The Nakedness and the Clothing of Adam and Eve Jeffrey M
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
4 Bradshaw.Indd
4 The Tree of Knowledge as the Veil of the Sanctuary Jeffrey M. Bradshaw ne thing that has always perplexed readers of OGenesis is the location of the two special trees within the Garden of Eden. Although scripture initially applies the phrase “in the midst” only to the tree of life (Genesis 2:9), the tree of knowledge is later said by Eve to be located there too (see Genesis 3:3).1 In the context of these verses, the Hebrew phrase corresponding to “in the midst” literally means “in the center.”2 How can both trees be in the center? Elaborate explanations have been attempted to de- scribe how both the tree of life and the tree of knowledge could share the center of the Garden of Eden.3 For exam- Fig. 1. Intertwined Tree of Life and Tree of Knowledge in ple, it has been suggested that these two trees were in re- the Center of a Mountainous ality different aspects of a single tree, that they shared a Garden of Eden Setting. common trunk, or that they were somehow intertwined, From Lutwin, How the Devil Deceived Eve (detail), as shown in figure 1. early fourteenth century. Jeffrey M. Bradshaw, PhD, is a senior research scientist at the Florida Institute for Human and Machine Cognition (IHMC) in Pensacola, Florida (http://www.ihmc.us/groups/ jbradshaw ; http://www.templethemes.net ). 49 50 Jeffrey M. Bradshaw As we consider the story more carefully as a whole, it will become appar- ent why the confusion about the location of the two trees in the Genesis ac- count may well be intentional. -
The Garment of Adam in Jewish, Muslim, and Christian Tradition
24 The Garmentof Adam in Jewish, Muslim, and ChristianTradition Stephen D. Ricks Although rarely occurring in any detail, the motif of Adam's garment appears with surprising frequency in ancient Jewish and Christian literature. (I am using the term "Adam's garment" as a cover term to include any garment bestowed by a divine being to one of the patri archs that is preserved and passed on, in many instances, from one generation to another. I will thus also consider garments divinely granted to other patriarchal figures, including Noah, Abraham, and Joseph.) Although attested less often than in the Jewish and Christian sources, the motif also occurs in the literature of early Islam, espe cially in the Isra'iliyyiit literature in the Muslim authors al ThaclabI and al-Kisa'I as well as in the Rasii'il Ikhwiin al ~afa (Epistles of the Brethren of Purity). Particularly when discussing the garment of Adam in the Jewish tradition, I will shatter chronological boundaries, ranging from the biblical, pseudepigraphic, and midrashic references to the garment of Adam to its medieval attestations. 1 In what fol lows, I wish to consider (1) the garment of Adam as a pri mordial creation; (2) the garment as a locus of power, a symbol of authority, and a high priestly garb; and (3) the garment of Adam and heavenly robes. 2 705 706 STEPHEN D. RICKS 1. The Garment of Adam as a Primordial Creation The traditions of Adam's garment in the Hebrew Bible begin quite sparely, with a single verse in Genesis 3:21, where we are informed that "God made garments of skins for Adam and for his wife and clothed them." Probably the oldest rabbinic traditions include the view that God gave garments to Adam and Eve before the Fall but that these were not garments of skin (Hebrew 'or) but instead gar ments of light (Hebrew 'or). -
Eve: Influential Glimpses from Her Story
Scriptura 90 (2005), pp. 765-778 EVE: INFLUENTIAL GLIMPSES FROM HER STORY Maretha M Jacobs University of South Africa Abstract Having inherited Christianity and its institutional manifestations from their male ancestors, whose voices were for many centuries, and are still, inextricably linked to that of God, women only recently started to ask the all important why-questions about the Christian religion, its origin and its effects on their lives. In this article a look is taken at some glimpses from the mostly male story about Eve, by which women’s lives were deeply influenced. By detecting the contexts, history, moti- vations and interests behind aspects of this story, it is exposed for what it is: A male construct or constructs and not “how it really was and is” about Eve and her female descendants. Keywords: Eve, History of Interpretation, Feminist Criticism Introduction Take a narrative of human origins which originated in a patriarchal culture in which a woman plays a prominent role, though she is – supposedly – also the biggest culprit, include this narrative, and character, in the genre Holy Scriptures, situate it at a strategic position within these Scriptures where it becomes not merely a, but the story of human origins, and later on especially that of sin, leave – for many centuries – its interpretation mainly to the “other” sex within ever changing contexts, though predominantly those unfriendly to women, make it an essential building block of a belief system. And you are left with the kind of interpretation history and impact of the story of Eve, which has for a long time been the dominant one. -
The Fall of Satan in the Thought of St. Ephrem and John Milton
Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies, Vol. 3.1, 3–27 © 2000 [2010] by Beth Mardutho: The Syriac Institute and Gorgias Press THE FALL OF SATAN IN THE THOUGHT OF ST. EPHREM AND JOHN MILTON GARY A. ANDERSON HARVARD DIVINITY SCHOOL CAMBRIDGE, MA USA ABSTRACT In the Life of Adam and Eve, Satan “the first-born” refused to venerate Adam, the “latter-born.” Later writers had difficulty with the tale because it granted Adam honors that were proper to Christ (Philippians 2:10, “at the name of Jesus, every knee should bend.”) The tale of Satan’s fall was then altered to reflect this Christological sensibility. Milton created a story of Christ’s elevation prior to the creation of man. Ephrem, on the other hand, moved the story to Holy Saturday. In Hades, Death acknowledged Christ as the true first- born whereas Satan rejected any such acclamation. [1] For some time I have pondered the problem of Satan’s fall in early Jewish and Christian sources. My point of origin has been the justly famous account found in the Life of Adam and Eve (hereafter: Life).1 1 See G. Anderson, “The Exaltation of Adam and the Fall of Satan,” Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy, 6 (1997): 105–34. 3 4 Gary A. Anderson I say justly famous because the Life itself existed in six versions- Greek, Latin, Armenian, Georgian, Slavonic, and Coptic (now extant only in fragments)-yet the tradition that the Life drew on is present in numerous other documents from Late Antiquity.2 And one should mention its surprising prominence in Islam-the story was told and retold some seven times in the Koran and was subsequently subject to further elaboration among Muslim exegetes and storytellers.3 My purpose in this essay is to carry forward work I have already done on this text to the figures of St. -
GNOSIS and NAG HAMMADI Anne Mcguire
12 GNOSIS AND NAG HAMMADI Anne McGuire Introduction Introductory remarks on “gnosis” and “Gnosticism” “Gnosticism” is a modern European term that !rst appears in the seventeenth-century writings of Cambridge Platonist Henry More (1614–87). For More, “Gnosticism” designates one of the earliest Christian heresies, connected to controversies addressed in Revelation 2:18–29 and in his own day.1 The term “gnosis,” on the other hand, is one of several ancient Greek nouns for “knowledge,” speci!cally experiential or esoteric knowledge based on direct experience, which can be distinguished from mere perception, understanding, or skill. For Plato and other ancient thinkers, “gnosis” refers to that knowledge which enables perception of the underlying structures of reality, Being itself, or the divine.2 Such gnosis was valued highly in many early Christian communities,3 yet the claims of some early Christians to possess gnosis came under suspicion and critique in the post-Pauline letter of 1 Timothy, which urges its readers to “avoid the profane chatter and contradictions of falsely so-called gnosis.”4 With this began the polemical contrast between “false gnosis” and “true faith.” It is this polemical sense of “false gnosis” that Bishop Irenaeus of Lyons took up in the title of his major anti-heretical work: Refutation and Overthrow of Falsely So-Called Gnosis, or Against Heresies, written c. "# 180.5 Irenaeus used 1 Timothy’s phrase not only to designate his opponents’ gnosis as false, but, even more important, to construct a broad category of -
Adam and Seth in Arabic Medieval Literature: The
ARAM, 22 (2010) 509-547. doi: 10.2143/ARAM.22.0.2131052 ADAM AND SETH IN ARABIC MEDIEVAL LITERATURE: THE MANDAEAN CONNECTIONS IN AL-MUBASHSHIR IBN FATIK’S CHOICEST MAXIMS (11TH C.) AND SHAMS AL-DIN AL-SHAHRAZURI AL-ISHRAQI’S HISTORY OF THE PHILOSOPHERS (13TH C.)1 Dr. EMILY COTTRELL (Leiden University) Abstract In the middle of the thirteenth century, Shams al-Din al-Shahrazuri al-Ishraqi (d. between 1287 and 1304) wrote an Arabic history of philosophy entitled Nuzhat al-Arwah wa Raw∂at al-AfraÌ. Using some older materials (mainly Ibn Nadim; the ∑iwan al-Ìikma, and al-Mubashshir ibn Fatik), he considers the ‘Modern philosophers’ (ninth-thirteenth c.) to be the heirs of the Ancients, and collects for his demonstration the stories of the ancient sages and scientists, from Adam to Proclus as well as the biographical and bibliographical details of some ninety modern philosophers. Two interesting chapters on Adam and Seth have not been studied until this day, though they give some rare – if cursory – historical information on the Mandaeans, as was available to al-Shahrazuri al-Ishraqi in the thirteenth century. We will discuss the peculiar historiography adopted by Shahrazuri, and show the complexity of a source he used, namely al-Mubashshir ibn Fatik’s chapter on Seth, which betray genuine Mandaean elements. The Near and Middle East were the cradle of a number of legends in which Adam and Seth figure. They are presented as forefathers, prophets, spiritual beings or hypostases emanating from higher beings or created by their will. In this world of multi-millenary literacy, the transmission of texts often defied any geographical boundaries. -
EARL 8/2 No. 2
