History of Philosophy Outlines from Wheaton College (IL)
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Medieval Western Philosophy: the European Emergence
Cultural Heritage and Contemporary Change Series I, Culture and Values, Volume 9 History of Western Philosophy by George F. McLean and Patrick J. Aspell Medieval Western Philosophy: The European Emergence By Patrick J. Aspell The Council for Research in Values and Philosophy 1 Copyright © 1999 by The Council for Research in Values and Philosophy Gibbons Hall B-20 620 Michigan Avenue, NE Washington, D.C. 20064 All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Aspell, Patrick, J. Medieval western philosophy: the European emergence / Patrick J. Aspell. p.cm. — (Cultural heritage and contemporary change. Series I. Culture and values ; vol. 9) Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Philosophy, Medieval. I. Title. III. Series. B721.A87 1997 97-20069 320.9171’7’090495—dc21 CIP ISBN 1-56518-094-1 (pbk.) 2 Table of Contents Chronology of Events and Persons Significant in and beyond the History of Medieval Europe Preface xiii Part One: The Origins of Medieval Philosophy 1 Chapter I. Augustine: The Lover of Truth 5 Chapter II. Universals According to Boethius, Peter Abelard, and Other Dialecticians 57 Chapter III. Christian Neoplatoists: John Scotus Erigena and Anselm of Canterbury 73 Part Two: The Maturity of Medieval Philosophy Chronology 97 Chapter IV. Bonaventure: Philosopher of the Exemplar 101 Chapter V. Thomas Aquinas: Philosopher of the Existential Act 155 Part Three: Critical Reflection And Reconstruction 237 Chapter VI. John Duns Scotus: Metaphysician of Essence 243 Chapter -
Reid in Europe
REID IN EUROPE DANIEL SarutTHESS For several decades, Thomas Reid enjoyed a wide readership in Continental Europe, and his works contributed much to shape its philosophical ways.1 This is true for Cennany, as Manfred Kuehn has shown in his extended study Swttish Common Sense in Germany, 1768-1800: A Contribution to the History aJCritical Philosophy.2 It is true also for France, although at a somewhat Iater time. The local adaptations of the Scottish doctrines in France were corn.mon to a degree that very few suspect today. In his classical paper "De l'influence c;le la philosophie écossaise sur la philosophie français'13, Emile Boutroux unëletlined that in France in the 1870s, Scottish doctrines stiI1 dominated the teaching of philosophy at the pre-university level (p.441). Theywere central to the philosophical climate during practically the whole 19th century. There is a link of some interest between the German and the French reception of Reid in the persan of Pierre Prevost (1751-1839), a philosopher and scientist from Geneva. Prevost stayed in Berlin in the 1780s before returning to Geneva ta teach a philosaphy clearly permeated by Scottish doctrines. I have found some new material on Prevost which has been published recently, but this will not i be my tapie in this paper.4 ~-/~,~. Germany and France are not the whole of Europe and the title of t:his paper may thus appear ambitious, net to say scandalous, to some readers. But in fact, ~~PL given that Scottish doctrines were more popular in Franœ than anywhere el.se on the Continent, and thatitwas largely France that contributed ta making them known elsewhere, I shall concentrate on that country. -
St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas on the Mind, Body, and Life After Death
The University of Akron IdeaExchange@UAkron Williams Honors College, Honors Research The Dr. Gary B. and Pamela S. Williams Honors Projects College Spring 2020 St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas on the Mind, Body, and Life After Death Christopher Choma [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ideaexchange.uakron.edu/honors_research_projects Part of the Christianity Commons, Epistemology Commons, European History Commons, History of Philosophy Commons, History of Religion Commons, Metaphysics Commons, Philosophy of Mind Commons, and the Religious Thought, Theology and Philosophy of Religion Commons Please take a moment to share how this work helps you through this survey. Your feedback will be important as we plan further development of our repository. Recommended Citation Choma, Christopher, "St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas on the Mind, Body, and Life After Death" (2020). Williams Honors College, Honors Research Projects. 1048. https://ideaexchange.uakron.edu/honors_research_projects/1048 This Dissertation/Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by The Dr. Gary B. and Pamela S. Williams Honors College at IdeaExchange@UAkron, the institutional repository of The University of Akron in Akron, Ohio, USA. It has been accepted for inclusion in Williams Honors College, Honors Research Projects by an authorized administrator of IdeaExchange@UAkron. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. 1 St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas on the Mind, Body, and Life After Death By: Christopher Choma Sponsored by: Dr. Joseph Li Vecchi Readers: Dr. Howard Ducharme Dr. Nathan Blackerby 2 Table of Contents Introduction p. 4 Section One: Three General Views of Human Nature p. -
