AUSTRIAN NEUTRALITY TO SERVE AN EXAMPLE FOR THE NEUTRALISATION OF THE KOREAN PENINSULA

By

SARAH AL RAEESI ID no. 016201400195

A thesis presented to the Faculty of Humanities President University In partial fulfilment of the requirements for Bachelor’s Degree in International Relations Major in Diplomacy

2018 THESIS ADVISER RECOMMENDATION LETTER

This thesis entitled “Austrian Neutrality to Serve an Example for the Neutralisation of the Korean Peninsula” prepared and submitted by Sarah Al Raeesi in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelors in International Relations, Major in Diplomacy in the Faculty of Business and International Relations has been reviewed and found to have satisfied the requirements for a thesis fit to be examined. I therefore recommend this thesis for Oral Defense.

Cikarang, Indonesia, April 19th 2018

Endi Haryono S.IP., M.Si.

II DECLARATION OF ORIGINALITY

I declare that this thesis, entitled “Austrian Neutrality to Serve an Example for the Neutralisation of the Korean Peninsula” is, to the best of my knowledge and belief, an original piece of work that has not been submitted, either in whole or in part, to another university to obtain a degree.

Cikarang, Indonesia, April 19th 2018

Sarah Al Raeesi

III PANEL OF EXAMINERS APPROVAL SHEET

Panel of examiners stated that the thesis entitled “AUSTRIAN NEUTRALITY TO SERVE AN EXAMPLE FOR THE NEUTRALISATION OF THE KOREAN PENINSULA” that was submitted by Sarah Al Raeesi majoring in International Relations from the School of Humanities was assessed and approved to have passed the Oral Examinations on Thursday, May 17th 2018.

Hendra Manurung, S.IP, M.A Chair Panel of Examiners

Drs. Teuku Rezasyah M.A., Ph.D Examiner 1

Endi Haryono S.IP., M.Si. Thesis Adviser

IV TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

THESIS ADVISER RECOMMENDATION LETTER ……………….….………II

DECLARATION OF ORIGINALITY……………………..………….…………III

EXAMINERS APPROVAL SHEET….…….……………………….…..…….…IV

ABSTRACT………………………………………………………….…..……..VII

AKCNOWLEDGEMENTS….………………….………………….….………VIII

LIST OF TABLES………………………………………………….….…..….…IX

LIST OF FIGURES………………………………………………….…….….….X

LIST OF ACRONYMS……………………………………………….………….XI

CHAPTERS

I. INTRODUCTION I.1. Background…………….……………………………………………..…1 I.2. Problem Identification & Significance..….……………………………10 I.3. Problem Statement……..………………………………………………20 I.4. Research Question & Objectives………………………………………21 I.5. Readings on Austria & Principal Theory………………………………23 I.6. Theoretical & Research Framework…………………………,…,….…32 I.7. Research Method………………………………………………………38 I.8. Outline of Chapters ……………………………………………………42 I.9. Scope and Limitations of the Study……………………………………44 I.10.Definition of Terms…………………………….……..………………46

II. FURTHER READINGS: UNDERSTANDING THE ISSUE IN DEPTH, THE KOREAN PROBLEM & ONGOING ISSUES……………………47

V II.1.Origins of the Korean War, Vol. 1: Liberation and the Emergence of Separate Regimes, 1945-1947 (1981)…………………………………47 II.2.Syngman Rhee: the Man Behind the Myth (1955) by Robert T. Oliver…………………………………………………………………..48 II.3.Routledge the Failure of Socialism in South Korea 1945-2007 Yunjong Kim (2015)……..………………………………………………………49

III. AUSTRIAN MODEL: BUILDING THE NUCLEAR NEUTRALISATION OF KOREA ………………………………………58

III.1.The Austrian Neutralisation Model………………………………..…58 III.2.Neutralisation of the Korean Peninsula..….………………………….64

IV. ANALYSIS OF THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE AUSTRIAN MODEL IN KOREA…………………………………………………..…69 IV.1.“Korean Neutralisation Attempts (1882-1907): Retracing the Struggle for Survival and Imperial Intrigues”…………….……………………..76 IV.2.“A Neutral Democratic People’s of Korea?”..….…………………….78 IV.3. “The Korean Peninsula: Peaceful engagement for humanitarian concerns”………………………………………………………………81

V. CONCLUSION………………………………….………….……………92 VI. APPENDIX………………………………………………………………95 VII. REFERENCES………………………………………….…………..…..136

VI ABSTRACT Austrian neutrality to serve an example for the neutralisation of the Korean peninsula

