Liu Shaoqi on Peng Dehuai at the 7000 Cadres Conference
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Letter to Peng Dehuai and the Northwest Bureau
1949 Speeches/Documents Title: Letter to Peng Dehuai and the Northwest Bureau Author: Mao Zedong Date: November 14, Source:. The Writings of Mao Zedong, 1949-1976: September 1945 - 1949 December 1955 Michael Y. M. Kau, John K. Leung pg.33-34 Description:. Source: Shuxin, pp. 349-350. Peng Dehuai was at this time deputy commander-in-chief of the People's Liberation Army and first secretary of the Northwest Bureau of the Central Committee of the CPC. For more complete biographical information on Peng, see text Aug. 15, 1959(2), note 3.Comrade Dehuai and the Northwest Bureau: According to the information submitted repeatedly by the Qinghai Provincial [Party] Committee, the remnants of [the forces of] Bandit Ma 1 have been fanning up fires among the masses in many places and organizing a resistance. At the imminent Lanzhou conference, please pay serious attention to this. 2 In having the various provincial, [special] district and xian [Party] committees focusing on the arduous job [of uniting and organizing] the masses and in all such work upholding [the principle of] equality among the nationalities, the government organs at all levels should, in accordance with the size and ratio of [minority] nationality populations, allocate quotas and absorb in large numbers those members of the Hui nationality and other minority nationalities who are capable of cooperating with us into taking part in government work. In the present period they should organize, across the board, coalition governments, i.e., united front governments. Within [the framework of] such a cooperation, minority nationality cadres will be nurtured in large numbers. -
Mao Zedong's Rise to Power: How One Man Changed the Future for the Better; Then Changed It for Himself
Bard College Bard Digital Commons Senior Projects Spring 2018 Bard Undergraduate Senior Projects Spring 2018 Mao Zedong's Rise to Power: How One Man Changed the Future for the Better; then Changed it for Himself Shadeed Haneef Ali II Bard College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.bard.edu/senproj_s2018 Part of the Chinese Studies Commons This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. Recommended Citation Ali, Shadeed Haneef II, "Mao Zedong's Rise to Power: How One Man Changed the Future for the Better; then Changed it for Himself" (2018). Senior Projects Spring 2018. 237. https://digitalcommons.bard.edu/senproj_s2018/237 This Open Access work is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been provided to you by Bard College's Stevenson Library with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this work in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights- holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/or on the work itself. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Mao Zedong’s Rise to Power: How One Man Changed the Future for the Better, then Changed it for Himself Senior Project Submitted to The Division of Asian Studies Of Bard College By Shadeed Haneef Ali II Annandale-on-Hudson, New York May 2018 In the name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful. Have We not opened your breast for you? And We removed from you your burden, Which weighed down your back? And We exalted for you your reputation? So verily, with the hardship, there is relief, Verily, with the hardship, there is relief So when you have finished, then stand up for Allah's worship And to Allah turn your invocations. -
The Battle of Quemoy: the Amphibious Assault That Held the Postwar Military Balance in the Taiwan Strait
Naval War College Review Volume 69 Article 8 Number 2 Spring 2016 The aB ttle of Quemoy: The Amphibious Assault That Held the Postwar Military Balance in the Taiwan Strait Maochun Miles Yu The U.S. Naval Academy Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review Recommended Citation Yu, Maochun Miles (2016) "The aB ttle of Quemoy: The Amphibious Assault That Held the Postwar Military Balance in the Taiwan Strait," Naval War College Review: Vol. 69 : No. 2 , Article 8. Available at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol69/iss2/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Naval War College Review by an authorized editor of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Yu: The Battle of Quemoy: The Amphibious Assault That Held the Postwa THE BATTLE OF QUEMOY The Amphibious Assault That Held the Postwar Military Balance in the Taiwan Strait Maochun Miles Yu n the annals of the communist world, the month of October enjoys supreme sanctity. The Red October of 1917 ushered in the first socialist government, Iwhich would eventually become the Soviet Union. In the People’s Republic of China (PRC), October is indelibly enshrined as the anniversary month of the founding of the communist state, observed with a multiday national celebration. But each year, amid glorious celebratory glow marking the inauguration of the PRC, the memory of a forbidden and inglorious episode surfaces—inevitably, albeit surreptitiously and furtively—within China’s educated and political elite. -