ATTRIDGE/VALENTINIAN AND SETHIAN APOCALYPSES 173 Valentinian and Sethian Apocalyptic Traditions* HAROLD W. ATTRIDGE The paper reexamines the relationship between “apocalyptic” and “gnostic” traditions, on the assumption that global definitions of these phenomena are problematic. Valentinian and Sethian corpora in the Nag Hammadi collection display different appropriations of apocalyptic literary forms and conceptual schemes. Apart from a few late works with traces of Valentinian positions, this tradition largely ignores features characteristic of apocalyptic literature. Valentinian eschatology seems to be founded primarily on philosophical cosmology and psychology. Sethian texts preserve many features of Jewish revelatory literature, and many details associated with various eschatological schemes familiar from apocalyptic sources. The most extensive use of the characteristic “heavenly ascent” topos in Sethian literature, however, seems to be a third-century development, perhaps responding to contemporary forms of religious propaganda. It has been almost forty years since R. M. Grant made his famous, and frequently discussed, suggestion that Gnosticism was born out of disap- pointed apocalyptic hopes.1 While containing an element of truth, the very formulation seems curiously dated. At the end of the millennium we are much more aware of the difficulties of dealing with each term of *A version of this paper was presented to the joint session of the Nag Hammadi and Pseudepigrapha groups at the annual meeting of the Society of Biblical Literature in Orlando, November 22, 1998. The subject of the joint session was the relationship of “apocalyptic” and “Gnosticism.” 1. Robert M. Grant, Gnosticism and Early Christianity (New York: Columbia University Press, 1959; rev. ed. 1966), 27–38. -
The Redemption Of
The Redemption of Eve Jolene Edmunds Rockwood(1) I am Eve, the wife of noble Adam; it was I who violated Jesus in the past; it was I who robbed my children of heaven; it is I by right who should have been crucified. I had heaven at my command; evil the bad choice that shamed me; evil the punishment for my crime that has aged me; alas, my hand is not pure. It was I who plucked the apple; it went past the narrow of my gullet; as long as they live in daylight women will not cease from folly on account of that. There would be no ice in any place; there would be no bright windy winter; there would be no hell, there would be no grief, there would be no terror but for me. Anonymous, Old Irish1(2) For over two thousand years, since the first commentary on Genesis was presented, Eve has been blamed for woes ranging from the origin of sin to the presumed inferiority of the female sex. Because of Eve, women have been cursed, their subordination to man has been justified, and their feminine weaknesses have been stereotyped. Much of this tradition has been so engrained in our Judeo-Christian culture that we are often unaware of its presence or its origin. Yet if it were possible to eradicate all our culturally induced prejudices about Eve and examine the original Hebrew text of the whole Eden account, we would find a story that actually says very little of what it has throughout the centuries been credited with saying. -
Standing in the Holy Place: Ancient and Modern Reverberations of an Enigmatic New Testament Prophecy
Standing in the Holy Place: Ancient and Modern Reverberations of an Enigmatic New Testament Prophecy Jeffrey M. Bradshaw Figure 1: J. James Tissot, 1836-1902: The Prophecy of the Destruction of the Temple, 1886-1894 mmediately after His prophecy about the destruction of the temple, Iand just prior to the culminating events of the Passion week, Jesus “went upon the Mount of Olives.”2 Here, in a setting associated with some of His most sacred teachings,3 His apostles “came unto him privately” to question him about the “destruction of the temple, and the Jews,” and the “sign of [His] coming, and of the end of the world, or the destruction of the wicked.” Within this discourse, Jesus gave one of the most controversial prophecies of the New Testament: When ye therefore shall see the abomination of desolation … stand in the holy place … Then let them which be in Judea flee into the mountains:4 The gospel of Mark is at variance with the wording of the gospel of Matthew, though the two accounts agree in general meaning. Instead of saying that the “abomination of desolation” will “stand in the holy place,”5 72 • Ancient Temple Worship Bradshaw, Standing in the Holy Place • 73 Mark asserts that it will be “standing where it ought not.”6 Luke, writing What [modern exegetes] generally share (although there are, to a Gentile audience that was not as familiar with the temple and its of course, exceptions) is a profound discomfort with the actual customs as were the Jews addressed by Matthew, describes the sign in a interpretations that the ancients came up with — these have more general way, referring to how Jerusalem would be “compassed by little or no place in the way Scripture is to be expounded today. -
On Saints, Sinners, and Sex in the Apocalypse of Saint John and the Sefer Zerubbabel