By Sarah Al Raeesi

After the Japanese occupation of Korea in 1945 the Korean peninsula has operated as two different countries. Since then, there have been numerous efforts to reunite the two states. Different interests from external powers such as the US, China, and modern day Russia, propelled by the politics of the Cold War, have proven a major hinderance to the unity of the two Korean states. Despite the prospect of success in uniting the two nations, a divided mistrust exists among them. Intrinsically, the two differ in the unification formula that should be used. In this pursuit, it is believed that the neutralisation approach offers the best hope for the unification process. The study proposes for the nations to become the first nuclear armed neutral state; which, along with unification, can be extremely beneficial for the region as well as the international system, which may ostensibly be balanced with time. The optimum end result for the two nations would be unification, however the issue lies within the nations, their corresponding influential nations and their heightened sensitivity to conflict. For a country to achieve neutralisation there are certain conditions that are required to be in order, one of them includes unilaterally declaring neutralisation. This being the largest obstacle to achieve for both nations as the majority of the peoples are not centrists. Hence, for unification to become perceivable, declaring neutrality and removing all external factors comes before the centralisation of the political attitudes of the people. Aspects covered are internal, using data varying from polls, to religion, to ethnicities, as well as geography; which evidently, are enough to bring the peninsula to neutralisation, excluding the external aspects, which will be limited and abolished once neutrality is achieved. Once having achieved neutrality via unilateral declaration through having met the appropriate result of the formula assembled in the study, the Korean Peninsula can successfully become an armed neutral state. The study shows that the only limitation and constraint the peninsula has, is the ability to unilaterally declare neutralisation accordingly, which is limited to either one of the heads of state, heads of government and the minister of foreign affairs. The approach of neutrality has a history of success in countries such as Switzerland, Belgium, and Austria. Inferring from Austria’s data and applying it to the formula, the study seeks to propose the ability of the neutralisation process for the end goal of the unification of both North Korea (DPRK) and South Korea (ROK).

Keywords: Neutralisation, Unification, Unilaterally declaring neutralisation, Centralism, Internal

VII ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I owe my deepest gratitude to my parents, Walid Darwish Al Raeesi and Mariam Saeed Al Shaiba for the amount of understanding I received while writing this thesis. I would like to thank my family for enduring me during this thesis, for my moods have been in a constant change. I also appreciate the efforts to help me that came with this long process. Sultan and Shaikha I’m sorry I couldn't play video games or watch series with you, please wait until I present this paper.

I would like to thank Mariam Saeed Al Darmaki for her support and mainly enduring all my rants and not blocking me on WhatsApp. I would also like to thank Shambaih, Hanafi, Othman, Bu Slaiman, Dhaim, Bu Amabar, Sbeet, Um Sayyed, Afari, and Atoga for their ultimate contribution to this project. Although my time with you has been limited and considering I am thousands of kilometres away, I thank you from the bottom of my heart. I would also like to thank Um Saeed, Um Saloom, Um Allawi, Um Khammas for their constant help in aiding me to question and therefore further analyse my studies.

I would also like to express my sincere gratitude to everyone at Mubadala Petroleum for supporting my studies in every way imaginable. This work would not have been possible without the support of Vincent Vega. I am especially indebted to Dr. Butch Coolidge and Dr. Jules Winnfield, who have supported my career goals. I am grateful to all of those with whom I have had the pleasure to work during this and other related projects. I would especially like to thank Mia and Marsellus Wallace, Catherine and Eliot Ness, and Walter Payne for their continuous support throughout the writing of this thesis.

Not forgetting to mention the constant advice from Mehad Hamad Al Muhairi, as well as the guidance from Ali Bin Rougha Al Zaabi. Aziza Jalal, I could not express enough gratitude for all those nights you stayed up with me and helped me with this paper. I would also like to thank the support I received from Jaber Jassim as well as Ibrahim Habib. Abdulmohsin Al Muhana, I would like to thank you for your kindness. Hussain Jasim, your help has been crucial in the pursuit of this project and your guidance has brought out the best in this thesis.

I am grateful to my drivers that took me back and forth to university everyday. For without you I probably wouldn't have considered PU an option. This thesis would not have been possible without Apple’s autosave function and Redbull.

It is a pleasure to thank those who made this thesis possible.

VIII LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Table of Population of Austria & Korea (Before & After) …..…91 Table 2: Ethnic Groups in Austria……………………………..……..…..94 Table 3: Religious Groups in South Korea……………………….….…..95 Table 4: Religious Groups in North Korea……………………….…..….96 Table 5: Religious Groups in Austria ………………………..……….….97 Table 6: Ethnic Groups in South Korea……………….….……..…….…98 Table 7: Ethnic Groups in North Korea……………….….……..….……99 Table 8: Austrian Legislative Voting……………………………………100 Table 9: South Korean Legislative Voting (Sixth Republic)……………111 Table 10: North Korean Legislative Voting…………………………….114

IX LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Korean War Timeline…………….…………………………..116 Figure 2: Ethnic Groups in Austria……………………………………..118 Figure 3: Political Spectrum in Austria……………………..…………..119 Figure 4: Religious Groups in Austria……………………..….………..120 Figure 5: Map of Austria………………………………………………..121 Figure 6a: Ethnic Groups in North Korea..……………………………..122 Figure 6b: Ethnic Groups in South Korea..……………………………..122 Figure 7a: Political Spectrum in North Korea…………………………..123 Figure 7b: Political Spectrum in South Korea………………………….123 Figure 8a: Religious Groups in North Korea..………………………….124 Figure 8b: Religious Groups in South Korea..………………………….124 Figure 9: Map of Korean Peninsula…………………………………….125 Figure 10: Austrian legislative results in 1953 & 1956.………….…….126 Figure 11: Closeness to North Korea: By Age………………………….127 Figure 12: Preferred Policy Stance on North Korea….….….………….128 Figure 13: Reason for Perceived Distance………………..…………….129 Figure 14: Necessity of South-North Summit…………….…………….130 Figure 15: Interest in Reunification……………………….……………131 Figure 16: Preferred Pace of Reunification……………….………….…132 Figure 17: Reasons for Necessity of Reunification…….………………133 Figure 18: Willingness to Pay Additional Taxes………….………….…134 Figure 19: Population Graph………………….……….….………….…135 Figure 20: South Korean Legislative Votes (Sixth Republic)…………..136 Figure 21: Austrian Legislative Voting…………………………………137 Figure 22: North Korean Legislative Voting……………………………138 Figure 23: Colour Legend for Figures………………………………….139

