in the formation of a new layer in the social hierarchy of the then society, which stood as loyal friends as well as allies of Mysorean Government in North Malabar during the period of the eighteenth century.

Apart from the native elements, a number of external groups came to North Malabar during the eighteenth century. Along with the Mysorean intervention, different groups of paradesi Muslims such as; and Patans came to North Malabar as part of the Mysore military force and administration. The Hanafis came to Malabar and had settled in the , a place located in the border region of Kasarkod- with the consent of Sultan.804 Haider and Tipu gave thousands of rupees as stipend to the Hanafis in the region during the eighteenth century.805 The Patans came from Afganistan and were employed in the militia of Tipu. The documents made references that, Tipu had imported thousands of military men from Iran during the year 1755 A.D.806 Thus, the military policies and arrangements of the Mysorean rulers in Malabar had created far reaching impact on the social structure of Malabar during the period of the eighteenth century. The people who accompanied the Mysorean rulers as civil police or administrative officers became a part and parcel of the Malabar society during the period of the eighteenth century.

3. Emerging Caste Groups, Religious Groups and Institutions The Malabar society underwent certain changes during the period of the eighteenth century and is seen reflected through various groups of the society.

3.1. New Caste Groups The Kadunnomuta Vakayile Kanakku, the day to day accounts of Valluvanadu swarupam shed light on tarakars of south Malabar. The expiation done by the tarakars of Valluvanadu either in cash or in kind, constituted major share of it. We can get references of it from the seventeenth century onwards. A bunch of tarakar families existed in the region during that time namely; Kolangare, Unniyambat, Padipurakkal,

804Ibid., p.173. 805A. Wahab Doddamane, ‘Muslims in Dakshina ’, p.49. cited in Moin Malayamma Hudawi, Ibid., p. 171. 806Shiekh Ali, ‘Tip sultan- A Study in Diplomacy and Confrontation’, cited in Moin Malayamma Hudawi, Ibid., p. 171.

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Thiruvoth, Velutatt, Cherangare, Pandatum etc.807 The documents explain the feud between these tarakar families and some of them ended in direct attack of the members of the families. As per the norms of the region, the Valluvanadu Raja had imposed fines in the form of money; sometimes the lands of the culprits. Thus, through these ways, acres of land, dry lands as well as paddy fields were incorporated to the temple of Thirumandamkunnu. The migration of this group marked a turning point in the history of the Valluvanadu swarupam.808 They were the main initiators of the construction of the sanctum sanctorum of the temple and they obtained the consent of the Valluvanadu Raja in 1690 A.D.809 There are so many references about the word ‘uralarenmaar’ which denotes ettuveettil achanmar, 810 the eight prominent tarakar families of the region.811 Thus, the tarakar can be seen to have played an important role in the history of Valluvanadu. As a trading group, they were economically affluent as well as socially powerful section in the existing society which is clearly visible in the second half of the seventeenth Century and continued very profoundly in socio-economic and political spheres of Malabar in the eighteenth century.

Here, we can see that the tarakar, the trading group of Malabar, had played the role of a well wisher as well as the supporters of Valluvanadu, especially of the Angadippuram area, they were sponsors of the construction and renovation of the temple at Angadippuram. They acted as the backup of the socio-economic relations of Valluvanadu from the second half of the seventeenth century and had maintained it in the eighteenth century too. The major factor behind such a move of the community was that, Angadippuram was a meeting ground of so many vanic communities of different parts of Kerala; the place name itself indicates this fact. As a trading folk, it was essential for them to erect a temple there, where they were trading i.e. creating a space for themselves or engraving themselves into a space or a thanksgiving gesture for favours received and ultimately fostered their volume of trade. This may be a tactics behind such a move of the tarakar in the existing society. We don’t have any documents that have mention of the activities of the tarakar which caused the eclipse of any other old trading communities. But, at the same time, we cannot find any

807S. Rajendu, Arangode Swaroopam Grandhavari Thirumanamkunnu Grandhavari, pp. 29-31. The Kadunnomuta Vakayile Kanakku, the day to day accounts of Valluvanadu swarupam shed light on the revenue system of the swarupam. 808 Ibid., p. 60. 809 Ibid. 810 Ibid., p.82. 811 Ibid., p.116.

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references of the pattars, the Tamil Brahmins who are another group of traders and who sometimes confronted with the tarakars, within the documents belonging to the eighteenth century.

Similarly, Vaniyamkulam, one of the special hinterland markets of the early colonial period was under the Kavalappara Nair was noted for the presence of two trade related communities namely, the tarakar-moothaar group and the pulavar chettis. The former was an off shoot of the Sivaites of mutharaya; they obtained the title of tarakar from the Samutiri of Calicut and settled in Thiruvazhiyod-Sreekrishnapuram region of South Malabar and also in the regions stretching from Kodikkunnu to passes as well as in the Vadakkanchery.812 The latter category was called as nakarathar and they enjoyed the rights associated with it during the period of the Perumals of Mahodhayapuram. They concentrated Vaniyamkulam region. As the special hinterland market of the South Malabar, Vaniyamkulam -constituted one of the four nodal points of trade, Ponnani in the west, towards east Kavalappara, further east the Vaniyamkulam and Palakkad tura. They had linked to the outside Kerala through port cities as well as through inland trade route which connected the major market centers located outside of Kerala namely Mysore, Coimbatore and Madurai.813

The documents also explain the presence of Konkanis in the trade activities of Malabar during the period of the eighteenth century. Bhundaree Devesha was a leading merchant of Konkani group in Tellichery.

Another document states that, Bhundaree Devesha had acted as an intermediary between the cultivators and the Raja of Kottayam, and he was advised to collect pepper from the region as much as possible at 4 rupees per candy, which was less than the Company price. The Raja has advised him to make available the product at the market price and also has assured to compensate the price in cash, if it is not sufficient. This agreement reveals the trade tactics of the ruler and the local merchants of Malabar during the period of the eighteenth century.814

812 N.M. Namboothiri, Kerala Samskaram Akavum Puravum, Calicut University Central Co-operative Store, p. 540. 813 Ibid. 814 William Logan, (1998), Part. II. No. CXLVII, p. 279.

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Yet, another document explains the declaration of Kerala Varma Pazhasi Raja that he has admitted of having lost a part of his territory at Pazhasi to the E. E. I. C.; and has also acknowledged that the region has now been delivered into Madhee Bundary’s hands and promised that he will not again lay any claims on this matter before the Company. This signifies the fact that, the Konkani merchants of North Malabar were an important group in the society and so there is every possibility for this community to get hold on the properties situated in and around Pazhasi fort. Thus, they obtained a new place in the existing society, that is; the status of holders of land as well as property in Pazhasi region of North Malabar during the eighteenth century. 815

Apart from this, there are references about the role that was played by Bhundaree Devesha in collecting the installment of the revenue to the government from the local chieftains of the North Malabar during the period of the eighteenth century. Here, he took the role of an agent as well as a provider of security to the native chiefs of the locality like the Narangoli Nambiar of Eruvazhinadu.816 Besides, the data also explain the involvement of Bundary in the collection of the revenue to the E. E. I. C. during the period of 1797A.D.817 This signifies that, Bundary being more than a trader in North Malabar, played multiple roles in the society in the eighteenth century.