The Nous: a Globe of Faces1
THE NOUS: A GLOBE OF FACES1 Theodore Sabo, North-West University, South Africa ([email protected]) Abstract: Plotinus inherited the concept of the Nous from the Middle Platonists and ultimately Plato. It was for him both the Demiurge and the abode of the Forms, and his attempts at describing it, often through the use of arresting metaphors, betray substantial eloquence. None of these metaphors is more unusual than that of the globe of faces which is evoked in the sixth Ennead and which is found to possess a notable corollary in the prophet Ezekiel’s vision of the four living creatures. Plotinus’ metaphor reveals that, as in the case of Ezekiel, he was probably granted such a vision, and indeed his encounters with the Nous were not phenomena he considered lightly. Defining the Nous Plotinus’ Nous was a uniquely living entity of which there is a parallel in the Hebrew prophet Ezekiel. The concept of the Nous originated with Anaxagoras. 2 Although Empedocles’ Sphere was similarly a mind,3 Anaxagoras’ idea would win the day, and it would be lavished with much attention by the Middle and Neoplatonists. For Xenocrates the Nous was the supreme God, but for the Middle Platonists it was often the second hypostasis after the One.4 Plotinus, who likewise made the Nous his second hypostasis, equated it with the Demiurge of Plato’s Timaeus.5 He followed Antiochus of Ascalon rather than Plato in regarding it as not only the Demiurge but the Paradigm, the abode of the Forms.6 1 I would like to thank Mark Edwards, Eyjólfur Emilsson, and Svetla Slaveva-Griffin for their help with this article. -
Aristotle on Thinking ( Noêsis )
Aristotle on Thinking ( Noêsis ) The Perception Model DA III.4-5. Aristotle gives an account of thinking (or intellect—noêsis ) that is modeled on his account of perception in Book II. Just as in perception, “that which perceives” ( to aisthêtikon ) takes on sensible form (without matter), so in thinking “that which thinks” ( to noêtikon ) takes on intelligible form (without matter). Similarly, just as in perception, the perceiver has the quality of the object potentially, but not actually, so, too, in understanding, the intellect is potentially (although not actually) each of its objects. Problem This leaves us with a problem analogous to the one we considered in the case of perception. There we wondered how the perceiver of a red tomato could be potentially (but not actually) red (prior to perceiving it), and yet become red (be actually red) in the process of perceiving it. Here the question is how the intellect that thinks about a tomato (or a horse) is potentially a tomato (or a horse), and then becomes a tomato (or a horse) in the process of thinking about it. The problem about thinking seems more severe: for although there is a sense in which the perceiver becomes red (the sense organ becomes colored red), there does not seem to be a comparable sense in which the intellect becomes a tomato (or a horse). (1) there is no organ involved, and (2) there does not seem to be room in there for a tomato (let alone a horse). The Differences from Perception As we will see, there are important differences between perceiving and understanding, beyond the fact the one involves taking on perceptible form and the other intelligible form. -
Augustine and His 'City of God'
CHAPTER TWO AUGUSTINE AND HIS 'CITY OF GOD' A. THE AUTHOR A few essential details of Augustine's life and spiritual development should be presented at this point, for an adequate understanding can only be gained if proper attention is given to the circumstances and the spiritual currents that influenced him. Knowledge of Au gustine's milieu and development appears to be particularly in dispensable for an inquiry into the possible sources of his doctrine of the two civitates. Of course this account is confined to a few rele vant main features1. 1. The man from Africa Augustine2 was born on 13th November 354 in the Numidian provincial town of Thagaste3, present-day Souk-Ahras in Algeria, 1 This biographical sketch is based mainly on: F. van der Meer, Augustinus de zieLzorger. Een studie over de praktiJk van een kerkvader, Utrecht-Brussel1947; Courcelle, Recherches; J.J. O'Meara, The Young Augustine. An Introduction to the Confessions of St. Augustine (1954), London-New York 1980; Marrou, Augustin; A. Sizoo, Augustinus. Leven en werken, Kampen 1957; R. Lorenz, 'Augustin', RGG 1(1957), 738-748; P. Brown, Augustine of Hippo. A biography, London 1967; A. Mandouze, Saint Augustin. L 'aventure de La raison et de La grace, Paris 1968; T.J. van Bavel, Augustinus. Van Liefde en vriendschap, Baarn 1970; E. Feldmann, Der Einfluss des Hortensius und des Manichiiis mus auf das Denken des Jungen Augustinus von 373, Munster 1975 (Diss. Mschr.); Schindler, 'Augustin'. 2 It is by no means certain that Aurelius was Augustine's praenomen. It was quite possibly added through the association of his name with that of Aurelius of Car thage. -
Malebranche's Augustinianism and the Mind's Perfection