X LIST OF ACRONYMS Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) Isolation (I) Korean Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) Korean People's Army (KPA) Largest Ethnic Group (LEG) Largest Religious Group (LRG) National Security Council Report -68 (NSC-68) Neutrality (N) North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) People's Volunteer Army (PVA) Political Spectrum (PS) Republic of Korea (ROK) Responsibility to Protect (R2P) Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) United Kingdom (UK) United Nations (UN) United States (US) United States Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK) World War II (WWII)

XI CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background

Devastated from World War II (WWII) and depleted from its riches, Europe was neck-deep in debt. Europe post WWII has had over $140 billion in current United States (US) Dollar value poured into it.1 Prior to the war, countries like Great Britain2 and France3 were printing money in order to pay off accumulated debts, causing inflation to steeply increase. During the war the majority of the countries in need of paying for the war effort were taking loans from various countries, mainly the United States.4 This had caused some countries to not only owe the United States financial debt, but also be in debt to themselves in some cases. As for the United States, the post-war effects had been less direct.5 However in its own context, the United States had just seen the sun set on the Great Depression, therefore, financially the United States is short, but not to the extent of a struggle.6 The majority of the issues facing countries post-war are internal.7 In the case of the US the unemployment rate was climbing, and potentially becoming a threat to US economy. 8

1New World Encyclopedia contributors. (2013). Marshall Plan - New World Encyclopedia. Retrieved from http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Marshall_Plan

2Pettinger, T. (2017). The UK economy in the 1930s - Economics Help. Retrieved from https:// www.economicshelp.org/blog/7483/economics/the-uk-economy-in-the-1930s/

!3 Sauvy, A. (1969). The economic crisis of the 1930s in France. Journal of Contemporary History, 4(4), 21-35. doi:10.1177/002200946900400402

4 Ebbert, J., Hall, & M.-B. (1994). Crossed currents (p. 28). Washington: Brassey's.

5Library of Congress. (2016). Postwar United States - Library of Congress. Retrieved from http:// www.loc.gov/teachers/classroommaterials/presentationsandactivities/presentations/timeline/postwar/

6Library of Congress. (2016). Postwar United States - Library of Congress. Retrieved from http:// www.loc.gov/teachers/classroommaterials/presentationsandactivities/presentations/timeline/postwar/

7Internal conditions such as hunger, death, diaplacement, education, health. Kesternich, I., Siflinger, B., Smith, J. P., & Winter, J. K. (2014). The Effects of World War II on Economic and Health Outcomes across Europe. Review of Economics and Statistics, 96(1), 103-118. doi:10.1162/rest_a_00353

8Cantor, D., & Land, K. C. (1985). Unemployment and Crime Rates in the Post-World War II United States: A Theoretical and Empirical Analysis. American Sociological Review, 50(3), 317. doi:10.2307/2095542

1 The international system had different plans for the political settlement of post-war Europe. For Europe money was scarce, therefore causing chaos from within, this is when the Marshall Plan, named after Secretary of State George Marshall, came into play. The US offered financial aid to war ravaged countries, however countries in the Eastern Bloc under the Soviet Union’s control renounced any aid.9 The plan was to have the US and other states that were not drastically affected financially by the war, to give US Dollars to European countries without the need of repayment.10 Within years, most of the countries receiving aid were able to bring back their economic production close to, or in some cases, exceeding pre-war levels.11 Therefore, Western Europe was favouring capitalism, making communism an undesirable option. To Europe, post-WWII marked the beginning of the Cold War, which lasted up until 1991. The shifting of international power was the cause of economic, military and political tension in the region. In order to combat the Soviet Union’s attempts to expand communism in Europe, the containment policy was used by the US. In 1947 the US used a Truman approved containment policy which was drafted by a US diplomat to Moscow, George Kennan.12 Soon communism was feared to be spread in the other direction, Asia. The policy was made to fulfil a wider scale as the concerns grew towards Laos, Germany, Vietnam, Korea and Cuba.

In an April 1954 speech, President Dwight Eisenhower was the first to articulate the theory when attempting to increase the aid to the French forces and the South Vietnam government. The Domino Theory was originated by US political analysts during a communist uprising in French controlled Vietnam after

9Sobell. (1987). A Look back at the Marshall Plan. Retrieved from http://archive.li/ ryL3C#selection-279.100-279.106

10Price, H. B. (1955). The Marshall Plan & Its Meaning (1st ed., p. 106). Cornell University Press.

11Marglin, S. A., & Schor, J. B. (2007). The Golden age of capitalism: Reinterpreting the postwar experience (p. 1).

12Larson, D. W. (1985). Origins of containment: A psychological explanation (pp. 9-12).