International Security 24:1 66
China’s Search for a John Wilson Lewis Modern Air Force and Xue Litai For more than forty- eight years, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has sought to build a combat-ready air force.1 First in the Korean War (1950–53) and then again in 1979, Beijing’s leaders gave precedence to this quest, but it was the Gulf War in 1991 coupled with growing concern over Taiwan that most alerted them to the global revolution in air warfare and prompted an accelerated buildup. This study brieºy reviews the history of China’s recurrent efforts to create a modern air force and addresses two principal questions. Why did those efforts, which repeatedly enjoyed a high priority, fail? What have the Chinese learned from these failures and how do they deªne and justify their current air force programs? The answers to the ªrst question highlight changing defense con- cerns in China’s national planning. Those to the second provide a more nu- anced understanding of current security goals, interservice relations, and the evolution of national defense strategies. With respect to the ªrst question, newly available Chinese military writings and interviews with People’s Liberation Army (PLA) ofªcers on the history of the air force suggest that the reasons for the recurrent failure varied markedly from period to period. That variation itself has prevented the military and political leaderships from forming a consensus about the lessons of the past and the policies that could work. In seeking to answer the second question, the article examines emerging air force and national defense policies and doctrines and sets forth Beijing’s ra- tionale for the air force programs in light of new security challenges, particu- larly those in the Taiwan Strait and the South China Sea. -
Information to Users
INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript Pas been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissenation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from anytype of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely. event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material bad to beremoved, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with smalloverlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back ofthe book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell &Howell Information Company 300North Zeeb Road. Ann Arbor. MI48106-1346 USA 313!761-47oo 800:521·0600 THE LIN BIAO INCIDENT: A STUDY OF EXTRA-INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS IN THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAII IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN HISTORY AUGUST 1995 By Qiu Jin Dissertation Committee: Stephen Uhalley, Jr., Chairperson Harry Lamley Sharon Minichiello John Stephan Roger Ames UMI Number: 9604163 OMI Microform 9604163 Copyright 1995, by OMI Company. -
Lin Biao Riding the Tiger During the Cultural Revolution 1966-1971
FREDERICK C. TEIWES WARREN SUN The Tragedy of Lin Biao Riding the Tiger during the Cultural Revolution 1966-1971 Hong Kong University Press ~~*•.!!l.i)l,g,*!: • "' CONTENTS Preface and Acknowledgements page ix Abbreviations XVl Chapters 1. Introduction 1 2. Lin Biao: The Man and his Context 10 3. Lin Biao during the Active Phase of the Cultural Revolution, 1966-1968 56 4. Lin Biao during the Construction of the New Order, 1969-1971 103 5. Conclusion: Western Assumptions and Chinese Realities 161 Appendix: Lin Biao's Pre-Cultural Revolution Career, 1949-1965: A Critical Chronology 169 Select Bibliography 214 Index 231 Vll PHOTOGRAPHS Between pages 102 and 103 Lin Biao in 1937, as a commander of the 115th Division of the Eighth Route Army. Lin Biao in Guangzhou, c. 1960, as Vice Chairman of the Military Affairs Committee. Lin Biao's family with Air ·Force Commander Wu Faxian, early Cultural Revolution period. Lin Biao and Mao Zedong during the Cultural Revolution period. Lin Biao with Mao and Zhou Enlai at Eleventh Plenum, August 1966. Lin Biao reading a speech to a mass reception of Red· Guards, Tiananmen, 31 August 1966. Mao, Zhou Enlai and Lin Biao during a Red Guard reception, 1966. Mao and Lin Biao on rostrum at Ninth Party Congress, April 1969. Lin Biao with the 'four generals', Lushan, September 1970. Mao receiving Edgar Snow, with Lin Biao and others. On the rostrum of Tiananmen during May Day celebrations, 1971, when the Mao-Lin relationship was under strain. Lin Biao's last public appearance, at a reception for Ceau~escu. -
WATCHWORDS Reading China Through Its Political Vocabulary