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations Spring 2010 Malebranche's Augustinianism and the Mind's Perfection Jason Skirry University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the History of Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation Skirry, Jason, "Malebranche's Augustinianism and the Mind's Perfection" (2010). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 179. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/179 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/179 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Malebranche's Augustinianism and the Mind's Perfection Abstract This dissertation presents a unified interpretation of Malebranche’s philosophical system that is based on his Augustinian theory of the mind’s perfection, which consists in maximizing the mind’s ability to successfully access, comprehend, and follow God’s Order through practices that purify and cognitively enhance the mind’s attention. I argue that the mind’s perfection figures centrally in Malebranche’s philosophy and is the main hub that connects and reconciles the three fundamental principles of his system, namely, his occasionalism, divine illumination, and freedom. To demonstrate this, I first present, in chapter one, Malebranche’s philosophy within the historical and intellectual context of his membership in the French Oratory, arguing that the Oratory’s particular brand of Augustinianism, initiated by Cardinal Bérulle and propagated by Oratorians such as Andre Martin, is at the core of his philosophy and informs his theory of perfection. Next, in chapter two, I explicate Augustine’s own theory of perfection in order to provide an outline, and a basis of comparison, for Malebranche’s own theory of perfection. -
Chapter One Transcendentalism and the Aesthetic Critique Of
Chapter One Transcendentalism and the Aesthetic Critique of Modernity Thinking of the aesthetic as both potentially ideological and potentially utopian allows us to understand the social implications of modern aes- thetics. The aesthetic experience can serve to evade questions of justice and equality as much as it offers the opportunity for a vision of freedom. If the Transcendentalists stand at the end of a Romantic tradition which has always been aware of the utopian dimension of the aesthetic, why should they have cherished the consolation the aesthetic experience of- fers while at the same time forfeiting its critical implications, which have been so important for the British and the early German Romantics? Is the American variety of Romanticism really much more submissive than European Romanticism with all its revolutionary fervor? Is it really true that “the writing of the Transcendentalists, and all those we may wish to consider as Romantics, did not have this revolutionary social dimension,” as Tony Tanner has suggested (1987, 38)? The Transcendentalists were critical of established religious dogma and received social conventions – so why should their aesthetics be apolitical or even adapt to dominant ideologies? In fact, the Transcendentalists were well aware of the philo- sophical and social radicalism of the aesthetic – which, however, is not to say that all of them wholeheartedly embraced it. While the Transcendentalists’ American background (New England’s Puritan legacy and the Unitarian church from which they emerged) is crucial for an understanding of their social, religious, and philosophical thought, it is worth casting an eye across the ocean to understand their concept of beauty since the Transcendentalists were also heir to a long- standing tradition of transatlantic Romanticism which addressed the re- lationship between aesthetic experience, utopia, and social criticism. -
Theory of Knowledge in Britain from 1860 to 1950
Baltic International Yearbook of Cognition, Logic and Communication Volume 4 200 YEARS OF ANALYTICAL PHILOSOPHY Article 5 2008 Theory Of Knowledge In Britain From 1860 To 1950 Mathieu Marion Université du Quéebec à Montréal, CA Follow this and additional works at: https://newprairiepress.org/biyclc This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. Recommended Citation Marion, Mathieu (2008) "Theory Of Knowledge In Britain From 1860 To 1950," Baltic International Yearbook of Cognition, Logic and Communication: Vol. 4. https://doi.org/10.4148/biyclc.v4i0.129 This Proceeding of the Symposium for Cognition, Logic and Communication is brought to you for free and open access by the Conferences at New Prairie Press. It has been accepted for inclusion in Baltic International Yearbook of Cognition, Logic and Communication by an authorized administrator of New Prairie Press. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Theory of Knowledge in Britain from 1860 to 1950 2 The Baltic International Yearbook of better understood as an attempt at foisting on it readers a particular Cognition, Logic and Communication set of misconceptions. To see this, one needs only to consider the title, which is plainly misleading. The Oxford English Dictionary gives as one August 2009 Volume 4: 200 Years of Analytical Philosophy of the possible meanings of the word ‘revolution’: pages 1-34 DOI: 10.4148/biyclc.v4i0.129 The complete overthrow of an established government or social order by those previously subject to it; an instance of MATHIEU MARION this; a forcible substitution of a new form of government. -