2 WWII.13 The theory suggests that if French controlled Vietnam was successful in the communist revolt, it would most likely spread to other nearby states in Southeast Asia, endangering Japan, whose trade is dependent upon the trade in Southeast Asia. The smaller states being monarchical, capitalist states, were in fact strategically unimportant to the US, however the communist uprisings needed to be controlled, which encouraged and motivated the US foreign policy to a large extent.14 The endeavours of the US to fight communism were not out of superstition, the Soviet Union was promoting communism through the aid of spreading and maintaining communism in Vietnam, Korea and even China before the end of WWII, resulting in the victory of the Mao Zedong Communist Party.15 The act of spreading communism via communist, Soviet and Warsaw Pact states was called the Brezhnev Doctrine.16

During Truman other significant events occurred, one of them being the creation of North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, or NATO, in 1949 to resist communist expansion by Britain, Canada and the United States.17 Another crucial event was the passage of the National Security Council Report-68, or NSC-68, which significantly enlarged the US military.18 This was in response to the nuclear weapons testing in the Soviet Union and once North Korea crossed the 38th parallel and invaded South Korea, the NSC-68 had a valid reasoning to be implemented and used. James Burnham, a strong anti-communist, proposed a

13History. (1954, April). Eisenhower gives famous “domino theory” speech - Apr 07, 1954 - HISTORY.com. Retrieved from https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/eisenhower-gives-famous-domino-theory-speech

14History. (1954, April). Eisenhower gives famous “domino theory” speech - Apr 07, 1954 - HISTORY.com. Retrieved from https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/eisenhower-gives-famous-domino-theory-speech

15Spielvogel, J. J. (2012). Western Civilization: Since 1300 (pp. 891-892). Boston, MA: Wadsworth Pub Co.

16Navrátil, J., Kramer, M., Moss, J., & Tosek, R. (1998). The Prague spring: A national security archive documents reader (pp. 502-503). Budapest: Central European University Press.

17 Ismay, Lord. (1978). Nato: The first five years 1949-1954. S.l.

18Cumings, B. (1981). The origins of the Korean war: [Vol. 1] (p. 16). Princeton, NJ: Princeton U.P.

3 rollback to eliminate communism and it was enacted in the form of the USAMGIK.19

Through the Japan and Korea Annexation Treaty, Korea fell under the Japanese rule; despite the signing of a treaty by both factions of the divide, Koreans always disputed it because Japan imposed colonial rule on them (Ball, 2004).20 However, after Japan entered World War II the Potsdam Conference was convened and led to the withdrawal of Korea from Japan’s rule. The countries involved in the decision-making process included the United States of America, the United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union (Samsung Lee, 2013)21. This finally led to the decision to split Korea, Dean Rusk and Charles Bonesteel divided Korea into two across the 38th parallel without any Korean consultation. After the decision was reached, the Soviet Russian soldiers moved into North Korea as part of the agreement but America did not send any soldiers in August 1945. This marked a time when international politics began influencing the political outcomes of North Korea and South Korea through military involvement.22

In 1947, the Truman Doctrine that was famously pushed by the then United States President, Harry Truman, aimed at helping the South to avoid the communist threat from the North. The North and South were under the rule of Kim II Sung and Syngman Rhee respectively. Rhee was elected through an election in 1947 (Park Tae Gyun, 2010).23 The year marked a time when the North was attacked by the South for fear that it would influence its people, leading to the

19Cumings, B. (1981). The origins of the Korean war: [Vol. 1] (p. 21). Princeton, NJ: Princeton U.P.

20Ball, S. (2004). Book Review: The Korean War. War in History, 11(4), 484-485. http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1177/096834450401100426

21Samsung Lee. (2013). The Korean War and Civil War: Three Concepts of Civil War. Korean Political Science Review, 47(5), 297-299. http://dx.doi.org/10.18854/kpsr.2013.47.5.014

22Samsung Lee. (2013). The Korean War and Civil War: Three Concepts of Civil War. Korean Political Science Review, 47(5), 318-319. http://dx.doi.org/10.18854/kpsr.2013.47.5.014

23Park Tae Gyun. (2010). Reconsideration of the Cause of the Outbreak of the Korean War - Approach from Problems of Misperception and Miscalculation -. Journal of Military History Studies, null (130), 7-12. http:// dx.doi.org/10.17934/jmhs.130.201012.7

4 death of over 14,000 people in April 1948 (Wukovits, 2004).24 The year marked a time when the North and South participated in elections and their ideologies differed based on the influence of foreign rule, the United States of America and Russia. South Korea benefitted greatly through military support and aid from the United States but this ended in 1950 when the Korean Aid Bill was defeated in Congress (Kim, 1973).25 This ended any aid that the South received and appeared to signal the withdrawal of American support. However, the Soviet Union moved in and supported the North led by Kim II Sung who intended to avenge the killings by the South and Josef Stalin of the Soviet Union supported the initiative. This led to a full-scale military attack on the South by the North in June 1950 that marked the beginning of the Korean War.26

The North Korean tanks and infantry crossed the 38th Parallel and were met with minimal resistance and this led a lot of condemnation by the United Nations and the United States of America. The war quickly escalated and resolution 83 was passed after members of the United Nations convened a meeting to discuss the need to extend military aid to the Republic of Korea.27 The U.S military is tasked with the task but soon, South Korea, under the guidance of Syngman Rhee, issued an order for the execution of the Bodo League Massacre.28 The massacre that is also referred to as the Summer of Terror saw the execution of approximately 100,000 people allied to North Korea in the 1950 (Wukovits, 2004).29 However, this is later followed by the capture of South Korea capital, Seoul, by the North Korea on June 28th, 1950 and this motivated the recalling of

24Wukovits, J. (2004). The War At Home. (p. 18) San Diego, Calif.: Lucent Books.