JMSC Working Papers WATCHWORDS Reading China through its Political Vocabulary By Qian Gang* INTRODUCTION: Watchwords: the Life of the Party CHAPTERS: 1. Reading Deep Red: The Four Basic Principles and Mao Zedong Thought 2. Preserving Stability: Will the Party Continue to Arm Itself Against Social Unrest? 3. Political Reform: Are Its Chances Improving? 4. Total Denial and the Will to Forget: The Cultural Revolution 5. Xi Jinping on the Origins of Power: Will a New Watchword Be Born? 6. The Power of Separation: Can the Party Divide and Monitor Itself? 7. Democracy with the Doors Shut: Understanding Intraparty Democracy 8. Society Lost: The Role of Civil Society Development in China’s Politics 9. Pride and Positioning: How Top Leaders Push Their Policies, and Construct Their Legacies 10. The Mixed Bag of Socialism: What Does the Party Mean by “Special Characteristics”? CONCLUSION: The 18th National Congress Report Card Endnotes *Qian Gang is Co-Director of the China Media Project, a research project at the Journalism and Media Studies Centre at The University of Hong Kong. Best known for his tenure as managing editor of Southern Weekend, one of China’s most progressive newspapers, Qian is one of China’s foremost journalists. Qian was also the executive editor and a co-creator of “News Probe,” CCTV’s pioneering weekly investigative news program with nearly 20 million viewers. He is also the author of “The Great China Earthquake,” (Foreign Language Press, Beijing, 1989) a book that details for the first time the destruction and the human stories of 1976 earthquake at Tangshan in which 250,000 people were killed. -
Martial Law and the Communist Parties of the Philippines, 1959–1974
Crisis of Revolutionary Leadership: Martial Law and the Communist Parties of the Philippines, 1959–1974 By Joseph Paul Scalice A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in South and Southeast Asian Studies in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in Charge: Associate Professor Jerey Hadler, Chair Professor Peter Zinoman Professor Andrew Barshay Summer 2017 Crisis of Revolutionary Leadership: Martial Law and the Communist Parties of the Philippines, 1957-1974 Copyright 2017 by Joseph Paul Scalice 1 Abstract Crisis of Revolutionary Leadership: Martial Law and the Communist Parties of the Philippines, 1959–1974 by Joseph Paul Scalice Doctor of Philosophy in South and Southeast Asian Studies University of California, Berkeley Associate Professor Jerey Hadler, Chair In 1967 the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (pkp) split in two. Within two years a second party – the Communist Party of the Philippines (cpp) – had been founded. In this work I argue that it was the political program of Stalinism, embodied in both parties through three basic principles – socialism in one country, the two-stage theory of revolution, and the bloc of four classes – that determined the fate of political struggles in the Philippines in the late 1960s and early 1970s and facilitated Marcos’ declaration of Martial Law in September 1972. I argue that the split in the Communist Party of the Philippines was the direct expression of the Sino-Soviet split in global Stalinism. The impact of this geopolitical split arrived late in the Philippines because it was initially refracted through Jakarta. -
Factionalism in Chinese Communist Politics
Factionalism in Chinese Communist Politics JING HUANG Utah State University published by the press syndicate of the university of cambridge The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge, United Kingdom cambridge university press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 2RU, UK http: //www.cup.cam.ac.uk 40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 10011-4211, USA http: //www.cup.org 10 Stamford Road, Oakleigh, Melbourne 3166, Australia Ruiz de Alarcón 13, 28014 Madrid, Spain © Jing Huang 2000 This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2000 Printed in the United States of America Typeface Times Roman 10/13 pt. System QuarkXPress [BTS] A catalog record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication data Huang, Jing. Factionalism in Chinese Communist politics / Jing Huang. p. cm. – (Cambridge modern China series) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-521-62284-0 1. Chung-kuo kung ch’an tang – History. 2. Political purges – China. 3. China – Politics and government – 1949– I. Title. II. Series. JQ1519.A5H8725 2000 324.251¢075¢09 – dc21 99-29408 CIP ISBN 0 521 62284 0 hardback Contents List of Figures and Tables page xi Preface xiii List of Abbreviations xvii Introduction 1 Factionalism in Leadership Relations and Decision Making 1 Western Analysis of Factionalism in Leadership Relations -
Comrades-In-Arms: the Chinese Communist Party's Relations With
