54 Abd Al-Rahman III (912–61)
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180 Goi Erdi Aroko Pertsona-Izenak. Germaniar Jatorriko Pertsona-Izenak
180 Goi Erdi Aroko pertsona-izenak. Germaniar jatorriko pertsona-izenak 1 Testuingurua 2 Euskaraz nola idatzi germaniar jatorriko izenak? 3 Irizpide xeheak 4 Germaniar jatorriko pertsona-izenen sailkako zerrendak 5 Germaniar jatorriko pertsona-izenak zerrenda bakarrean (euskara-erdarak) 6 Germaniar jatorriko pertsona-izenak zerrenda bakarrean (erdarak-euskara) ------------------------------------------------------------------ 1 Testuingurua Mendebaldeko Erromatar Inperioa desagertu ondoren ere, Erdi Aroaren hasieran, latinak jarraitu zuen prestigiozko hizkuntza izaten Europako erdialdean eta mendebaldean. Garai hartako pertsona-izen nagusiak latinez idatzitako kroniketan (Historiae Francorum, Annales regni Francorum, Annales Fuldenses, Annales Bertiniani...) agertu ziren lehen aldiz idatziz, eta latinaren bidez hedatu ziren Europan erresumetako hizkuntzetara. 1 Inguruko hizkuntzetara eta Europako hizkuntza nagusietara begiratuta, argi eta garbi ageri da garai hartako pertsona-izen nagusiak (errege- erreginak, santu-santak, buruzagiak...) askotan ez direla berdin idazten hizkuntza guztietan. Hau da, hizkuntza bakoitzak bere sistema grafikora egokitu ditu izenok, eta bere grafia eman die. Adibidez, latinezko kroniketan Lotharius dena (jatorria: hlud "ospetsua" eta hari "armada" elementu germanikoak) Lothaire da frantsesez, Lotario gaztelaniaz eta italieraz, Lothair ingelesez, Lothar alemanez, Lotari katalanez, eta abar; latinezko Rudolphus dena (jatorria: hrod "fama" eta wulf "otsoa" elementu germanikoak) Rodolphe da frantsesez, Rodolfo -
Las Manifestaciones Religiosas En El Conventus Emeritensis (Parte Española) a Través De Los Documentos Epigráficos
Acta Palaeohispanica IX Palaeohispanica 5, (2005), pp. 709-720 LAS MANIFESTACIONES RELIGIOSAS EN EL CONVENTUS EMERITENSIS (PARTE ESPAÑOLA) A TRAVÉS DE LOS DOCUMENTOS EPIGRÁFICOS M.ª Luz Barberarena Para controlar el territorio conquistado, Roma necesitaba articularlo a través núcleos urbanos de los que éste dependía jurídica y administra- tivamente, por lo que la ciudad actuó como fuente de romanización del mismo. Las ciudades estudiadas para este trabajo han sido trece: Augusta Emerita, Augustobriga, Bletisa(ma), Caesarobriga, Capera, Caurium, Lacimurga/Lacinimurga, Metellinum, Mirobriga, Norba Caesarina, Obila, Salmantica y Turgalium.1 PANORÁMICA RELIGIOSA DEL CONVENTUS EMERITENSIS Si observamos la distribución de la epigrafía votiva del conventus Emeritensis, comprobamos que hay tres niveles en cuanto a la cantidad de epígrafes conservados en cada entidad urbana. En un primer nivel estarían Augusta Emerita, Capera, Norba Caesarina y Turgalium, enti- 1 Sobre el estatuto jurídico de estas ciudades: Le Roux (1990); García y Bellido (1959), Pintado (2002). Hemos excluido Lancia Oppidana por las dudas que subsisten acerca de su ubicación. Para Alarcâo la mayor parte de su territorio correspondería a España, mientras que el de Lancia Transcudana correspondería a Portugal (Alarcâo (1990), p. 29). Sin embargo sobre el núcleo urbano sigue habiendo discrepancias, pues mientras que para Hurtado de San Antonio estaría en la zona de Valverde del Fresno (Cáceres) (Hurtado de San Antonio (1976), pp. 610-612), para Roldán estaría en algún lugar de Portugal, que no precisa (Roldán Hervás (1968-1969), p. 88). En cualquier caso, como hemos recogido toda la epigrafía de la provincia de Cáceres, si Lancia Oppidana estuviera en España su documentación queda estudiada dentro del territorium de Caurium. -
Slaves in Lusitania: Identity, Demography and Social Relations Autor(Es): Curchin, Leonard A