Apart from this, we can observe that Peruvanians, the community mainly engaged in oil making and trade had played various roles such as kanam holder, money lender, janmam holder818 and also the witness of transaction between the upper strata of the society in the land transactions of Koodali region in Malabar during the eighteenth century.

Likewise, the eighteenth century witnessed the emergence of Pattars as a new group of kanam holders and the participators in the transactions on annu perum artam basis in the land conveyances of Malabar, especially in Kavalappara, Aralam, Palakkad regions. They had also played the role as the janmam holders of land in

815 Ibid., Part. II. No. CL, p. 281. 816Ibid., Part. II. No. CLIII, p. 282. 817The Diary of the Malabar Committee, dated 26th December 1797.Cited in William Logan, Ibid., Part. II. No. CLVII, pp. 285-286. 818 Kottayam Taluk Thiruvengadu Amsamvaka Parambu Paimashi Kanakku, pp. 8, 22.

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Thiruvengadu amsam of Kottayam Taluk.819 Thus, it marked the emergence of the pattar community from a trading folk to the holders of lands on various tenures in Malabar during the eighteenth century.

Moreover, we can found the Chettis had taking part in the land transactions of Malabar during this period. They intimated their presence as occupants of garden lands.820 They were also mentioned as one among the janmam holders of land in Thiruvengadu area of Kottayam in North Malabar.821 It signified the fact that the communities who engaged in trade activities took interests to participate directly in the garden crop cultivation, the most effective way to endorse their trade.

Apart from this, we can get references of the community of Panikkar as the proprietors of janmam lands822 in South Malabar and also they enjoyed the right of occupancy on the garden lands of North Malabar during this time.823 The documents illuminate their position as the proprietors of the janmam land in Eriprannellur and Thoyakkavu villages of Vengidangu in southern part of Malabar 824 and also in Kurumbranadu region.825 Their predominance as the janmis in the Thoyakkavu region was very striking.826

Yet another group who experience certain status shift in the society during this period was the Tiyyas or the Ezhavas. The document mentioned that the Tiyyas, the toddy tapping community had enjoyed the right of possession of many garden lands in the Azhikode village in Chirakkal827; and also enjoyed the position of janmam holders of land in Thiruvengadu village of Kottayam828 We can find the examples of such references in Kurumbranad region as well.829

819 Ibid., p. 12. 820 Chirakkal Taluk Azhikode Amsamvaka Janma Paimashi Kanakku, p.15, 45, 72. 821 Kottayam Taluk Thiruvengadu Amsamvaka, Op. cit., p. 38. 822 Taluk Edathiruthi Amsamvaka Parambu Paimashi, Doc. Nos. 87- 89, 112. 823 Chirakkal Taluk Azhikode Amsamvaka, Op. cit., p.21, 48, 49, 73. 824Chavakkad Taluk Vengidangu Amsamvaka Parambu Paimashi, Doc. No. 743. 825 Kurumbranad Taluk Thiruvengoor Amsamvaka Parambu Paimashi Kanakku, Doc. Nos. 21, 23, 30. 826 Ibid., Doc. Nos. 744-765. 827 Chirakkal Taluk Azhikode Amsamvaka,Op. cit., pp.15 -72. 828 Kottayam Taluk Thiruvengadu Amsamvaka, Op. cit., p. 22. 829 Kurumbranad Taluk Thiruvengoor Amsamvaka Op.cit., Doc.No. 37.

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Along with it, the Ezhavas also elevated to the rank of the proprietors of janmam land in South Malabar during this period. We can find lots of references about the ezhava janmam holder in Edathiruthi,830Edamuttam831 and Kizhimbram832 villages of Edathiruthi region in Chavakkad. They also formed perceptible group as the occupants of lands in Punnayur village of south Malabar.833

Apart from this, we can locate the references of the craft and service groups as occupants of various lands like Perumannan (washermen),834Asari (carpenter),835 Perumtattan(goldsmith),836 Kanakkappilla (accountant) 837 and (barber).838 In Edathiruthi village in South Malabar also, it was found that carpenter,839 gold smith,840 washer men,841 black smith842 etc. were the occupants of janmam lands of others during this period. The communities like Velan, Perumkollan etc. enjoyed the occupancy right over the janmam lands of Vettam Raja in Vettatunadu.843 Besides, the Chaliyan844 and Kanisan,845 the two castes which included in the above mentioned group, who located in Thiruvengoor village of Kurumbranadu, was incorporated within the category of the proprietors of janmam land during this period.

Moreover, the Mukkavans or Arayans, the fishermen folk made their presence as the occupants of janmam lands, especially the garden lands of the others in various parts of Edathiruti village in south Malabar.846 They realized that garden crop cultivation was the finest way to get additional money and hence they turned their attention towards the cultivation of garden crops in eighteenth century. Thus, the participation of fishing folk to the land conveyance as the occupants of land was a striking aspect of Malabar society during this period. It may indicate the growing

830 Chavakkad Taluk Edathiruthi Amsamvaka Op.cit., Doc. Nos. 94, 95, 96,126. 831 Ibid., Doc. Nos. 430-432, 434. 832 Ibid., Doc. Nos. 585, 589, 590, 596, 598-601. 833 Chavakkad Taluk Punnayur Amsamvaka Parambu Paimashi, Doc. No. 51, 148, 259, 506, 629, 1053, 1121. 834 Ibid., Doc. No. 1091. 835Ibid., Doc. No. 1123. 836 Ibid., Doc. No. 574. 837 Ibid., Doc. No. 816. 838 Ibid., Doc. No. 338. 839 Chavakkad Taluk Edathiruthi Amsamvaka Op.cit.,Doc. Nos. 494, 495. 840 Ibid., Doc. No. 496. 841 Ibid., Doc. Nos. 288, 971. 842 Ibid., Doc. No. 970. 843Vettatunad Raja Thirunilom Janmam, pp. 1- 4. 844 Kurumbranad Taluk Thiruvengoor Amsamvaka Op.cit., Doc. No. 32. 845 Ibid., Doc. No. 5. 846Chavakkad Taluk Edathiruthi Amsamvaka Op.cit., Doc. Nos. 972-975.;Chavakkad Taluk Vengidangu Amsamvaka Parambu Paimashi, Doc. Nos. 971-973, 975-1003. ; Chirakkal Taluk Azhikode Amsamvaka Op.cit., p.15.