25Kim, C. (1973). The Korean War. (p. 56-59) Seoul, Korea: Kwangmyong Pub. Co.

26Kim, C. (1973). The Korean War. (p. 72-77) Seoul, Korea: Kwangmyong Pub. Co.

27Cumings, B. (1981). The origins of the Korean war: [Vol. 1] (p. 82-86). Princeton, NJ: Princeton U.P.

28Oliver, R. T. (1973). Syngman Rhee, the man behind the myth (pp. 98-110). Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.

29Oliver, R. T. (1973). Syngman Rhee, the man behind the myth (pp. 33). Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.

5 General Douglas MacArthur who was a World War II hero to take control of the US and UN forces. The military power exhibited by North Korea caused a number of fatalities to the UN and US forces and pushed them further south from the capital.30

However, the war took a different turn when President Harry Truman allowed General MacArthur to pursue the North Korean troops beyond the 38th Parallel and this allowed President Syngman Rhee to regain control of the capital, Seoul.31 However, after success and General MacArthur reassuring President Truman that the Chinese would not influence the war, the Chinese arrive through the Yalu River and launched an ambush on the South Koreans leading to defeat at Pukchin. The conflict between the North and the South mirrors a war fought due to differing political opinion between the Asian Countries and the U.S supported South Korea.32 The intervention allowed the Korean People Army to recover from the setbacks inflicted by the US and the UN military soldiers allowing them to recapture Seoul for the second time.33 This led to Operation Roundup that took place at P’yonch’Ang and Hongch’on that was later followed by Operation Killer that was led by the American military and aimed at launching a counter-offensive against the North Korean Army and the PVA of China. The war had become full- blown and the situation called for external intervention to restore parity and unity between the nations.

The complexity of the war played out and led to differences between President Truman and General MacArthur who was later dismissed in 1951 as the

30Cumings, B. (1981). The origins of the Korean war: [Vol. 1] (p. 62, 94). Princeton, NJ: Princeton U.P.

31Oliver, R. T. (1973). Syngman Rhee, the man behind the myth (pp. 124). Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.

32Oliver, R. T. (1973). Syngman Rhee, the man behind the myth (pp. 129-137). Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.

33Oliver, R. T. (1973). Syngman Rhee, the man behind the myth (pp. 348). Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.

6 Supreme Commander in Korea (Hastings, 1987).34 He was replaced by General Matthew Ridgeways who led Operation Ripper with the help of the UN military but the operation just like the previous one did not defeat the North Korean and Chinese Army. This led to the biggest air operation during the Korean War that is referred to as Operation Tomahawk that dropped paratroopers into Munsan-Ni (Hastings, 1987).35 This took place in March 1951 and demonstrated the complexity, military power and resilience that the Chinese and North Korea exhibited (Wukovits, 2004).36 However, the attack was faced by retaliation by the KPA and the Chinese Army through the Chinese Spring between April 22 and 29th of 1951.37 The counter-offensive was characterized by two major battles that were fought at Imjin River and Kapyong. This motivated the US to send the 2nd, the 3rd and the 25th infantry division to help in countering the Second Spring that was initiated by the Chinese.38 The efforts by America proved to be insufficient to tackle the well organised and reinforced battlefront that the Chinese and North Korean Army established.

The might of the Chinese and North Korea kept pushing the US and the South Korean troops past the DMZ. By September 13th, 1951, the French and Philippine troops had joined the war to support the US and the South Korean Army and this led to 28,000 fatalities and casualties (Hastings, 1987).39 The war is commonly referred to as the Battle of Heartbreak Ridge and by 1952, the Filipino fought side by side with the US troops to support South Korea (Wukovits, 2004).40 This was considered as the Battle of Hill Eerie against a well-organised

34Hastings, M. (1987). The Korean War. (p. 200) London: Michael Joseph.

35Hastings, M. (1987). The Korean War. (p. 254) London: Michael Joseph.

36Wukovits, J. (2004). The War At Home. (p. 52) San Diego, Calif.: Lucent Books.

37Hastings, M. (1987). The Korean War. (p. 261-64) London: Michael Joseph.

38Hastings, M. (1987). The Korean War. (p. 294-299) London: Michael Joseph.

39Hastings, M. (1987). The Korean War. (p. 273-274) London: Michael Joseph.

40Wukovits, J. (2004). The War At Home. (p. 60-67) San Diego, Calif.: Lucent Books.