Slaves in Lusitania: identity, demography and social relations Autor(es): Curchin, Leonard A. Publicado por: Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra URL persistente: URI:http://hdl.handle.net/10316.2/43447 DOI: DOI:https://doi.org/10.14195/1647-8657_56_3 Accessed : 2-Oct-2021 05:49:58 A navegação consulta e descarregamento dos títulos inseridos nas Bibliotecas Digitais UC Digitalis, UC Pombalina e UC Impactum, pressupõem a aceitação plena e sem reservas dos Termos e Condições de Uso destas Bibliotecas Digitais, disponíveis em https://digitalis.uc.pt/pt-pt/termos. Conforme exposto nos referidos Termos e Condições de Uso, o descarregamento de títulos de acesso restrito requer uma licença válida de autorização devendo o utilizador aceder ao(s) documento(s) a partir de um endereço de IP da instituição detentora da supramencionada licença. Ao utilizador é apenas permitido o descarregamento para uso pessoal, pelo que o emprego do(s) título(s) descarregado(s) para outro fim, designadamente comercial, carece de autorização do respetivo autor ou editor da obra. Na medida em que todas as obras da UC Digitalis se encontram protegidas pelo Código do Direito de Autor e Direitos Conexos e demais legislação aplicável, toda a cópia, parcial ou total, deste documento, nos casos em que é legalmente admitida, deverá conter ou fazer-se acompanhar por este aviso. impactum.uc.pt digitalis.uc.pt Leonard A. Curchin Classical Studies. University of Waterloo (Canada) [email protected] SLAVES IN LUSITANIA: IDENTITY, DEMOGRAPHY AND SOCIAL RELATIONS “Conimbriga” LVI (2017) p. 75-108 https://doi.org/10.14195/1647-8657_56_3 Summary: An analysis is made of inscriptions from Lusitania naming slaves, which is necessarily limited to persons explicitly identified as servi or the like. -
Demography Roman Spain
CARRERAS MONFORT C. A new perspective for the demographic study of Roman Spain. Revista de Historia da Arte e Arqueologia n.2, 1995-1996; pp. 59-82. A NEW PERSPECTIVE FOR THE DEMOGRAPHIC STUDY OF ROMAN SPAIN César Carreras Monfort* * Universitat Oberta de Catalunya e-mail: [email protected] In the last years, there has been an increase in the number of demographic studies of ancient societies, with the main aim to recognize the internal organization of the populations and, to some extent, how the resources of a territory determined patterns of distribution [Gallo, 1984; Parkin, 1992]. Actually, within the limits of the Roman society, these studies allowed us to revise again basic concepts such as the relationship between the urban and rural world [López Paz, 1994], or even, to discuss about the degree of urbanism that supposedly it is accepted for the Graeco-Roman world. The demographic analyses on the Roman period were recently favoured by a better knowledge now, of the urban perimeters of ancient Roman cities, and the patterns of rural distribution; thanks to the contribution of either the urban archaeology and the rural field-surveys [Barker, 1991] and cadastres studies [Chouquer and Favory, 1991]. Furthermore, the important contribution of papyrology also stands out, since they supply information on demography, which despite being basically about Roman Egypt, it can be extrapolated to other provinces [Hombert and Preaux, 1952; Bagnall and Frier, 1994]. These new documental evidences allow us to carry out a new estimate, from another viewpoint, of the population in a very particular province such as Roman Spain, and also they become a headway in the detailed study of population patterns. -
Achila, Visigothic King, 34 Acisclus, Córdoban Martyr, 158 Adams
Index ; Achila, Visigothic king, 34 Almodóvar del Río, Spain, 123–24 Acisclus, Córdoban martyr, 158 Almonacid de la Cuba, Spain, 150. See Adams, Robert, 21 also Dams Aemilian, St., 160 Alonso de la Sierra, Juan, 97 Aerial photography, 40, 82 Amalaric, Visigothic king, 29–30, 132, Aetius, Roman general, 173–75 157 Africa, 4, 21–23; and amphorae, 116, Amber, 114 137, 187, 196; and ARS, 46, 56, 90, Ammianus Marcellinus, Roman histo- 99, 187; and Byzantine reconquest, rian, 166, 168 30; and ‹shing, 103; and olive oil, Amphorae, 43, 80, 199–200; exported 88, 188; and Roman army, 114, 127, from Spain, 44, 97–98, 113, 115–16, 166; and trade, 105, 141; and Van- 172; kilns, 61–62, 87–90, 184; from dals, 27–28, 97, 127, 174 North Africa, 129, 187. See also African Red Slip (ARS) pottery, 101, Kilns 147, 186–87, 191, 197; de‹nition, 41, Anderson, Perry, 5 43, 44, 46; and site survival, 90, Andujar, Spain, 38, 47, 63 92–95, 98–99; and trade, 105–6, 110, Annales, 8, 12, 39 114, 116, 129, 183 Annona: disruption by Vandals, 97, Agde, council of, 29, 36, 41 174; to Roman army, 44, 81, 114–17; Agglomeration, 40–42, 59, 92 to Rome, 23, 27, 44, 81, 113; under Agila, Visigothic king, 158–59. See Ostrogoths, 29, 133. See also Army also Athanagild Antioch, Syria, 126 Agrippa, Roman general, 118 Anti-Semitism, 12, 33. See also Jews Alans, 24, 26, 27, 34, 126, 175 Antonine Itinerary, 152 Alaric, Visigothic king, 2, 5, 26–27 Apuleius, Roman writer, 75–76, 122 Alaric II, Visigothic king, 29–30 Aqueducts, 119, 130, 134, 174–75 Alcalá del Río, Spain, 40, 44, 93, 123, Aquitaine, France, 2, 27, 45, 102 148 Arabs, 33–34, 132–33, 137. -
