Mormon Scholarship, Apologetics, and Evangelical Neglect: Losing the Battle and Not Knowing It?
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Formulas and Faith
Journal of Book of Mormon Studies Volume 21 Number 1 Article 6 2012 Formulas and Faith John Gee Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/jbms BYU ScholarsArchive Citation Gee, John (2012) "Formulas and Faith," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies: Vol. 21 : No. 1 , Article 6. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/jbms/vol21/iss1/6 This Feature Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Book of Mormon Studies by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Title Formulas and Faith Author(s) John Gee Reference Journal of the Book of Mormon and Other Restoration Scripture 21/1 (2012): 60–65. ISSN 1948-7487 (print), 2167-7565 (online) Abstract The question of where Joseph Smith received the text of the Book of Abraham has elicited three main theories, one of which, held by a minority of church members, is that Joseph translated it from papyri that we no longer have. It is conjectured that if this were the case, then the contents of the Book of Abraham must have been on what nineteenth-century witnesses described as the “long roll.” Two sets of scholars devel- oped mathematical formulas to discover, from the remains of what they believe to be the long roll, what the length of the long roll would have been. However, when these formulas are applied on scrolls of known length, they produce erratic or inconclusive results, thus casting doubt on their ability to accurately con- clude how long the long roll would have been. -
Zeal Without Knowledge
Hugh Nibley Zeal Without Knowledge Hugh Nibley (born 1910) is one of the Church's most accomplished scholars. A graduate of UCLA and UC, Berkeley, Nibley joined the History Department at Brigham Young University in 1946. For more than four decades, his writings have covered an array of topics: ancient history, politics, classics, education, science, Egyptology, early Israel, Christian origins, Book of Mormon, temples. Deseret Book and the Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies are currently co-publishing The Collected Works of Hugh Nibley, a multi-volume series. "Zeal without Knowledge" originally appeared in Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, summer 1978, and was later reprinted in Nibley on the Timely and the Timeless: Classic Essays of Hugh Nibley (1978). In one of his fascinating scientific survey books, this time dealing with the latest discoveries about the brain, Nigel Calder notes, "Two of the most self-evident characteristics of the conscious mind are that (1) the mind attends to one thing at a time, and (2) that at least once a day the conscious mind is switched off." (1) Both of these operations are completely miraculous and completely mysterious. I would like to talk about the first of them. You can think of only one thing at a time! If you put on a pair of glasses, one lens being green, the other being red, you will not see a frey fusion of the two when you look about you, but a flashing of red and green. One moment everything will be green, another moment everything will be red. -
Hugh Winder Nibley
SUNSTONE IN MEMORIAM the housing office. From this point until the end of his life, he became an iconic fixture on the Provo campus. HE story of Hugh’s contributions to HUGH WINDER NIBLEY Mormon thought is told mainly T through his publications.2 The list runs to more than 250 items, and many were serial articles, which, if counted individually, By Kevin L. Barney would push the number much higher. Many publications from early in his career, though always infused with his Mormon sensibilities and usually with at least tangential Mormon relevance, were not on specifically LDS sub- jects. These include “New Light on Scaliger” (published before his entrance to World War II) and “Sparsiones,” in the Classical Journal; “The Hierocentric State,” “The Unsolved Loyalty Problem,” and “Tenting, Toll, and Taxing,” in Western Political Quarterly; “Victoriosa Loquacitas: The Rise of Rhetoric and the Decline of Everything Else,”3 in How are the mighty fallen! more than a bedroll, a canteen, and a bag of Western Speech; “Christian Envy of the —2 SAMUEL 1:19 wheat and raisins. Except for an occasional Temple,” in Jewish Quarterly Review; “The ranger, he did not encounter another human Passing of the Church: Forty Variations on an UGH NIBLEY, DEAN of modern being the whole time. He did encounter Unpopular Theme,” in Church History; Mormon scriptural studies, passed cougars, bears, and wolves, but he never felt “Qumran and the Companions of the Cave,” H away 24 February 2005, just shy of in danger. He did recount hearing one ranger in Revue de Qumran; “Evangelium Quadraginta his ninety-fifth birthday. -
GNOSIS and NAG HAMMADI Anne Mcguire
12 GNOSIS AND NAG HAMMADI Anne McGuire Introduction Introductory remarks on “gnosis” and “Gnosticism” “Gnosticism” is a modern European term that !rst appears in the seventeenth-century writings of Cambridge Platonist Henry More (1614–87). For More, “Gnosticism” designates one of the earliest Christian heresies, connected to controversies addressed in Revelation 2:18–29 and in his own day.1 The term “gnosis,” on the other hand, is one of several ancient Greek nouns for “knowledge,” speci!cally experiential or esoteric knowledge based on direct experience, which can be distinguished from mere perception, understanding, or skill. For Plato and other ancient thinkers, “gnosis” refers to that knowledge which enables perception of the underlying structures of reality, Being itself, or the divine.2 Such gnosis was valued highly in many early Christian communities,3 yet the claims of some early Christians to possess gnosis came under suspicion and critique in the post-Pauline letter of 1 Timothy, which urges its readers to “avoid the profane chatter and contradictions of falsely so-called gnosis.”4 With this began the polemical contrast between “false gnosis” and “true faith.” It is this polemical sense of “false gnosis” that Bishop Irenaeus of Lyons took up in the title of his major anti-heretical work: Refutation and Overthrow of Falsely So-Called Gnosis, or Against Heresies, written c. "# 180.5 Irenaeus used 1 Timothy’s phrase not only to designate his opponents’ gnosis as false, but, even more important, to construct a broad category of -
Were the Ammonites Pacifists?