7 and formidable Chinese Army. Therefore, the Chinese changed the scope of the war and led to its extension through its support for North Korea which found itself weakened by attacks from both the US and UN forces. By June 1952, China engaged the contingent military of France, US and South Korea in the Battle of Old Baldy that it fought on behalf of North Korea (Hastings, 1987).41 This point marked a time when increased military intervention was required to settle the political differences but it did not weaken the Chinese counter-offensive power.42

October 1952 another battle was triggered by the Chinese and is commonly referred to as the Battle of White Horse, which involved the South Korean, American and French Armies (Hastings, 1987).43 By May 1953, the British Army had joined the war and through a British commander, the Battle of Hook took place whereby 6,500 Chinese soldiers engaged the British and Turkish Forces (Wan Bom, 2007).44 The war depicted the military resilience and prowess of the Chinese army and the Korean War experienced one of the most controversial Battles that is referred to as the Battle of Pork Chop Hill.45 The battle came at a time when the nations felt that the war was taking a toll on the international diplomatic relationships between nations before the armies engaged in the Battle of Kamsong that foresaw the armistice agreement. The Korean Armistice Agreement ended the long war that had wasted a lot of resources on the battlefront. However, the different battles portrayed the adherent strength of the Chinese military that helped North Korea avoid defeat to the US, UN, South Korean, French and British Armies that intervened to quell the attack.46

41Hastings, M. (1987). The Korean War. (p. 274) London: Michael Joseph.

42Hastings, M. (1987). The Korean War. (p. 278) London: Michael Joseph.

43Hastings, M. (1987). The Korean War. (p. 278) London: Michael Joseph.

44Wan Bom Lee. (2007). A Study on the Korean War andnese Entry into the Korean War. Military History, null (63), 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.29212/mh.2007.63.177

45Wan Bom Lee. (2007). A Study on the Korean War andnese Entry into the Korean War. Military History, null (63), 199-200. http://dx.doi.org/10.29212/mh.2007.63.177

46Wan Bom Lee. (2007). A Study on the Korean War andnese Entry into the Korean War. Military History, null (63), 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.29212/mh.2007.63.177

8 After the signing of the armistice agreement, the different warring factions exchanged the prisoners of war between August 1953 and February 1954. It is estimated that over 82,500 Chinese and North Koreans were repatriated but approximately 21,900 communist prisoners refused to return to their countries after the war.47 President Harry Truman played an active role and the taking of sides in the conflict fuelled its prevalence and severity.48 However, the biggest factor that drove the North and South Korean States to war was the division that led to differing policies being integrated into the individual nation through international influence from America and the Soviet Union.49 This pushed the two countries into conflict whereas they existed as a single state when entering an agreement with Japan that later made them a colony.50 The international decision by the leading economies, the US, UK and Soviet Union, significantly impacted and shaped the Korean War that proved to be costly and prolonged (Boose, 2002).51

47Hastings, M. (1987). The Korean War. (p. 286-288) London: Michael Joseph.

48Boose, D. (2002). War and Democracy: A Comparative Study of the Korean War and the Peloponnesian War (review). Korean Studies, 26(2), 314-316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ks.2004.0002

49Hastings, M. (1987). The Korean War. (p. 307) London: Michael Joseph.

50Boose, D. (2002). War and Democracy: A Comparative Study of the Korean War and the Peloponnesian War (review). Korean Studies, 26(2), 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ks.2004.0002

51Boose, D. (2002). War and Democracy: A Comparative Study of the Korean War and the Peloponnesian War (review). Korean Studies, 26(2), 318-320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ks.2004.0002

9 1.2 Problem Identification & Significance

During the first half of the 20th century, two world wars, a global depression, a tyranny and a genocide occurred. Its level of severity only reached due to the Western powers passing world responsibilities to one another and not taking effective charge.52 In order to avoid conflict, the Western powers decided to avoid major conflicts via changing their cooperation from self-interest to mutually beneficial. Realising that the economy was closely linked to their foreign policies, they also created international institutions, trade agreements, and military agreements.53 This system was successful since for the following seven decades, progress and peace among the great powers, as well as economic growth was witnessed. Since Donald Trump chose “America First” as a slogan for his campaign, according to the magazine Foreign Policy: “Trump did indeed offer a perspective on international politics closer to the nationalism and protectionism of the 1930s than to anything seen in the White House since 1945.” 54

If the administration chooses to continue to see the US in the direction Trump is taking it, then the liberal international order will be in trouble as a whole and not just in the national interests of the US. This may be the start of the decline of the US thanks to the introduction of uncertainty on behalf of the world’s hegemony.55 The previous world order was based on protection of the states, as well as exclusivity on their interests and issues. The current international system does not aid the previous world order since globalisation due to the rise of technology and the internet.56 A local problem is now being broadcasted on the other side of the

52Rose, G. (2017, January/February). Out Of Order? Foreign Affairs, 10.

53Crafts, Nicholas, and Gianni Toniolo, eds. Economic Growth in Europe Since 1945 (Cambridge UP, 1996).

54Rose, G. (2017, January/February). Out Of Order? Foreign Affairs, 10.

55Rose, G. (2017, January/February). Out Of Order? Foreign Affairs, 10.

56Haass, R. N. (2017, January/February). The Case for Sovereign Obligation. Foreign Affairs, 96(01), 2.

