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Lobbying Germans for Colonialism, Again A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Zollmann, Jakob Book Review — Published Version [Book Review] Sandler, Willeke. Empire in the Heimat: Colonialism and Public Culture in the Third Reich. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018 H-Diplo, H-Net Reviews Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Zollmann, Jakob (2019) : [Book Review] Sandler, Willeke. Empire in the Heimat: Colonialism and Public Culture in the Third Reich. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018, H-Diplo, H-Net Reviews, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, pp. 1-4, https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=53492 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/213824 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/us/ www.econstor.eu Willeke Sandler. Empire in the Heimat: Colonialism and Public Culture in the Third Reich. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018. 360 pp. $74.00, cloth, ISBN 978-0-19-069790-7. Reviewed by Jakob Zollmann Published on H-Diplo (August, 2019) Commissioned by Seth Offenbach (Bronx Community College, The City University of New York) Those in Germany who tried to make a case reverse this trend, especially after the loss of the for colonies stood in a long tradition, since at least colonies in 1919 and well into the Nazi period. the 1860s. Also since the nineteenth century, it Whereas the social and political repercus‐ was an often deplored “fact” among German en‐ sions in Germany of the possession of colonies thusiasts of colonialism that too few of their com‐ and their loss after 1919 have by now been thor‐ patriots were thoroughly interested in the oughly explored, the place of the former colonies colonies. Once imperial Germany did “acquire” and colonialism in the public culture of Nazi Ger‐ colonies, these enthusiasts abhorred the idea that many still deserves more attention by historians —in their eyes—criticism of colonialism was —even though Britta Schilling’s work includes a widespread. Recent research on subaltern colo‐ study of colonial merchandise (Kolonialwaren) nialisms in Germany has added a further layer of and school books after 1933.[3] Nazi Germany’s complexity that shows the ambivalent relations politics and planning (administrative but also in and tensions between colonialist leaders and low‐ terms of civil engineering) related to the former er-class Germans with regard to the colonies and colonies, and “Africa” in general, have been inves‐ “colonial (public) culture” in Germany.[1] And tigated in only two major publications: the classic even at the highest echelons of society enthusiasm study by Klaus Hildebrand, Vom Reich zum Wel‐ for colonialism was limited: official Germany, treich (1969), and, more recently, Karsten Linne’s whether imperial or republican, refrained from Deutschland jenseits des Äquators (2008). Also “recognizing colonial engagements.” For instance, Dirk van Laak’s Imperiale Infrastruktur (2004) there were no state funerals for “colonial pio‐ contains valuable analysis of the Nazi period and neers” (p. 2). German society honored only a few its relationship to colonialism. of them, such as Hermann Wissmann, with a It is against this historiographical background monument before 1914. As Winfried Speitkamp that Willeke Sandler’s Empire in the Heimat can summarized years ago: “Evidently, the popularity offer a number of new insights, even though some of the colonial idea [in Germany] remained limit‐ parts of the book give the impression of an Eng‐ ed.”[2] And it was the Deutsche Kolonialge‐ lish summary of the older German literature. San‐ sellschaft (DKG), Germany’s colonial pressure dler commences with a broad overview of the group par excellence, that worked constantly to “stakes of overseas colonialism in the Weimar Re‐ public” (chapter 1). A quotation from a 1929 DKG H-Net Reviews pamphlet, bemoaning that the DKG’s twenty-five with the Nazi regime, always hoping to reach a thousand members represented “a number that wider public. DKG president Heinrich Schnee, the in today’s political life means absolutely nothing” former governor of German East Africa, met (p. 44), illustrates the disillusionment of many of Hitler in March 1933 and requested from him a the old-guard colonialists with the political impact public statement on the importance of the of their public activism—considering that they colonies for Germany. Hitler, however, responded had deplored their lack of influence for the last hesitatingly: “I will think about it” (p. 63). In 1934, thirty years. Enthusiasts of colonialism, who con‐ a Colonial Policy Office was created within the NS‐ sidered that political parties all too often merely DAP, led by Franz Ritter von Epp, which would in paid lip service to the demands for the “return of later years set guidelines for the RKB’s colonial Germany’s colonies,” hoped to benefit from inten‐ propaganda efforts. Intensified colonialist propa‐ sified propaganda and general lobbying among all ganda aimed at the creation of a mass movement parties. This included increasingly also the NSDAP used not only (as hitherto) lectures and written (Nazi Party), which had already in its 1920 pro‐ materials but also more modern media, in partic‐ gram demanded “land and territory (colonies) to ular flms. These efforts paid off. In comparison to feed our people.”[4] Nazi leaders, most of all Adolf 1933, the DKG almost doubled its membership by Hitler, were eager to win support from colonialist 1936 to ffty thousand (and reached close to two circles; they made clear since the late 1920s that million by 1941). Characterizing the ambivalent they supported the colonialists’ demands in Africa mood of the colonialists in the early days of the and elsewhere but never at the expense of their new regime, Sandler speaks of a “continued sense prioritization of eastern Europe as the future set‐ of organizational autonomy” and a “combination tlement area for Germans. Hildebrand has shown of loyalty and expectation” for more support for that in the early 1930s, the Nazis’ colonial policy the colonial cause (pp. 60, 63). As it turned out, became an instrument of domestic politics rather “relations between colonialists and Nazis did not than foreign policy. Still, in 1933, colonialists were always run smoothly” (p. 89). optimistic that the new regime would become It is well known that leading NSDAP members more activist than previous governments in pur‐ and Hitler repeatedly gave statements not only suing their cause for reclaiming overseas for but also against overseas colonialism. And colonies. colonialists had a hard time to either “ignore” While Hildebrand puts his focus on the dis‐ those voices or to convince the broader masses— putes within the NSDAP on the “colonial question” at least themselves—that such negative utterances and its relevance for Hitler’s foreign policy, San‐ were made merely for tactical reasons (for exam‐ dler provides an in-depth analysis of the activities ple, for diplomatic purposes vis-à-vis Britain) and of the colonialist organizations. Between 1933 and were not the “true” NSDAP position on the issue. 1935, the DKG and other colonialist organizations Sandler characterizes this approach as a “willful underwent a process of “self-coordination” (Selb‐ misinterpret[ation]” of NSDAP obstructions (p. stgleichschaltung), rebranding their umbrella or‐ 274). From her sources (mostly derived from the ganization Reichskolonialbund (RKB, consisting of files of the DKG and the NSDAP colonial subde‐ eighteen member organizations), introducing the partments), Sandler provides ample examples Führerprinzip, incorporating Nazi dignitaries to showing that “most of the problems between colo‐ the leadership, and expelling “politically suspect” nialists and Nazi organizations came from compe‐ and “non-Aryan” members (p. 65). DKG leaders tition over turf” (p. 91). However, in the back‐ made several public gestures that signaled their ground the fundamental dispute always loomed loyalty and desire to publicly associate themselves large between colonialists’ overseas goals and NS‐ 2 H-Net Reviews DAP’s continental goals. DKG and RKB eagerly ar‐ colonists as victims and rarely mentions the ulti‐ gued that Kolonialpolitik and Ostpolitik (for the mate fate of the Herero” (pp. 122-23). In empha‐ “return” of Polish territories lost after World War sizing this “sanitized memory,” Sandler thus con‐ I) “did not mutually exclude, but
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