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consistency of land as the most valuable as well as reliable source of revenue in Malabar society during this period. The presence of commoners like the Arayan provides factual support to this tendency.

Apart from these groups, the Malabar society witnessed the entry of the Aladiyars as the occupants of the lands in various places of Malabar during this period. Even if they were placed in the base stratum of the social hierarchy, they were mentioned as the occupants of the janmam lands of the Raja; the documents had mentioned the janmam properties of the Raja in the name of its occupants who constituted the lower strata of social structure, denote their changing role or involvement in the socio-economic relations of Malabar during the eighteenth century. Available data show the community like Padanna Vettuvas,847 in Thoyakkavu village and the Cherumans in Vaveri, Trippangod villages of Vettatunadu848 deserve special mention in this context.

So also, the communities such as Parayan849 and Vettuva 850 were mentioned as the occupants of deswam lands of Shiva Temple at Trippangod and Akiliyat Temple in Azhikode respectively. Besides, we can get the references of the Paravan, a group which constituted within the folder of ‘Aladiyar’ as the janmam holder of land in Thiruvengadu village of Kottayam.851

It may be an indicator to the distinct deviation of social relations of Malabar during this century. Available data show the community like Padanna Vettuva, Cheruman and Paravan were added to the layers of social hierarchy with new role as occupants of janmam land of other communities as well as the devaswam land, and also the proprietors of janmam land itself during this period. Such roles were unfamiliar to them hitherto.

847 Chavakkad Taluk Vengidangu Amsamvaka Op.cit., Doc. Nos. 1004-1009. ‘padanna vettuva’ is a group which belonged to the category of scheduled caste in present Kerala. 848 Vettatunad Taluk Hobli Kallur Veettilninnukittiya Thirattu Kanakku, p.36. 849 Ibid., p. 37. 850Chirakkal Taluk Azhikode Amsamvaka Op.cit., pp.10, 13. 851 Kottayam Taluk Thiruvengadu Amsamvaka Op.cit, p. 23.

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Along with it the eighteenth century Malabar witnessed the emergence of Nair community with new rights and enjoyed certain powers. The Kavalappara Muppil Nair, Kurungot Nair etc. were few examples to it.

The chieftain of Kavalappara, the Muppil Nair, head of Kavalappara family had retained his hold on twenty five temples of South Malabar; was the manager of all functions connected with those temples such as ulsavam, pooram, koothu, kalamezhuthu etc.852 Thus, the family represented the non- Brahmin trustees of the temples of South Malabar during the eighteenth century. The family enjoyed the power and status of the uralar of temple, which was hitherto inaccessible to them in the conventional society of Malabar.

Being an authority in the region that in lay between the British and French settlements, Kurngot Nair, played an important role not only in the political scenario of Malabar in eighteenth century. More than through ritual methods, he used the trade and related commercial transactions as the medium to ape the power of an independent authority of a locality. Here, he made an attempt to apply the conventional practices like ‘tulapattu’, as we discussed in previous chapters as a method to attain his ascendancy over the region. Thus, we find that Kurungot Nair was to become an independent power in Malabar during the period of the eighteenth century. In short, we can look at the rise of Kurungot Nair as emergence of a Nair chieftain to grow to be a power centre as like the kings of royal lineage of the earlier period. Apart from this, we can get references of other prominent persons belonged to this community; the Alliyil Nair, a prominent landlord of Malabar having more than three mountain on janmam holdings, Paleri Nair and etc. were some of them who enjoyed socio- economic and judicial power in their locality to a great extent.

The Nambiar of Malabar was yet another group, who marked a striking deviation from the conventional structure of Malabar society. During the eighteenth century, Malabar witnessed the emergence of Nambiar like the Nairs in North Malabar, especially in the Chirakkal and Kottayam regions.853 The Narangoli

852 K.K.N.Kurup(1984), Doc. No.46, pp. 51-53. 853 Joseph Scaria, Op. cit., 1974 FG, pp. 97.

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Nambiar854 and Kambratu Nambiar 855of Iruvazhinad, Thottatil Nambiar856 and Chuzhali Nambiar 857of Chirakkal etc. were some of them. They disobeyed the orders of the Raja of Chirakkal as well as the E. E. I. C. Along with it the emergence of Kodali TazhathuVeedu was the most striking one. Though family emerged in the earlier centuries, its development reached at the height in eighteenth century. During that period it acted as the custodian of socio-economic, judicial as well as power relations of Koodali region. The family obtained this ascendancy by acquiring melayma rights, a right enjoyed by the apex authority in a region. The family retained its influence in this region with a define mode of operation for revenue extraction and redistribution and elevated its position as one of nodal points of economic-social and power relations of North Malabar during the eighteenth century.

3.2. New Religious Groups 3.2. 1. Mappilas in 18th Century

The literary compositions of Arabi-, shed light on the life and culture of the Mappila community, which concentrated on various parts of Malabar such as Ponnani, Calicut, Ernad, Kannur and Kasaragode. They also, exposes a remarkable adaptability of the Mappilas to the political circumstances that existed in Malabar during the period of the eighteenth century. Francis Buchanan in his travalogue, has mentioned the prevalance of afore mentioned language in the region during the time of his visist to Malabar.858 The eighteenth and the ninteenth centuries witnessed the mushrooming and the expansion of tariquah (order), a varient of Bhakti tradition and manifested the peak of mala writing.859

854Ibid., Doc. No. 183 FG, pp. 93-94. ; 855 Ibid., Doc.No.1415 K,pp.672-673.; 1416 K,p.673. 856 Ibid., Doc.No.177 FG,pp.91-92.;364 GH,pp.161-162.; 372 GH,p.166.;387 GH,pp.172-173.; 857 Ibid., Doc.No.25 C & D, p.11.;113 C &D, pp. 58-59.; 548 H, p. 238.; 1146 J , p.529. 858Francis Buchannan, A Journey from Madras: Through the Countries of Mysore, Canara and Malabar, Asian Educational Society, New Delhi, 1999, p.??; The Arabi–Malayalam literary compositions, a crude mixture of and Malayalam, are the treasure house of informations to understand the linguistic and the cultural orientations of Mappilas of Malabar in the Eighteenth Century. Such compositions were in Malayalam, while, it shows the dependance on the Arabic for the scriptures. Cited in M.N. , ‘Arabic-Malayalam’, in Asghar Ali Engineer (ed.), Kerala Muslims: A Historical Perspective, New Delhi, Ajanta Publishers, 1995, pp. 168-169.; Krishna Chaithnya, A History of , Orient Longman, Hyderabad, 1971, p.195. 859Malas are eulogies which commemorate the stories of Muslim saints, Sufi sages, martyrs and heroes in the history of Mappila community.