10 world, the interconnectivity of the world does not allow the states to control what should and should not be broadcasted.57 This brings forth a new world order, a much updated one with the concept of sovereign obligation. This concept includes the responsibility of the rights of sovereign states as well as the states’ obligations to others. It is important to understand this concept does not entitle the “sovereignty as responsibility” or the “responsibility to protect” commonly known as R2P.58 Outdated and evidently inefficient in this current world order, R2P is the obligation of a government on its own citizens and when ignored are enforceable by other states, which either has supporters or opponents. Sovereign obligation however is what a country owes to other countries on a larger scale. The responsibility view-point has changed to adapting international order in a highly connected world.59 Sovereign obligation retains support for enforcing against aggression while maintaining a respect for borders and opposing a change via coercion or force within the constraints of international law and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Unilateral agreements and statements allow for any and all states to achieve political self-determination, this however must have the difficult task of limiting a state’s determination in cases of the provoking of conflict. 60

Austria had not been earmarked as a sphere of influence. However, it held some potential that could not be replicated in other regions. The Soviet Union had decided to take over businesses that were owned and run by ermines in Austria. The approach towards the management of the companies resulted in a situation whereby they were bankrupt.61 The expatiation of the country during the period of

57Haass, R. N. (2017, January/February). The Case for Sovereign Obligation. Foreign Affairs, 96(01), 5.

58Haass, R. N. (2017, January/February). The Case for Sovereign Obligation. Foreign Affairs, 96(01), 3-5

59Rose, G. (2017, January/February). Out Of Order? Foreign Affairs, 10.

60Haass, R. N. (2017, January/February). The Case for Sovereign Obligation. Foreign Affairs, 96(01), 7-8.

61Eisterer, Klaus (2009). Austria under Allied Occupation p. 24-26

11 occupancy was a direct indicator of the main driver of the occupation in addition to defeating Germans.62 When the companies could not support the economic goals of the Soviet Union, they were deemed to be ineffective.63 The country was a liability, and the best way of dealing with it was the effective disposal. However, the country was occupied by many more forces inclosing the western countries.64 The Austrian diplomats saw the opportunity in the disinterest of the Soviet Union. The Austrian diplomats extended chances of alliances with the western nations that were represented. This was an opportunity for the reintegration of Austria into Western Europe.65

The Soviet influence in the country cannot be linked to the Soviet interest or any engagement in expanding into Central Europe. However, during the ten years of occupancy in what is referred to as the first cold war, the involvement of the Soviet Union was marked (Geary, 2016).66 The Soviet Union had agreed with the restoration of Austria as had been proposed by Winston Churchill. The above agreement was enshrined in the Moscow declaration. The declaration provided for the reconstruction of the country as a democratic republic.67

Stalin wanted to use the military advantage that it gained in freeing Vienna to take control of the eastern part of the country.68 The approach resulted in the development of a provisional government. The government was controlled by

62Eisterer, Klaus (2009). Austria under Allied Occupation p. 30

63Eder, C., & Halla, M. (2016). The long-lasting shadow of the allied occupation of Austria on its spatial equilibrium. p.43

64Eisterer, Klaus (2009). Austria under Allied Occupation p. 9

65Geary, P. J. (2016). Austria, the Writing of History, and the Search for European Identity. Austrian History Yearbook, 47, 46.

66Geary, P. J. (2016). Austria, the Writing of History, and the Search for European Identity. Austrian History Yearbook, 47,.

67Fraberger, Ingrid; Stiefel, Dieter (2000). Enemy Images: The Meaning of Anti-Communism and its Importance for the Political and Economic Reconstruction in Austria after 1945 p.17

68Carafano, James Jay (2002). Waltzing into the Cold War: the struggle for occupied Austria

12 Austrian communists. The country was perceived to be neutral.69 The Kremlin had a vision that the country would join the socialist movement on its own after developing.70

The Soviet government proceeded with the plan of making Austria a friendly nation. They installed the Austrian Communist Party which was intended to be the long-term vehicle for the change into a democracy that was amenable to the Soviet views.71 The elections that were conducted in 1945 (see Table 8 in Appendix) showed a different perception of the country from the one that they had come to be accustomed to. The people did not agree with the perception of the country as a communist leaning nation.72 On the contrary, it was identified with the Red Army that had raped and plundered the nation.73

The rejection of communism in Austria was a large blow to the Soviet agenda of having a neutral ally with amenable perceptions towards the union. The resultant government was increasingly critical of the Soviet Union.74 The Soviet Union used different forms of propaganda to ensure that there was a unification of the left wing parties in the country. The socialist part of Austria resisted these attempts, therefore the creation of a unified communist movement failed.75

It took the Soviet Union one year for them to realise that the country was not ideal for ideological grandstanding. The Soviet Union focused more on the

69Stelzl-Marx, B. (2015). Soviet children of occupation in Austria: The historical, political and social background and its consequences. European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire, 22(2), 277-291.

70Beer, S. (2007). The Soviet occupation of Austria, 1945-1955. Eurozine. Retrieved 17 December 2017, from http://www.eurozine.com/the-soviet-occupation-of-austria-1945-1955/

71Beer, S. (2007). The Soviet occupation of Austria, 1945-1955. Eurozine. Retrieved 17 December 2017, from http://www.eurozine.com/the-soviet-occupation-of-austria-1945-1955/

72Beer, S. (2007). The Soviet occupation of Austria, 1945-1955. Eurozine. Retrieved 17 December 2017, from http://www.eurozine.com/the-soviet-occupation-of-austria-1945-1955/

73Fraberger, Ingrid; Stiefel, Dieter (2000). Enemy Images: The Meaning of Anti-Communism and its Importance for the Political and Economic Reconstruction in Austria after 1945

74Stelzl-Marx, B. (2015). Soviet children of occupation in Austria: The historical, political and social background and its consequences. European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire, 22(2), 277-291.