La Prima Moneta D'oro Portoghese
LA PRIMA MONETA D’ORO PORTOGHESE Un solido di Onorio emesso da Rechiar a Bracara a cura di Antonio Di Francesco Suevi in Galizia. Periodo di Rechiar (448-55), a nome di Onorio (395-423), Solido (4,38 g. – 12h), Bracara. D./ D N HONORIVS P F AVG. Busto con diadema di perle, drappeggiato e corazzato, a destra. R./ VICTORIA AVGGG. L’imperatore stante a destra, che tiene un labaro e una Vittoria sul globo; il piede sinistro è su un barbaro; nel campo, ai lati, B – R; in esergo COMOB. Ex Dix Noonan Webb, 27 settembre 2007, lotto n. 2861; stimata £ 20.000 - £ 25.000 e venduta £ 52.000. Il 27 settembre 2007 la Dix Noonan Webb (DNW) di Londra ha messo in vendita un esemplare unico emesso al tempo del re suevo Rechiar (448-55) in Portogallo. La moneta ben illustrata, è stata accompagnata da alcune note che appresso traduciamo in lingua italiana. Abbiamo tralasciato la parte inerente le notizie storiche che invece ab- biamo voluto riportare sulla base delle nostre ricerche. Michael Metcalf ha scritto che: «Una vasta serie di imitazioni di solidi a nome di Onorio (393-423), e con il segno di zecca M D (Mediolanum) fu attribuita agli Suevi sin dal 1942 da W. Reinhart. Essi sono rappresentati in collezioni pubbliche e private portoghesi. Ritrovamenti relativi alle monete sueve sono stati registrati come provenienti da Coimbra, Castelo Branco, Covilhã e Badajoz. Il presente esemplare, che è stilisticamente simile alle serie imitative con M D, differisce da loro avendo il se- gno di zecca B R, che si riscontra anche sulle siliquae d’argento del re suevo Rechiar (448-55). -
Catherine De' Medici: the Crafting of an Evil Legend
Portland State University PDXScholar Young Historians Conference Young Historians Conference 2020 Apr 27th, 9:00 AM - 10:00 AM Catherine de' Medici: The Crafting of an Evil Legend Lindsey J. Donohue Clackamas High School Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/younghistorians Part of the Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons, History Commons, and the Italian Language and Literature Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Donohue, Lindsey J., "Catherine de' Medici: The Crafting of an Evil Legend" (2020). Young Historians Conference. 23. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/younghistorians/2020/papers/23 This Event is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Young Historians Conference by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. CATHERINE DE’ MEDICI: THE CRAFTING OF AN EVIL LEGEND Lindsey Donohue Western Civilization February 18, 2020 1 When describing the legend of the evil Italian queen, Catherine de’ Medici, and why Medici has been historically misrepresented, being credited with such malediction and wickedness, N.M Sutherland states that she has been viewed as a, “. .monster of selfish ambition, who sacrificed her children, her adopted country, her principles - if she ever had any - , and all who stood in her way to the satisfaction of her all-consuming desire for power.”1 The legend of the wicked Italian queen held widespread attraction among many, especially after Medici’s death in 1589. The famous legend paints Medici inaccurately by disregarding her achievements as queen regent as well as her constant struggle to administer peace during a time of intense political turmoil and religious feuding, and it assumes that Medici was a victim of circumstance. -
Leandro Ribeiro Ferreira 550 ISBN 1540 5877 Ehumanista 29 (2014
Leandro Ribeiro Ferreira 550 Crónicas de um Período de Interregno (1383-1385): como o “poboo meudo”, “açeso com brava sanha”, bradou a sua voz pelo Mestre de Avis1 Leandro Ribeiro Ferreira (Universidade do Porto – Faculdade de Letras) Introdução Partindo da primeira parte da crónica de D. João I será analisada uma questão que pensamos não estar profundamente estudada pela historiografia portuguesa. Falamos da forma como alguns populares, durante o Período de Interregno de 1383- 1385, após se declararem partidários do Mestre de Avis, tomaram alguns castelos, em Portugal, cujos alcaides se haviam declarado pela rainha D. Beatriz. Para atingir este desiderato, este trabalho dividir-se-á