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The Padappattu of Moinkutty Vaidyar explain the uprisings of the Mappila Muslim tenents of Malabar against the Hindu land lord namely; Para Nambi, during the third decade of the eighteenth century. Earlier period, the Mappila Muslims were the active supporters of Para Nambi, the local chieftain of Malappuram, in his struggle against the Kottakal Swarupam and made victory over them with the help of those Mappila Muslims.860 In return for this help rendered by the Mappilas, the Nambi gave permission to them to construct a mosque and a market in Malappuram during the eighteenth century. Meanwhile, the Nambi passed away and his successor did not have any interest to fulfill the promise made by his predecessor to the Mappilas of Malappuram.861

It indicates certain facts that are related to the society of Malabar in the eighteenth century, such as (1). the changes that occurred in the power hierarachy of Malabar society in the eighteenth century (2). the transition that went through the socio-political approaches of the locale of Malabar in the eighteenth century.

The isal 18th of Malappuram Padappattu explain the entry of Ali Marakkar as the revenue collector of Para Nambi. But, in cource of time, both of them had lost their confidence on each other and that paved the way for an open confrontation between their army; and causing much casualities on both the sides. Thus, the Malappuram rebellion signifies the transformation of the local chieftain of Malappuram as an authority and the emergence of the brokers, who support all the activities of the chieftain in the region and also, the formation and spread of a new hierarchical relations that were moulded by the colonial power structure in Malabar during the period of the eighteenth century. Apart from this, the incident signifies the fact that, the Mappila tenents of the region were vigourous enough to support and at the same time, oppose the existing local chieftain and thus the Mappila Muslims formed as a pressure group as well as prominent section in the society of North Malabar during that period. Thus, a larege number of Mappilas had transformed as tenants in lands during the eighteenth century. As a result of this, a large number of Mappilas had transformed as tenants in land in eighteenth century.

860Balakrishnan Vallikunnu, Malappuram Padappattu Paadavum Padanvum, Mahakavi Moinkutty Vaidyar Mappila Kala Academy, , 2016, isasl 12-13, pp. 90-98. The term isal means scheme of rhythms in mappilapattu (Mappila song). 861Ibid., isal 14, pp. 98-101.

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The period of eighteenth century witnessed the spread of Saint Worship in Malabar. Alavi, the greatest saint in Kerala, is well known for having attracted not only Muslims but the Hindu people of lower caste and helped a large number of conversions in the latter half of the eighteenth century and the first half of the nineteenth century.862

The structure of Muslim community in Malabar during the eighteenth century constituted different sections and among them, some concentrated in a particular region and others had spread throughout the region. Kathleen Gough has classified the Muslims in Malabar into two, the commoner and upper class; the middle classmen, owners of shops, fixed income earning employees and farmers constituted in the first and the Arakkal family, the Keyies, and the Koyas formed the second category in Malabar in the eighteenth century.

The local rulers of Malabar gave certain rights on trade and land to the second strata of the Muslim community during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. They also gave certain rights of jurisprudence to them, but not up to the rights enjoyed by the contemporary Nairs of the Malabar. However, the Arakkal family enjoyed all these rights and power during the period.

The Keyies, the prominent traders of Tellicherry, had possessed huge amount of money as well as land and it gave them a commendable place among the Muslims of the Malabar during this period. The family of the Keyies was split up into four namely; Chovakkaran Keloth, Puthiyapurayil, Orkkatteri and Valiyapurayil. They enjoyed high status and prestigious position as the Arakkal family had enjoyed in Kannur; and also acted as a well wisher and care taker of the Muslim culture in Malabar in the eighteenth century.

The word is derived from the Persian term ‘Khwaja’, which means, the respected person. They were the prominent traders of the region and it elevated them to an economically affluent position. This prompted the native rulers to provide whole hearted support to them as a medium to obtain the income from the trade of the time. They provided the Koyas, the guardianship for the smooth functioning of the trade and

862 Misaki Kawano, ‘Religious Pluralism :Saint Worship among Mappila Muslims of Kerala’, in Mohammed Abdul Sathat (ed.), Mappila –Keezhala Padanangal, Muhammed Abdul Kareem Center for Historical Studies, Kondotty, 2014, pp. 572-578.

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it subsequently paved the way for them to get prestigious position in the Malabar during the period of the eighteenth century. They held the full control of the trade activities of the port city of Calicut and had a high status in and around the port region, as in case of the Keyies and the Arakkal family enjoyed in their localities like Tellichery and Kannur respectively in that time.

The Shahabander Koya, had enjoyed all the rights including the judicial powers over the Muslims of Calicut. Apart from the right to impose tax on the foreign vessels at Calicut, he had the right to take the position to the right of the Samutiri in all official ceremonies during the period. It was a hereditary title, as equivalent to a local chieftain, who enjoyed it as the samanta of the Samutiri of Calicut. This signifies the socio-economic-judicial and political rights enjoyed by the Koya or the head of the Koya’s family at Calicut during the period of the eighteenth century. The Koya had obtained the right of whole sale trade at Calicut from the Samutiri of Calicut at that time. The Karuthedath family is one of the offshoots of the family of Koyas of Calicut.863

Another example of such category of traders in Calicut was Sheik Marakkar, who left Ponnani for Calicut and the Samutiri had provided essential facilities to him to start trade at Calicut and also, gave some land for his residential purpose at the southern part of Calicut City. The then Samutiri Manavikrama Raja was granted the ‘koyassan marakkarakam parambu’ to Sheik Marakkar of Calicut.864

The Mappilas of Kolatunad had played an important role in the economic as well as in power relations of Kolatunadu during the eighteenth century. The Arakkal family, the only Muslim ruling family of the Malabar, which propagated the Islam religion and shariat, were considered by the muslims of the Malabar region as the symbol of their political entity; confer on as well as called them as tangal, generally applied by the Mappilas, who claimed the descent from Prophet Muhammed. The Arakkal family, by the assuming the title tangal, became one of the prominent political powers and the supreme religious entity of the Muslims of Malabar during the period of the eighteenth century. Apart from this, as a trading folk, they provided all

863 A.N.P. Ummerkutty (Trans), L. R. S. Lakshmi, Malabar Muslimkal- Oru Vythyastha Kazhchappau, Poorna Publications, , 2013, p. 45. 864 Ibid.

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support to Ali Raja, the lord of sea of North Malabar in the eighteenth century. In order to safe guard the trading interest, they rendered all support to Ali Raja; provide tough resistance to external under currents, which came and made intrusion in the internal matters of North Malabar in April 1730 A.D.