“The Sixth Sense”: Towards a History of Muscular Sensation
Gesnerus 68/1 (2011) 218–71 “The Sixth Sense”: Towards a History of Muscular Sensation Roger Smith* Summary This paper outlines the history of knowledge about the muscular sense and provides a bibliographic resource for further research. A range of different topics, questions and approaches have interrelated throughout this history, and the discussion clarifies this rather than presenting detailed research in any one area. Part I relates the origin of belief in a muscular sense to empiricist accounts of the contribution of the senses to knowledge from Locke, via the idéologues and other authors, to the second half of the nine- teenth century. Analysis paid much attention to touch, first in the context of the theory of vision and then in its own right, which led to naming a distinct muscular sense. From 1800 to the present, there was much debate, the main lines of which this paper introduces, about the nature and function of what turned out to be a complex sense. A number of influential psycho-physiolo- gists, notably Alexander Bain and Herbert Spencer, thought this sense the most primitive and primary of all, the origin of knowledge of world, causa- tion and self as an active subject. Part II relates accounts of the muscular sense to the development of nervous physiology and of psychology. In the decades before 1900, the developing separation of philosophy, psychology and physiology as specialised disciplines divided up questions which earlier writers had discussed under the umbrella heading of muscular * The stimulus for writing up this paper, which I had long put off because I hoped to do some- thing more rounded, came from the participants, and especially from the organisers, Vincent Barras and Guillemette Bolens, of a project ‘L’intelligence kinesthésique et le savoir sensori- moteur: entre arts et sciences’, at a conference of World Knowledge Dialogue, ‘Interdisci- plinarity in action: a p ractical experience of interdisciplinary research’, Villars-sur-Ollon, Switzerland, 10–14 October 2010. -
History of Psychology: a Sketch and an Interpretation James Mark Baldwin (1913)
History of Psychology: A Sketch and an Interpretation James Mark Baldwin (1913) Classics in the History of Psychology An internet resource developed by Christopher D. Green York University, Toronto, Ontario History of Psychology: A Sketch and an Interpretation James Mark Baldwin (1913) Originally published London: Watts. Posted December 1999 - March 2000 To EZEQUIEL, A. CHAVEZ PROFESSOR, DEPUTY, FORMERLY UNDER-SECRETARY OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION AND FINE ARTS IN MEXICO; A ZEALOUS PATRIOT, A PROFOUND SCHOLAR AND A LOYAL FRIEND PREFACE THE proposal to prepare the History of Psychology for this series appealed to me for other than the usual reasons. In the first place, singular as it may seem, :there is no history of psychology of any kind in book form in the English language.[l] Some years ago, I .projected as Editor a series of historical works to be written by various authorities on central psychological topics, the whole to constitute a "Library of Historical Psychology." These works, some twelve in number, are in course of preparation, and certain of them are soon to appear; but up to now no one of them has seen the light. The present little work of course in no way duplicates any of these. In French, too, there is no independent history. The German works, of which there are several,[2] had become hat old when last year two short histories appeared, written by Prof. Dessoir and Dr. Klemm. refer to these again just below. Another reason of a personal character for my entering this field is worth mentioning, since it explains scope and method of the present sketch. -
Maine De Biran°S Philosophy
DSQ PH A TH E S IS TH E UN I VE R S I TY FACUL TY O F CORN E LL UNIVE RSITY TH E D E GRE E O F D OCTO R O F P H I L OS O P H Y L B E R T TR UM AN A M H A N E , . N em ¥u tk M A N E D E 8 RAN S P H LOSO PHY P W LL A TH E SI S P RE SE NTE D TO TH E UNIVE RSITY FACULTY OF CORN E LL U NIVE RS I TY FOR TH E D E GRE E OF D OCTOR OF P HILOS OPHY R M AN A M N ATH A N E L B E R T T U , . N ein ¥0 t k TH E MACMI LLAN COM PANY N M ACM L L AN CO . L TD . L ON D O ! I , 1 90 4 E PR FACE . ’ No special account of Maine de B iran s philosophy has before appeared in English , and the sources are rendered somewhat dif ’ fic u lt . by the author s highly involved style It has seemed , there fore , that a somewhat extended exposition of his work may prove useful . In the composition of this monograph my object has been ’ - ! n H m two fold to give a stateme t of ira s system , and to show his exact position in the history of speculative thought . As a result I of careful investigation , have found it necessary to call attention to the unitary character of the system , which , as a matter of fact, — centers around the single idea will .