em três partes, através das quais será conduzida a nossa narrativa. Na primeira, trataremos de abordar um período que nos parece fundamental para compreender todo o Período de Interregno. Referimo-nos ao intervalo de tempo decorrido entre a morte de D. Fernando, rei de Portugal, e do Conde Andeiro. Por esse motivo, o nosso primeiro ponto assume o nome de “De D. Fernando ao Conde Andeiro: entre duas mortes, um destino traçado”. Na segunda parte (“A “çega sanha” do “poboo meudo”: os levantamentos populares entre 1383 e 1384”), daremos destaque à narrativa de Fernão Lopes que trata a tomada de voz dos populares pela causa do Mestre de Avis. Serão feitos comentários ao texto de Fernão Lopes sempre que se proporcionar, reservando, no entanto, para a terceira e última parte (“O texto escrito nas entrelinhas”) os comentários que, pela sua especificidade, possam aí ser incorporados. Isto é, neste ponto, o texto lopiano será analisado tendo em vista as ações das massas populares à luz dos processos de legitimação de poder na Idade Média e das relações que estes textos possam ter com outros modelos narrativos pré-existentes. -
En Torno a La Moneda Visigoda About Visighotic Coinage
DOCUMENTA & INSTRUMENTA, 1 (2004), PP. 179-201 _______________________________________________________________________________ EN TORNO A LA MONEDA VISIGODA ABOUT VISIGHOTIC COINAGE MARÍA RUIZ TRAPERO Universidad Complutense de Madrid Resumen: En este artículo se intenta contribuir a través de la investigación de fuentes monetarias al conocimiento actual de la moneda visigoda. Se parte de las series monetarias emitidas en Hispania de patrón ponderal romano de base duodecimal, ajustado a la reforma constantiniana acuñadas por los visigodos durante la Edad Media, con organización jurídico-administrativa también romana y con tipos montéales que incluso nacen de la imitación del arte imperial. Imitación seguida desde Leovigildo por todos sus sucesores hasta el final de sus emisiones, al establecer la moneda propiamente nacional sobre la base de las provincias romanas. Palabras clave: Investigación numismática, fuentes de información histórica. Abstract: This article tries to contribute to the knowledge of visighotic coinage, through monetary sources. The beginning are the coins that were coined in Hispania by Visigoths; these were of roman system, fit to reform of Constantine. Its juridical-administrative organisation is also roman and its types born of imitation of imperial art. This imitation is followed to Leovigild, when the properly national coinage is established on the base of Roman provinces. Keywords: Numismatic investigation, sources of historic information. Las emisiones visigodas son emisiones hispánicas y su moneda es documento vivo de su historia que desde Leovigildo define, sin apartarse del patrón ponderal y del sistema romano al que pertenecen; reflejo de ese nuevo Estado, a la romana, sí, pero jurídicamente independiente, con personalidad política propia. Leovigildo aprovecha la impronta de sus monedas para transmitir y propagar, a través de un proceso perfectamente programado, su profundo sentido político. -
Jeanne D'albret Was the Most Illustrious Woman of Her Time, and Perhaps One of the Most Illustrious Women in All History
Jeanne D’Albret (1528 – 1572) Jeanne d'Albret was the most illustrious woman of her time, and perhaps one of the most illustrious women in all history. She was the only daughter of Margaret of Valois, Queen of Navarre (and sister of King Francois 1st), whose genius Jeanne inherited, and whom she surpassed in her gifts of governing, and in her more consistent attachment to the Reformation. Her first husband Germany’s Duke of Cleves, to whom she was forced to wed at the age of 12 in 1541, no more consummated the marriage than placing his foot in her bed. Her fine intellect, elevated soul, and deep piety were unequally yoked with Anthony de Bourbon, her second husband in 1549, a man of humane dispositions, but of low tastes, indolent habits, and of paltry character. His marriage with Jeanne d'Albret brought him the title of King of Arragon, whose usurpation was confirmed by Pope Julius II, so King of Navarre; but his wife was a woman of too much sense, and her dominions were restricted to that portion of the ancient Navarre cherished too enlightened a regard for the welfare of her subjects, to which lay on the French side of the Pyrenees. give him more than the title. She took care not to entrust him with the reins of government. "Unstable as water," he spent his life in traveling In 1560, we have said, Jeanne d'Albret made open profession of the between the two camps, the Protestant and the Popish, unable long Protestant faith. In 1563 came her famous edict, dated from her to adhere to either, and heartily despised by both. -