Yet, another document explains the involvement of the Mappilas of Malabar in the profession as a renter of the ferries. The person namely Cooneyea Callanden (Kunyi Kalandan), who engaged as renter of the ferries in various places of North Malabar such as Codoly, Dharmapatam, and rivers, north of Thalassery, on 25th September 1798A.D. As per the agreement, he was responsible to the E. E. I. C. for a sum of 1110 rupees on the condition that, he shall be allowed the sole privilege of conducting the ferries of afore said three rivers from the day of signing of the 1 agreement to the end of Chingum 974 K.E. and was also liable to pay /3 of the total income on the 15th Danoo, the second installment on the 15th of Meddom, and the rest of the amount at the end of Chingum. He also responsible to keep junker at each of these ferries for said period. As the executants of the agreement, he gave two sureties, viz., Bainelelta Cutially and Malla Calanden for the due execution of his contract.865 The ferries across the three rivers adjoining the sea immediately to the north of Thalassery were important channel of goods transportation from the interiors of North Malabar to the sea port of Thalassery. Hence, they were the center of attraction to the wealthier persons to use their excess money to grab the proprietorship of the ferries in the auction. This contract was very lucrative one and the money that brought in was the stepping stone of social status.

As far as this document is concerned, both parties involved in the transaction were Mappilas. The person, who became successful in this endeavour were to get the right to control the movements of all items of the region, either articles of trade or animate things such as human being, animals etc. through these ferries, for a given period. Thus, it indicates the fact that, the Mappilas of Talassery were economically stable enough to involve in such a transaction and it signifies the economic affluence of the community in Malabar during the period of the eighteenth century.

865 The Diary of Second Malabar Commission, dated 3rd October 1798 referred in William Logan, Ibid., Part. II. No. CLXXXIII, p. 310.

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3.2. 2. Christians

Another important religious groups gained new vista of Malabar society was the Christians. Though Christians were the community mainly attached to trade and related aspects, it was in eighteenth century we can found their intervention in the society as a group with the right of occupancy on various categories of lands in Malabar. We can see such examples at Edathiruthi,866 Perumpadappu,867 Chendrappinni868 and Punnayur,869 villages in South Malabar. The century was also noted for acquiring the right of proprietorship by the community. of the janmam land in Edathiruthi,870 Edamuttam,871 and Kizhimbram872 areas of Edathiruthi village and Eriprannellur - Thoyakkavu regions of Vengidangu village873 in South Malabar in eighteenth century. Thus, it marked the participation of the Christian community in the land transactions of Malabar with new role and it led to their entry in the social hierarchy as a layer of people with new rights.

3.3. New Institutions

We can get references of the involvement of Christian church as a new institution in the society of Malabar in eighteenth century. As a nodal point of revenue collection and distribution it intervened in the land conveyances of Malabar in eighteenth century. Though it’s entry in this field with the practice of money lending in seventeenth century, it gained momentum in course of time and entered into other kinds of transactions like attiper and so on. Subsequently, the church obtained desabhoga i.e. the rights and privileges of a particular region, desavakasam, a kind of tax, kulikkanam i.e. tax for every pit dug up for planting etc. of this region.874 It open up the church an opportunity to obtained right, control, privilege over the revenue as well as the people of the region and elevated to the status of a nodal point of socio- economic and power relations of this region in eighteenth century.

866 Chavakkad Taluk Edathiruthi Amsamvaka Op. cit., Doc. No. 69, 70, 72, 153, 154. 867Ibid., Doc. 899-902. 868 Ibid., Doc. 1060-1069. 869Chavakkad Taluk Punnayur Amsamvaka Op. cit., Doc. Nos. 261, 1000, 1101. 870 Ibid., Doc. 67, 68, 75-77, 84. 871 Ibid., Doc. 424. 872 Ibid., Doc. 532-569. 873 Chavakkad Taluk Vengidangu Amsamvaka Op. cit., Doc. 575, 576, 579, 582-584, 593, 594. 874 T.A.S. Vol.VI, Part.I, p. 88.

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Along with it we can see the emergence of certain mosque in Malabar with some rights in eighteenth century. The application of inam land grants few mosques in Malabar gained control over the lands of Malabar in some region. Kondotty mosque was the best example to it.

4. Emergence of Early Colonial Officialdom in Malabar It was during this period the Malabar society witnessed the rise of a group of people with the feature of primitive form of colonial salariat.

4.1. Traditional landlords: Elevation to Higher Layers in the Social Hierarchy

The landlords in the conventional society of Malabar played new role in the changing socio-economic milieu of Malabar in eighteenth century. For instance, we can found that the Ravivarma Raja of Vittilam was took the role of a money lender to the Company in Malabar in eighteenth century.875Apart from this, Kunniyur Unnichinda Kurup of Tazhekkat Magana, an offshoot of Nileswaram principality was appointed as Amildar by the Tipu Sultan.876

Apart from this, we can get references from the native documents about various official names associated with the Company government in Malabar in the eighteenth century. The provarthikar, who looked after the administration of provarti, kolkar, darogha, dubhashi, etc. were some of them and such posts were filled with the upper strata of the society like the Tamil Brahmins. Along with them, a small number of Muslims also enjoyed this position in the society during this period. The end result of this appointment by the E. E. I. C. was the emergence a group of supporters of the E. E. I. C. rule in Malabar in the eighteenth century. They took the initiative to implement the Company’s policy very actively in the land without bothering the aspirations of the common people of the region. The support rendered by these groups of beneficiaries was the back bone of the E. E. I. C.’s initial years of administration in Malabar.

875 Joseph Scaria, Op. cit., Doc.No.1288, p. 603. 876 K.K.N.Kurup, Land Monopoly and Agrarian System in South Canara with special Reference to Kasargod Taluk, , 2000, p. 6.

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Yet, another transition, which had occurred in the social structure of the eighteenth century, was the introduction of a new group of people; and it was due to the colonial expansion of the French East India Company at Mahe. The Company had not implement the idea of territorial expansion in India in its initial period; but, after the decline of the Mughal Empire, the French decided to intervene in the political affairs of India to protect their interests and took interest to forging alliances with local rulers in South India. Apart from this, the formidable presence of other European competitors altered the approach of the French officials in India and they pursued an aggressive policy against both the native and the European elements in India. Accordingly, Francois Dupleix, the French Governor at Pondicherry had put forward the policy of imperialist mercantilism in India. The implementation of this plan had marked the replacement of the metropolitan policy of peaceful trade, the watch word of the French colonialism in India hitherto, by territorial expansion in the eighteenth century.