Cold War History ISSN: 1468-2745 (Print) 1743-7962 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fcwh20 Comrades-in-arms: the Chinese Communist Party’s relations with African political organisations in the Mao era, 1949–76 Joshua Eisenman To cite this article: Joshua Eisenman (2018): Comrades-in-arms: the Chinese Communist Party’s relations with African political organisations in the Mao era, 1949–76, Cold War History To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2018.1440549 Published online: 20 Mar 2018. Submit your article to this journal View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fcwh20 COLD WAR HISTORY, 2018 https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2018.1440549 Comrades-in-arms: the Chinese Communist Party’s relations with African political organisations in the Mao era, 1949–76 Joshua Eisenman LBJ School of Public Affairs, the University of Texas at Austin, Austin, United States ABSTRACT KEYWORDS This study examines the evolution of the Chinese Communist China; Africa; Communism; Party’s (CCP) motives, objectives, and methods vis-à-vis its African Mao; Soviet Union counterparts during the Mao era, 1949–76. Beginning in the mid- 1950s, to oppose colonialism and US imperialism, the CCP created front groups to administer its political outreach in Africa. In the 1960s and 1970s, this strategy evolved to combat Soviet hegemony. Although these policy shifts are distinguished by changes in CCP methods and objectives towards Africa, they were motivated primarily by life-or- death intraparty struggles among rival political factions in Beijing and the party’s pursuit of external sources of regime legitimacy. -
Kampen MAO ZEDONG, ZHOU ENLAI and the CHINESE COMMUNIST
Kampen MAO ZEDONG, ZHOU ENLAI AND THE EVOLUTION OF THE CHINESE COMMUNIST LEADERSHIP MAO ZEDONG, ZHOU ENLAI Thomas Kampen MAO ZEDONG, ZHOU ENLAI AND THE CHINESE COMMUNIST LEADERSHIP NIAS AND THE EVOLUTION OF This book analyses the power struggles within the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party between 1931, when several Party leaders left Shanghai and entered the Jiangxi Soviet, and 1945, by which time Mao Zedong, Liu THE CHINESE COMMUNIST Shaoqi and Zhou Enlai had emerged as senior CCP leaders. In 1949 they established the People's Republic of China and ruled it for several decades. LEADERSHIP Based on new Chinese sources, the study challenges long-established views that Mao Zedong became CCP leader during the Long March (1934–35) and that by 1935 the CCP was independent of the Comintern in Moscow. The result is a critique not only of official Chinese historiography but also of Western (especially US) scholarship that all future histories of the CCP and power struggles in the PRC will need to take into account. “Meticulously researched history and a powerful critique of a myth that has remained central to Western and Chinese scholarship for decades. Kampen’s study of the so-called 28 Bolsheviks makes compulsory reading for anyone Thomas Kampen trying to understand Mao’s (and Zhou Enlai’s!) rise to power. A superb example of the kind of revisionist writing that today's new sources make possible, and reminder never to take anything for granted as far as our ‘common knowledge’ about the history of the Chinese Communist Party is concerned.” – Michael Schoenhals, Director, Centre for East and Southeast Asian Studies, Lund University, Sweden “Thomas Kampen has produced a work of exceptional research which, through the skillful use of recently available Chinese sources, questions the accepted wisdom about the history of the leadership of the CCP. -
On Mao's Contradictions
REVIEWS Rebecca E. Karl, Mao Zedong and China in the Twentieth-Century World Duke University Press: Durham, nc 2010, $21.95, paperback 216 pp, 978 0 8223 4795 8 Tariq Ali ON MAO’S CONTRADICTIONS The emergence of China as the world’s economic powerhouse has shifted the centre of the global market eastwards. The prc’s growth rates are the envy of elites everywhere, its commodities circulating even in the tiniest Andean street markets, its leaders courted by governments strong and weak. These developments have ignited endless discussion on the country and its future. The mainstream media are essentially concerned with the extent to which Beijing is catering to the economic needs of Washington, while think- tankers worry that China will sooner or later mount a systematic challenge to the political wisdom of the West. Academic debate, meanwhile, usually con- centrates on the exact nature and the mechanics of contemporary capitalism in China. The optimists of the intellect argue that its essence is determined by the ccp’s continued grip on power, seeing China’s pro-market turn as a version of the Bolsheviks’ New Economic Policy; in more delirious moments, they argue that China’s leaders will use their new economic strength to build a socialism purer than anything previously attempted, based on proper development of the productive forces and not the tin-pot communes of the past. Others, by contrast, hold that a more accurate name for the ruling party would not even require a change of initials—Communist is easily replaced with Capitalist. A third view insists that the Chinese future is simply not foreseeable; it is too soon to predict it with any certainty.