El Nombre De La Diosa Lusitana Nabia Y Elproblema Del Betacismo En Las Lenguas Indígenas Del Occidente Peninsular
El nombre de la diosa lusitana Nabia y elproblema del betacismo en las lenguas indígenas del Occidente Peninsular. Blanca Présper Universidad de Salamanca RESUMEN: La diosa Navia, nombre cuyo significado original era valle, fue objeto de adoración por parte de los habitantes del occidente peninsular en los primeros siglos de nuestra era. Este trabajo tiene como fin esclarecer algunos puntos oscuros de su denominación y expansión. SUMMAMY: A goddess Navia, wbose name is reminiscent of the lE word for valley, was adored by the Lusitania.n inhabitants ofthe westem Iberian Península. TUs workaims to clarifS¿ some previously unexplained questions about the goddes names formation and diffusion. O. El nombre de la divinidad Navia, de abundante documentación en el extremo occidente de la Península Ibérica, ha sido ya objeto de una serie de trabajos, algunos de ellos de carácter meramente epigráfico, otros con aspiración a la clasificación etimológica’. En este trabajo me limitaré a tres cuestiones básicas, a saber, la de la etimología, ¡amenos estudiada de laformación de palabras, y, sobre todo, la de la expansión geográfica del culto a Navia sobre los indicios que proporciona la alternancia entre las grafias <b> y <y>. En cambio dejaré en general de lado lo que concierne a los epítetos de esta divinidad, a menos que afecte a alguno de los apartados anteriores. Lo concerniente al contexto epigráfico de la documentación de Navia puede encontrarse en los trabajos reseñados en n. 1 y no se repetirá aquí. 1. La atribución etimológica más frecuente para el teónimo Navia es la que lo ‘N. Ares Vázquez, “Exvotos lucensesaladiosaNavia”, BCHLugo9(1985-1986) Pp. -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Marvelous Generations: Lancastrian Genealogies and Translation in Late Medieval and Early M
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Marvelous Generations: Lancastrian Genealogies and Translation in Late Medieval and Early Modern England and Iberia A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in English by Sara Victoria Torres 2014 © Copyright by Sara Victoria Torres 2014 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Marvelous Generations: Lancastrian Genealogies and Translation in Late Medieval and Early Modern England and Iberia by Sara Victoria Torres Doctor of Philosophy in English University of California, Los Angeles, 2014 Professor Christine Chism, Co-chair Professor Lowell Gallagher, Co-chair My dissertation, “Marvelous Generations: Lancastrian Genealogies and Translation in Late Medieval and Early Modern England and Iberia,” traces the legacy of dynastic internationalism in the fifteenth, sixteenth, and early-seventeenth centuries. I argue that the situated tactics of courtly literature use genealogical and geographical paradigms to redefine national sovereignty. Before the defeat of the Spanish Armada in 1588, before the divorce trials of Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon in the 1530s, a rich and complex network of dynastic, economic, and political alliances existed between medieval England and the Iberian kingdoms. The marriages of John of Gaunt’s two daughters to the Castilian and Portuguese kings created a legacy of Anglo-Iberian cultural exchange ii that is evident in the literature and manuscript culture of both England and Iberia. Because England, Castile, and Portugal all saw the rise of new dynastic lines at the end of the fourteenth century, the subsequent literature produced at their courts is preoccupied with issues of genealogy, just rule, and political consent. Dynastic foundation narratives compensate for the uncertainties of succession by evoking the longue durée of national histories—of Trojan diaspora narratives, of Roman rule, of apostolic foundation—and situating them within universalizing historical modes.