Like any other European competitors of mercantilism in India, afore said policy shifts of the French East India Company had also created its own imprints in the social life of Malabar. It had created the formation of new class of people in the Malabar society. The commercial rivalry accelerated the formation of a powerful military force, and the French military force in India completely relied on the native sepoys to meet this end. The sepoys were recruited from among the Mappila Muslim of North Malabar, especially of Mahe, which functioned as the main center of sepoy recruitment during the period of the eighteenth century. The sepoys were first employed at Mahe itself, during the war of the French East India Company against the Vazhunnor in 1740. Later, three companies of Mappila sepoys were sent to Pondicherry as per the request of Pierre Benoit Dumas (1734-1741), the then Governor General of the French in India in 1742 A.D.877 After three years, one thousand Mappila sepoys of Mahe were employed in the war to capture Madras from the British in 1745 A.D. During the time of the French expedition against the English at Fort St. David in Cuddalore in 1747 A.D, six hundred Mappila sepoy of Mahe were involved.878

877 J. F. Price and P. K. Rangachari (eds.) , The Private Diary of Ananda Rangan Pilaai, Vol. VII, New Delhi, 1985, p. 168. 878 Ibid., p. 169; Vol. III, p. 142.

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We can get reference that, besides the Mappilas, the recruitment of sepoys of the French East India Company was also done from among the Tiyya communities of the region and the first Company of this community of sepoys was formed in 1754 A.D. Available data shed light on the fact that, there were three companies of such Tiyya sepoys with soldiers of ninety nine in number employed in the militia of the French East India Company during the period of 1778 A.D.879 These sepoys of Mahe were the subordinate class of soldiers under the French officers with regular payment from the colonial government of French in India.

The available data indicates that, as the result of the French military campaigns in India, a class of native people of Mahe became the employees of the French government in India. Their entry into the militia of the French Company altered their life and social setup. Therefore, it naturally transformed them to the loyal group of the French in Malabar. This paved the way for the formation of a very loyal, obedient and active supporter of the Company government in India. Thus, the eighteenth century had witnessed the emergence of a new group from among the Mappilas and Tiyyas of Mahe region and the transition of them as loyal group of French colonial government in India and transfiguration of them to a separate class of bureaucracy. It subsequently led to the formation of a new layer within the social structure of Malabar during the eighteenth century.

The last decades of the eighteenth century witnessed the entry and the emergence of a new group of people in the society of Malabar. When the E. E. I. C. took the charge of the administration of Malabar, it had made negotiations with the Samutiri to settle a joint collection of revenue of the region. The Company had made proposals to set up a permanent institution of the Department of Canogoee, as the servants of the Company’s Government throughout the country at large. Thus, the institution of Canagoee was established as a part of the Government with certain duties entrusted upon them such as, to upkeep the accounts of the land and the revenue, to serve as local assistants, intelligent officers, and guides to the Supervisors and Superintendents in their discharge of the prime duties entrusted in them and also

879 C.H. Gangadharan, Mayyazhi, Mahe, 1987, p. 183. cited in K. S. Mathew (ed.), Maritime Malabar and The Europeans 1500-1962, IRISH and MAKAIAS, Thalassery and Kolkata, 2003, p. 432.

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to have a constant check on local chiefs and other upper class landlords in all matters of administration, especially in the revenue collection.880

The term Canagoee came from the Persian word ‘Qunungoi’, which means an administrative officer, formerly equal to Tahasildar.881 The Company took initiative to create the posts of the canagoee. Towards this end, an agreement was signed by the Samutiri on the 7th June 1793 A.D. and thus agreed that, for the collection of revenue jointly with the officers of the Samutiri, the post of the Canagoees was formed as permanent Registers on the part of Government.882 The native rulers of Malabar accepted this agreement subsequently.883 Krishnarayan,884Chelavurayan,885 Baburayan,886 Bhimarayan,887 Ramayyan,888 Venkitakuppayen889 Syammayyen,890 Syamarayan,891 Subhayyan,892 Narayanarayar,893 Chappa Menon,894 etc. were some of the Canagoees, who worked under the Company in the eighteenth century. Here, we can see the predominance of the Brahmin community in the administrative posts under the British; along with one Menon.

Similar was the case of the post of darogha. The term Darogha means superintendent, formerly a police overseer895; and also the magistrate.896 The documents which belong to the Eighteenth century explain that, a number of indigenous people worked as darogha in Malabar during this period. Kunjayan Mooppan,897 Chandrayyen,898 Manayattu Veerankutty,899 Vannyappayyen,900

880 J. C. R. M., para. 109 881 William Logan, (1998), p. 419. 882 The Malabar Joint Commissioner’s Diary of 2nd July 1793 cited in William Logan, Ibid., Part. II. No. XLIV, pp. 190-192. 883 Ibid., Part. II. No. XLVI, pp. 193-194. 884 Joseph Scaria, Op. cit., Doc. No. 185 F & G, p. 94. Krishnarayan was the kanagoe of Kottayam. 885 Ibid.,Doc. No. 173 F & G, p. 90. Chelavurayan was the kanagoe of Kadathanad. 886 Ibid., Doc. No. 177 F & G, p. 91. Baburayan was the kanagoe of Chirakkal. 887 Ibid., Doc. No. 1148 J, p. 530. Bhimarayan was the kanagoe of Payyormala. 888 Ibid., Doc. No. 363 G & H, p. 161. Ramayyan was the kanagoe of Thalassery Kasba. 889 Ibid., Doc. No. 219 F & G, pp. 105. Venkitakuppan was the kanagoe of Kadathanad. 890 Ibid., Doc. No. 1249 J, p. 585. Samayyan was the kanagoe of Payyanad. 891 Ibid., Doc. No. 133 C & E p. 5. Samarayan was the kanagoe of Chirakkal. 892 Ibid., Doc. No. 1213 K, p. 616. Subhayyan was the kanagoe of Chirakkal. 893 Ibid., Doc. No. 1030, J p. 469. Narayanarayar was the kanagoe of Kadathanad. 894 Ibid., Doc. No. 593 H & L, pp.256-257. Chappa Menon was the kanagoe of Payyanattukara. 895Herman Gundert, Malayalam –English Dictionary, p. 492. 896 William Logan,(1998), p. 429. 897Ibid., Doc. No. 668 H & L, p. 289. ; 649 H & L, pp. 281-282. Kunjayan Mooppan was the daroga of Poyyanad- Paiyyormala. 898Ibid., Doc. No. 581 H & L, p. 252. ; 233 F & G, p. 109. Chandrayen was the daroga of Kurumbranad. 899Ibid., Doc. No. 544 H & L, p. 237. ; 549 H & L, p. 238. Manayattu Veerankutty was the daroga of Eruvazhinanad. 900 Ibid., Doc. No. 419 H, p. 189. Vannyappayen was the daroga of Palakkaad.

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Vayyappurathu Kunjipakki,901 Subhayyen,902 Ayyarakath Suppi,903 etc. were some of them. Majority of them belonged to the group of pattar and some of them were Muslims. This exposes the fact that, a new group of people emerged as bureaucrats under the Company administration and they formed as a new layer in the social hierarchy of Malabar in the eighteenth century.