The University of San Francisco USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center Theology & Religious Studies College of Arts and Sciences 12-30-2016 On Saints, Sinners, and Sex in the Apocalypse of Saint John and the Sefer Zerubbabel Natalie Latteri Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.usfca.edu/thrs Part of the Christianity Commons, History of Religion Commons, Jewish Studies Commons, and the Social History Commons Apocalypse of St. John and the Sefer Zerubbabel On Saints, Sinners, and Sex in the Apocalypse of St. John and the Sefer Zerubbabel Natalie E. Latteri, University of New Mexico, NM, USA Abstract The Apocalypse of St. John and the Sefer Zerubbabel [a.k.a Apocalypse of Zerubbabel] are among the most popular apocalypses of the Common Era. While the Johannine Apocalypse was written by a first-century Jewish-Christian author and would later be refracted through a decidedly Christian lens, and the Sefer Zerubbabel was probably composed by a seventh-century Jewish author for a predominantly Jewish audience, the two share much in the way of plot, narrative motifs, and archetypal characters. An examination of these commonalities and, in particular, how they intersect with gender and sexuality, suggests that these texts also may have functioned similarly as a call to reform within the generations that originally received them and, perhaps, among later medieval generations in which the texts remained important. The Apocalypse of St. John and the Sefer Zerubbabel, or Book of Zerubbabel, are among the most popular apocalypses of the Common Era.1 While the Johannine Apocalypse was written by a first-century Jewish-Christian author and would later be refracted through a decidedly Christian lens, and the Sefer Zerubbabel was probably composed by a seventh-century Jewish author for a predominantly Jewish audience, the two share much in the way of plot, narrative motifs, and archetypal characters. -
Apocalypse of Adam | 1 APOCALYPSE of ADAM
Apocalypse Of Adam | 1 APOCALYPSE OF ADAM The fifth tractate in Codex V of the NAG HAMMADI LIBRARY. It purports to be a revelation given by Adam to his son Seth, “in the 700th year,” that is, just prior to Adam’s death (Gn. 5:3-5). This feature gives the document the character of a “last testament” and associates it with other testamentary literature in antiquity. Adam describes his fall in the Garden of Eden as a lapse into ignorance. Three heavenly figures then appear to Adam, and their revelation to him becomes the subject of Adam’s last testament to Seth. He describes to Seth the origin of a special race of men and their struggle against the creator god (called Sacla, the Almighty). Three attempts are made by the creator to destroy this race of men who possess the knowledge of the eternal God. Two of these threats are drawn from well- known Jewish traditions, but here they are given a new interpretation. For example, the biblical flood narrative is interpreted as the attempt of a wicked creator god to destroy the pure race of men that possess the special knowledge of the eternal god (67.22-76.7). Adam describes the descent of a heavenly figure, the illuminator of knowledge. His appearance shakes the cosmos of the creator god and his evil host. They persecute him, yet he succeeds in revealing his knowledge to the special race of men. The narrative ends with an apocalyptic scene reminiscent of Matthew 25, in which those who oppose the illuminator fall under the condemnation of death but those who receive his knowledge “will live forever.” The narrative breaks down into two sections that appear to be two sources harmonized by an ancient editor with appropriate redactional comments at the point of literary seams. -
Adam's Fall in the Book of Mormon, Second Temple Judaism, and Early Christianity
Adam's Fall in the Book of Mormon, Second Temple Judaism, and Early Christianity Stephen D. Ricks In Father Lehi’s justly famous sermon to his son Jacob, Adam’s transgression is depicted in a remarkably favorable light: the fall was a necessary precondition for mortality, for redemption, and for joy; the serpent gure in the Garden of Eden was Satan, an angel who fell from heaven. The gure of Adam and the story of Adam’s fall square well with the depiction of him in Jewish apocryphal and pseudepigraphic writings, where a positive, if not admiring picture is drawn. But that view diverges sharply from the picture of Adam and his transgression in early Christianity, expressed in denitive form by Augustine, who has a pessimistic outlook on Adam and his fall, a perspective that may have been freighted with his Manichaean baggage. Adam and the Fall in the Book of Mormon The consequences of Adam and Eve’s transgression are outlined succinctly in 2 Nephi 2 and in King Benjamin’s equally famous sermon to the Nephites at the time of Mosiah’s assumption of royal authority, presented in Mosiah 3: 1. A vital precondition for the fall was the expulsion of Satan from the presence of God. According to Lehi, an “angel of God had fallen from heaven; wherefore, he became a devil, having sought that which was evil before God.” Because of his expulsion from the presence of God he “had become miserable forever” and “sought also the misery of all mankind.” Satan tempted Eve to partake of the forbidden fruit, saying, “Ye shall not die, but ye shall be as God, knowing good and evil” (2 Nephi 2:17—18).