Journal of Book of Mormon Studies Volume 18 Number 1 Article 13 1-31-2009 Were the Ammonites Pacifists? Duane Boyce Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/jbms BYU ScholarsArchive Citation Boyce, Duane (2009) "Were the Ammonites Pacifists?," Journal of Book of Mormon Studies: Vol. 18 : No. 1 , Article 13. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/jbms/vol18/iss1/13 This Feature Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Book of Mormon Studies by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Title Were the Ammonites Pacifists? Author(s) Duane Boyce Reference Journal of the Book of Mormon and Other Restoration Scripture 18/1 (2009): 32–47. ISSN 1948-7487 (print), 2167-7565 (online) Abstract One of the most moving accounts in the Book of Mormon is of the people of Ammon, their covenant to bury and never use again their weapons of war, their faith to sacrifice themselves instead of fighting back against their Lamanite brethren, and their sacri- fice to send their children to war to aid the Nephites. Some interpret the stance that the Ammonites took against war to be pacifist. Some indications point toward this conclusion: their burying their weapons, covenanting never to fight again, allowing them- selves to be slaughtered twice, and being motivated in these actions out of love for their Lamanite kin. However, when the text is read more carefully, it can easily be seen that further actions would not neces- sarily have reflected a pacifist view toward war: not objecting to the Nephite war in their defense, pro- viding Nephite soldiers with food and supplies, and sending their own sons into battle would surely indi- cate that their personal opposition to war stemmed from the covenants they made during repentance. -
The Nakedness and the Clothing of Adam and Eve Jeffrey M
The Nakedness and the Clothing of Adam and Eve Jeffrey M. Bradshaw Western art typically portrays Adam and Eve as naked in the Garden of Eden, and dressed in “coats of skin” after the Fall. However, the Eastern Orthodox tradition depicts the sequence of their change of clothing in reverse manner. How can that be? The Eastern Church remembers the accounts that portray Adam as a King and Priest in Eden, so naturally he is shown there in his regal robes.1 Moreover, Orthodox readers interpret the “skins” that the couple wore after their expulsion from the Garden as being their own now-fully-human flesh. Anderson interprets this symbolism to mean that “Adam has exchanged an angelic constitution for a mortal one”2—in other words, they have lost their terrestrial glory and are now in a telestial state. The top panel of the figure above shows God seated in the heavenly council surrounded by angels and the four beasts of the book of Revelation. The second panel depicts, from left to right: Adam and Eve clothed in heavenly robes following their creation; then stripped of their glorious garments and “clothed” only in mortal skin after eating the forbidden fruit; and finally both clad in fig leaf aprons as Eve converses with God. The third panel shows Adam conversing with God, the couple’s expulsion from the walled Garden through a door showing images of cherubim, and their subsequent hardship in the fallen world. Orthodox tradition generally leaves Adam and Eve in their aprons after the Fall and expulsion, seeing them as already having received their “coats of skin” at the time they were clothed in mortal flesh. -
EARL 8/2 No. 2
ATTRIDGE/VALENTINIAN AND SETHIAN APOCALYPSES 173 Valentinian and Sethian Apocalyptic Traditions* HAROLD W. ATTRIDGE The paper reexamines the relationship between “apocalyptic” and “gnostic” traditions, on the assumption that global definitions of these phenomena are problematic. Valentinian and Sethian corpora in the Nag Hammadi collection display different appropriations of apocalyptic literary forms and conceptual schemes. Apart from a few late works with traces of Valentinian positions, this tradition largely ignores features characteristic of apocalyptic literature. Valentinian eschatology seems to be founded primarily on philosophical cosmology and psychology. Sethian texts preserve many features of Jewish revelatory literature, and many details associated with various eschatological schemes familiar from apocalyptic sources. The most extensive use of the characteristic “heavenly ascent” topos in Sethian literature, however, seems to be a third-century development, perhaps responding to contemporary forms of religious propaganda. It has been almost forty years since R. M. Grant made his famous, and frequently discussed, suggestion that Gnosticism was born out of disap- pointed apocalyptic hopes.1 While containing an element of truth, the very formulation seems curiously dated. At the end of the millennium we are much more aware of the difficulties of dealing with each term of *A version of this paper was presented to the joint session of the Nag Hammadi and Pseudepigrapha groups at the annual meeting of the Society of Biblical Literature in Orlando, November 22, 1998. The subject of the joint session was the relationship of “apocalyptic” and “Gnosticism.” 1. Robert M. Grant, Gnosticism and Early Christianity (New York: Columbia University Press, 1959; rev. ed. 1966), 27–38. -