Tangal, otherwise known as were an important category of Muslim in Malabar during the eighteenth century was the. They started their career as Ghasi in mosques in the Malabar. The Samutiri gave some rights and privileges to the Valiya Ghasi of Calicut and as per which, the Valiya Ghasi had obtained the right to take the place along with the Shahabander Koya, on the right side of the Samutiri in ceremonies associated with the last day of Mamankam in the eighteenth century.904 A letter from Vairanellur palace to Valiya Ghasi of Calicut states that

“Malayāḷavarṣaṃ 935 kanni 13 dhanu cihnaṃ aṭayāḷaṃ āraṃbhattil ivṭe ninnu purappeṭuvānuṃ 18 nu dhanu cihnattil Kozhikkoṭṭ etticcēruvānuṃ nāṃ tīrumāniccirikkunnu.Āyatināl nāṃ kallāyil ettunna murakk, kazhiñña kālaṅṅaḷile pole akampaṭi sēvikkan niṅṅaḷ tayyārāvaṇaṃ.” 905

The contents of the letter depicts that, valiya ghasi was one of the akambadi janams of Samutiri of Calicut during the period of the eighteenth century, this was a title rendered by the Samutiri exclusively to the trustful persons who stood for the consistence and sustainability of his power.

4.2. Traders at Political Role

The traders played a momentous role in the society during the period of the eighteenth century. The entire timber trade of Malabar was controlled by the

901 Ibid., Doc. No. 918 I, p. 403. ; 885 I, p. 385. Vayyappurath Kunipakki was the daroga of Thalassery. 902Ibid., Doc. No.1384 K, p. 662. ; 1396 K, p. 667. Subhayyen was the daroga of Faujdar katcheri, Thalassery. 903Ibid., Doc. No.232 F& G, p. 109. Ayyarakathu Suppi was the daroga of Muttungal. 904 Ibid., p. 46. The Tangals are a small section among the Mappilas, which traced its ancestry through the progeny of the prophet’s mother Fathima. They are known as Sayyids elsewhere in the Muslim world, cited in Imtiaz Ahamad (ed.), Caste and Social Stratification among the Muslims in India, Delhi, 1976, p. 49. They are adored throughout Malabar. They commanded respect due to their blood relation to the prophet. mentioned in Kunhali V., Sufism in Kerala, Publication Division, University of Calicut, 2004, p.107. 905 A letter from Vairanellur Palace, dated 935 K.E., 13th Kanni, cited in A.N.P. Ummerkutty (Trans), L. R. S. Lakshmi, Ibid.

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Mappilas.906 One gets the reference of the role played by Chovakkaran Mussa, a wealthy Mappila trader of Kannur, as a writer as well as, as an agent or messenger of the heiress of the house of Ali Raja, in 1734 A.D. 907 Besides, the document also explains the duty done by Mussa as the obligator or person liable to debt of the ruler of Arakkal to the Company in the year 1795 A.D. This aspect is clearly exposed in the following extract. “I Chocara Mossa, merchant of Tellichery, do hereby bind myself, my heirs, and executors to pay the Honourable Company the sum of 10000 rupees on account of Adea Raja, Beebee of Cannanore, within the period of twenty-five days from the date hereof.”908 Another document of 1758 A.D. reveals the details of a contract between the East India Company and the ruler of Travancore. As per the document, Mussa along with Marthanden Pillai appeared on behalf of the king of Travancore.909 This reveals the prominence of Mussa in the society, not only in Malabar, but also, in the Southern part of Kerala during the period of the eighteenth century.

Moreover, the experience of Chovakkaran Cunhy Pokker is another example of the Mappilas, who was to enter in the service of the E. E. I. C. during the eighteenth century. The Company appointed Cunhy Pokker to collect the revenue of Coormenad (Kurummbranad) Taluk for the year 1799 A.D. Pokker informed the E. E. I. C. of his inability in giving due attention to the duty and requested for the appointment of another person for taking up the duty. In this context, it can be observed that, the person namely; Cunhy Tharry had taken the security bound of Chovvakkaran Cunhy Poker and the debt upon him and assured to pay the sum.910

We can observe the vital role played by the trading folks in the social relations of Malabar during the period of eighteenth century. The role played by the traders and merchants of Kadatanadu is of much importance. During the time of the internal conflict that occurred in North Malabar, the Anglo–French rivalry had caused much damage to the economic activities of Kolatunadu region. At that time, the traders and merchants of Kadatnadu had urged for peace in the region as it was essential for the

906 R.K. Pruthi, History of Modern India: Colonial Society and Economy, Vol. III, A. P. H. Publishing Corporation, New Delhi, 2004, p.188.x f 907 Ibid., Part. I. No. XXIV, pp. 21-23.; XXVI, pp. 24-25. 908Malabar Supervisor’s Diary, dated 16th March 1796. Cited in William Logan, Ibid., Part. II. No. CIII, p. 248. 909The Diary of the Anjengo, dated 6th July 1758 mentioned in William Logan, Ibid., Part. I. No. CXXII, p. 109. 910The Diary of Second Malabar Commission, dated 10th July 1799 referred in William Logan, Ibid., Part. II. No. CXCV, pp. 323-324.

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smooth functioning of trade. In order to safe guard their trade interest; they had approached the Vazhunnor of Vadakara in the matter. They put forth the demand that, if peace was not restored, they would be forced to leave the region. This approach reveals the voice of the trading community of Vadakara. The incident indicates the fact that, the traders were not a negligible element in the society and so, having such a potential, they could clearly put forward their demands before the concerned authority of the region and show their strength in the society apparently, during the period of the eighteenth century.

The documents that belonged to the eighteenth century explain about the prominent merchants and traders of Malabar. The E. E. I. C. issued an order, to disarm the Muslims who committed severe atrocities against the Company and its officials. As per the order, except the Nairs and the Tiyyas, who engaged in the duty as the body guards of local chieftains, the Muslims were restrained from taking arms in future. The Company also insisted that, no interruption would be made to the functioning of lawful trade and, if any one from outside the region would dare to interfere in the lawful trade with arms will left them at a time the guards where the guard may be demanded. At the time of their return journey they will apply to Komben Aluppy, Muccatum Paquy, Cheriandy Cunhamod, Banuibetty Abdulla, and China Kanandna or Netteratte Cunhy Mayna, the principal merchants, will be carried by them to the Commanding officer and obtained a passport. These merchants were answerable for such people’s behavior towards the Company. Thus, afore said order of Thomas Byfeld, Chief and Factors at Tellicherry, issued on 9th July 1765 explain the attitude of the Company towards the trade related activities of Malabar; so also, we can get information regarding the leading merchants of Tellicherry during the seventh decade of the eighteenth century. From the agreement that was made between the merchants of Talassery and the Company in the year 1793 A.D., one could get the references about the leading merchants of Talassery during the eighteenth century.