Translation and Historicity of the Book of Abraham You from Me.”2 the Same Principle Can Be Applied to the Book of Abraham
Book of Abraham Translation and Historicity of the Book of Abraham you from me.”2 The same principle can be applied to the book of Abraham. The Lord did not require Joseph The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints em- Smith to have knowledge of Egyptian. By the gift and braces the book of Abraham as scripture. This book, a power of God, Joseph received knowledge about the life record of the biblical prophet and patriarch Abraham, and teachings of Abraham. recounts how Abraham sought the blessings of the On many particulars, the book of Abraham is con- priesthood, rejected the idolatry of his father, covenant- sistent with historical knowledge about the ancient ed with Jehovah, married Sarai, moved to Canaan and world.3 Some of this knowledge, which is discussed lat- Egypt, and received knowledge about the Creation. The er in this essay, had not yet been discovered or was not book of Abraham largely follows the biblical narrative well known in 1842. But even this evidence of ancient but adds important information regarding Abraham’s origins, substantial though it may be, cannot prove the life and teachings. truthfulness of the book of Abraham any more than ar- The book of Abraham was first published in 1842 chaeological evidence can prove the exodus of the Isra- and was canonized as part of the Pearl of Great Price in elites from Egypt or the Resurrection of the Son of God. 1880. The book originated with Egyptian papyri that Jo- The book of Abraham’s status as scripture ultimately seph Smith translated beginning in 1835. -
The Brigham Young University Folklore of Hugh Winder Nibley: Gifted Scholar, Eccentric Professor and Latter-Day Saint Spiritual Guide
Brigham Young University BYU ScholarsArchive Theses and Dissertations 1996 The Brigham Young University Folklore of Hugh Winder Nibley: Gifted Scholar, Eccentric Professor and Latter-Day Saint Spiritual Guide Jane D. Brady Brigham Young University - Provo Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd Part of the Folklore Commons, and the Mormon Studies Commons BYU ScholarsArchive Citation Brady, Jane D., "The Brigham Young University Folklore of Hugh Winder Nibley: Gifted Scholar, Eccentric Professor and Latter-Day Saint Spiritual Guide" (1996). Theses and Dissertations. 4548. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/4548 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. the brigham young university folklore of hugh winder nibley gifted scholar eccentric professor and latterlatterdayday saint spiritual guide A thesis presented to the department of english brigham young university in partial fulfillment ofthe requirements for the degree master ofarts by jane D brady august 1996 this thesis by jane D brady is accepted in its present form by the department of english brighamofofbrigham young university as satisfying the thesis requirement for the degree of master of arts eq A 71i feicr f william A wilson committee chair n camCAycayalkeralker chmmioe member richad H cracroftcracrofCracrof -
B. a Chronological List of English Reader-Friendly Sources on Hebrew-Like Literary Language and Structures That Relate to the Book of Mormon
B. A Chronological List of English Reader-Friendly Sources on Hebrew-like Literary Language and Structures That Relate to the Book of Mormon In the chronological listing of articles and books, the following system of identification will be used: Year = after 1830, non-LDS scholarly Year = after 1830, LDS Year^ = anti-Mormon 1829-30 Original Manuscript of the Book of Mormon As Joseph dictated, Oliver Cowdery and other scribes wrote the dictation on folded foolscap paper (6 5/8 x 16 ½), line-after-line without significant punctuation, capitalization or paragraphs. Roughly 25 per cent of the Original Manuscript survives. Original Manuscript lightplanet.com 205 (Sources: 1830→ Present) (Sources Shirley R. Heater, “History of the Manuscripts of the Book of Mormon.” In