Another document of the E. E. I. C. mentions the name of Alan Cunhy Tarea, one of the merchant of Quilandi in 1793 A.D.911 The data discloses the role played by Chovakkaran Makay as the financier and the document states that, the Commissioners

911 Ibid., Part. II. No. CXXXII, pp. 269-270. It revealed that Alan Cunhy Tarea may be the sarvadhyakaryakkar of Moonalpad Raja.

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shall pay to Chovakkaran Makay 40000/- rupees on account of his advances to the Raja of Kurumbranadu in 1797A.D.912

Yet another document, which belongs to 1796 A.D., gives a description of another trader of North Malabar. The following extract clearly discloses the fact. “I, Konjee Turry of Coylandi, a merchant, do hereby bind myself unto the Honorable Jonathan Duncan, Esq., for the sum of 70000 rupees on account of the amount due by Maun Vikrum, Samory Raja, to the Honourable Company payable the 25th Danoo 971, 1 th 913 by the rate of 3 /2 new fanams per rupee, dated the 24 Werooshigam 971.” The document clearly indicates that, Konjee Turry was a merchant of Coylandi, who took himself the liability of 70000 rupees of Samutiri of Calicut to the E. E. I. C. Here, the merchant has taken the role of a financier to the King. This aspect exposes the economic affluence of afore said merchant during the period of the eighteenth century.

During the sixteenth century, Muslim aristocracies in trade withdrew and that place was taken by the Konkanis, who left their native place of for Malabar and spread over the coast. The prominent personalities among this group were Babba Prabhu, Rama Prabhu and Baboeca Prabhu. Babba Prabhu, who monopolized the commodities of the VOC and had enough political influence to create a war between the Samutiri of Calicut and the VOC in Malabar.

Apart from Konkanis, the Jews also made their intervention in the social spheres of Malabar in eighteenth century. We can get references about some of the wealthiest merchants of Calicut namely Haji Yusuf and Isaac Surgun of Calicut during the eighteenth century.914

Ashin Das Gupta mentioned the reason behind the involvement of the local chieftains, both minor and major, to solve the problems among the merchants of Malabar in the eighteenth century. They provided protection to the traders because, while the profit from trade went to the hands of the merchants, the chieftains received tolls from goods. The involvement of Koodali TazhathuVeedu, the one of the chieftain of North Malabar can be taken as an example of a mediator to solve such problems.

912The Diary of the Malabar Committee, dated 31st December 1797.Cited in William Logan, A Collection of Treatise,…, Part. II. No. CLVIII, p. 286. 913 William Logan, Ibid., Part. II. No. CV, p. 249. 914 Ashin Das Gupta, Malabar in Asian Trade 1740-1800, Cambridge University Press, 1967, p. 107.

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Besides, the members of the Muslim faith are seen to have engaged in different official positions of Malabar during the period of the eighteenth century. Camal Mopla was one among them, who enjoyed the position of the minister of the Prince of Chirakkal and; he met Angria’s subbadar at Mount Ezhimala and held treasonable conferences with him in 1749 A.D. The Company knew fully about these confidential conferences and was aware about the after effects and hence, decided to conclude an agreement with the Raja of Chirakkal. As per the agreement, the Raja had agreed to take away the charge of Madayi from Camal Mopla, the Prime minister of Chirakkal and retain him as a prisoner for a period of 25 days and also, promised to maintain him to the south ward of the Madday River.915 Following this, the Prince of Cottakunnu, Unnithamba and the Prince Regent, Cunhi Rama arranged a conference with Thomas Byfeld, the Chief at Tellicherry and they mutually signed an agreement at the Palace of Chirakkal. As per it, the Princes promised that, hence forth, Camal Mopla shall have no place in the field of administration and would be reversed from the all affairs of the government and shall have no right to pass the Baliapatam River.916 The provisions of exclusion meted out by the Raja of Chirakkal signify the importance of the position as well as the power he enjoyed before in the political hierarchy and thereafter in the society too.

Conclusion The eighteenth century was a period of influx as far as the history of Malabar is concerned. The influences of the external factors such as, the interventions of European commercial powers, indigenous elements like Mysoreans and their collaboration with the people of the region had created deep imprint on the social structure of the Malabar in the eighteenth century. The mutual co-existence of these factors paved the way for the emergence of new groups and institutions in the society. Emergence of non-Brahmin temples or kavus with certain rights, which were hitherto restricted to them, was one of the important developments which happened in the Malabar during this period. The century witnessed the transactions of non-Brahmins as the uralars of certain temples in Malabar. Thus, it changed the conception of the uralar and ultimately reordered the notion itself in eighteenth century.

915 The Diary of Tellicherry Factory, dated 10th January 1749, cited in William Logan, Ibid., Part. I. No. XLVI, pp. 44-45. 916 The Diary of Tellicherry Factory, dated 8th May 1749, cited in William Logan, Ibid., Part. I. No. XLVIII, pp. 46- 47.

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The role of different groups of traders like, tarakar of Kavalappara and Angadippuram, the Mappila merchants of Kolatunadu, Jew merchants of Calicut, Konkanis of Kottayam, Chetties, the Mappilas of Mysore militia, migration of Hanafis-Patan groups to Kasargod region as part of Mysore army, migration of Hadhramis917 to Thirurangadi and coastal region of Malabar and their subsequent transition as a upper strata of the Mappilas of Malabar, transition of them as a pressure group in the political sphere of Malabar, formation of a corpse of E. E. I. C. official like darogha, kanagoee, pravartikar, dubashi etc. led to the emergence of a group of supporters to the E. E. I. C. in Malabar. Apart from what has been mentioned above, the emergence and expansion of the ascendancy of the Tamil Brahmins as the pro-British element in Malabar, entry of some Mappilas to this cadre, the rise and growth of Tiyyas and Muslim of North Malabar as the French sepoys in Mahe and their transition as the supporters of the Company activities in Malabar, the emergence of the Nairs as the British officials like adhikari, kolkar etc. indicates the formation of different groups in the society of Malabar.

Though some of the groups were new elements; a few of them already existed but, emerged as an influential group with new rights and features, only during the eighteenth century. In short, afore mentioned different categories of people emerged in the society of Malabar with various roles as new bureaucracy, Pro-Mysorean, Pro- British, pressure groups, power groups in political sphere and so on. To sum up, the eighteenth century witnessed the emergences of different sections and their transition as the new layers in the social hierarchy of Malabar, which reflected a shift towards the reordering of the conventional structure of the society in the eighteenth century.

917 Hadhramis are the people of Hadhramaut, a region in southern Arabia.

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