Recent Book of Mormon Developments, vol. 2, 1992: 80-88) 1830 Printer’s Manuscript of the Book of Mormon In preparation for printing, Joseph had Oliver copy the Original Manuscript into what is called the “Printer’s Manuscript.” According to Royal Skousen, the Printers Manuscript is not an exact copy of the Original Manuscript. Skousen found on the average three changes per Original Manuscript page. In Skousen’s view, “these changes appear to be natural scribal errors; there is little or no evidence of conscious editing. Most of the changes were minor, and about one in five produced a discernible difference in meaning.” The Printers Manuscript has wholly survived except for two lines. (Source: Royal Skousen, “Manuscripts of the Book of Mormon.” In To All the World: The Book of Mormon Articles from the Encyclopedia of Mormonism, p. 179) Printers Manuscript stepbystep 1830 1830 Edition of The Book of Mormon (Palmyra) Working for owner E.B. -
A Joseph Smith Commentary on the Book of Abraham
A Joseph Smith Commentary on The Book of Abraham An Introduction to the Study of the Book of Abraham A Joseph Smith Commentary on The Book of Abraham An Introduction to the Study of the Book of Abraham William V. Smith ii Third Edition Copyright © 2009 William V. Smith. All rights reserved Images from early LDS periodicals and publications courtesy Brigham Young University Library unless noted. Images of P. Joseph Smith and early LDS documents copyright as indicated. iii "I never had the feeling for one moment, to believe that any man or set of men or beings upon the face of the whole earth had anything to do with [Joseph Smith], for he was superior to them all, and held the keys of salvation over them." -Brigham Young "God of Abraham, God of Isaac, God of Jacob, not of the philosophers and scholars. Certainty. Certainty. Feeling. Joy. Peace." - Blaise Pascal A paper dated 23 Nov. 1654, stitched in the lining of his coat, discovered after his death. iv To Hugh Winder Nibley v Contents (page numbers are only approximate) Introduction……………………………………………………………… viii Introduction Notes………………………………………………… xiii Abbreviations ……………………………..……………………… xxi Manuscript and Text Naming Conventions...…………………….. xxiv Commentary Facsimile No. 1…………………………………………………… 1 Notes on Facsimile No. 1 and Translation………………………. 4 Notes on (1:1) to (1:3)……………………………………………. 23 Notes on (1:4) to (1:7)……………………………………………. 33 Notes on (1:8) to (1:11)…………………………………………… 37 Notes on (1:12) to (1:14)…………………………………………. 42 Notes on (1:15) to (1:19)…………………………………………. 45 Notes on (1:20) to (1:22)…………………………………………. 47 Notes on (1:23) to (1:26)…………………………………………. -
On Saints, Sinners, and Sex in the Apocalypse of Saint John and the Sefer Zerubbabel
The University of San Francisco USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center Theology & Religious Studies College of Arts and Sciences 12-30-2016 On Saints, Sinners, and Sex in the Apocalypse of Saint John and the Sefer Zerubbabel Natalie Latteri Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.usfca.edu/thrs Part of the Christianity Commons, History of Religion Commons, Jewish Studies Commons, and the Social History Commons Apocalypse of St. John and the Sefer Zerubbabel On Saints, Sinners, and Sex in the Apocalypse of St. John and the Sefer Zerubbabel Natalie E. Latteri, University of New Mexico, NM, USA Abstract The Apocalypse of St. John and the Sefer Zerubbabel [a.k.a Apocalypse of Zerubbabel] are among the most popular apocalypses of the Common Era. While the Johannine Apocalypse was written by a first-century Jewish-Christian author and would later be refracted through a decidedly Christian lens, and the Sefer Zerubbabel was probably composed by a seventh-century Jewish author for a predominantly Jewish audience, the two share much in the way of plot, narrative motifs, and archetypal characters. An examination of these commonalities and, in particular, how they intersect with gender and sexuality, suggests that these texts also may have functioned similarly as a call to reform within the generations that originally received them and, perhaps, among later medieval generations in which the texts remained important. The Apocalypse of St. John and the Sefer Zerubbabel, or Book of Zerubbabel, are among the most popular apocalypses of the Common Era.1 While the Johannine Apocalypse was written by a first-century Jewish-Christian author and would later be refracted through a decidedly Christian lens, and the Sefer Zerubbabel was probably composed by a seventh-century Jewish author for a predominantly Jewish audience, the two share much in the way of plot, narrative motifs, and archetypal characters.