75Geary, P. J. (2016). Austria, the Writing of History, and the Search for European Identity. Austrian History Yearbook, 47, 1-12.

13 exploitation of the resources. The change in policy can be termed to have been a reflection of what could have been if the country was to align with the Soviet Union. The above change can be manifested in the decision to agree to the Second Allied Control Agreement.76 The political domination over Austria tended to wane as more economic control interested the Soviet army that had occupancy in the country. The immediate signing of the treaty resulted in the Soviet Union taking over control of what was formerly controlled by the Germans. Other properties that the country took include the old fields. The Soviet Union created the Soviet military ban that was intended to handle transactions for the Soviet-controlled companies (Bischof & Pelinka, 2017)77.

Austria and the occupancy of the Soviet Union can be perceived to have been an experiment. Most of the products that were being produced in western Austria were controlled by the western nations.78 The nations had been advocating for capitalism while the Soviets had been advocating for communism. The Eastern part of the country had been controlled by the Soviet Union and in line with the occupancy agreement between the allied states that had been occupying the nation in an attempt to delink the country from its Nazi past (Alvarez & Mark, 2016).79 The western system was definitely working. The Soviet influence over the country can be perceived to have been declining with time (Black & Falk, 2015).80 By the time that the Soviet Union was leaving the country, it did not have any motivating factor since most of the businesses that it had occupied in the nation had been failing.81

76Bader, William B. (1966). Austria Between East and West. Stanford University Press.

77Bischof, G., & Pelinka, A. (2017). Austrian Historical Memory and National Identity. Routledge.

78Eder, C., & Halla, M. (2016). The long-lasting shadow of the allied occupation of Austria on its spatial equilibrium.

79Alvarez, D., & Mark, E. (2016). Spying Through a Glass Darkly: American Espionage Against the Soviet Union, 1945-1946. University Press of Kansas.

80Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

81Bergethon, M. (n.d). Austria-Neutrality-European Economic Community-Austrian Neutrality and EC Membership: Are they Compatible. GA. J. Int'l & Comp. L. Vol. 20:233.

14 There were former attempts to divide the country into various sections. The Austrian functionaries had tried to convince the Soviets that the best way of dealing with Austria would be to separate it such that the western powers would be left with their territories and the Soviets would remain with certain control over the resources (Stelzl-Marx, 2015).82 The Soviet Union indicated that separation was out of the question since the region was too small to be subdivided.

As the Cold War period entered the most recorded period in history, there were different views on how far the country was willing to go in order for it to attain the goal of a socialist Austria.83 In turn, it is highly likely that the leadership back in the Kremlin had been pushed into seeing the reality that the occupation of Austria was not going to contribute towards the development of the communist perceptions.84

During the entire period of occupancy in Austria, Moscow did not show any indication of leaving. Austria had been perceived as a major resource for the Kremlin (Eder & Halla, 2016).85 The approach had been to ensure that the country was secured against any form of western notions. The failure of the communist system is the main reason that the occupancy of the Soviet failed. The Soviet Union can also be deemed to have failed due to the fact that there were residual resentments towards the Red Army. The Red Army had been painted as the plunderers.86 The army was using any chance that it got to ensure that their presence was felt. This resulted in the resentment of anything that was Soviet in the country. This resentment bore the possible drivers for the eventual pull out of

82Stelzl-Marx, B. (2015). Soviet children of occupation in Austria: The historical, political and social background and its consequences. European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire, 22(2), 277-291.

83Stelzl-Marx, B. (2015). Soviet children of occupation in Austria: The historical, political and social background and its consequences. European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire, 22(2), 277-291.

84In Mair, P., In Smith, G., & Workshop on "Change in West European Party Systems". (2017). Understanding party system change in Western Europe.

85Eder, C., & Halla, M. (2016). The long-lasting shadow of the allied occupation of Austria on its spatial equilibrium.

86Eder, C., & Halla, M. (2016). The long-lasting shadow of the allied occupation of Austria on its spatial equilibrium.

15 the country in 1955. The legacy that the Soviet Union left was too negative that the people immediately aligned themselves with the western nations since these nations were more pragmatic.87

Failures of neutrality in the Korean peninsula Scholars have conducted research on the ‘neutralisation of the Korean peninsula’ within a limited range. Previous studies have over-emphasised the international factors, that is, the negative role of major powers, as failure factors for neutralisation. Their claim can be encapsulated that ‘if the surrounding great powers do not agree, the Korean Peninsula is hard to neutralise and peaceful unification is also difficult’.88 In this regard, it can be perceived that there is no unification huddle specifically internal to Korea its self.89 However, despite the domestic political environment and leadership of the nation being pivotal in this course, the certainty of success especially for countries that have exhibited sixty- seven years of mutual antagonism and mistrust worsen the unification campaign presenting the limited scope of choice for peaceful unification. North Korea in accomplishing aggravation will stroll through to access indulgence in support of succession while concurrently administering that war and succession is not a requisition during the transition process (Bechtol, 2011).90 With the expansion and growth of prospective catastrophe and development of miscalculations, every involved party will try to shun war during both de- escalating efforts and deterrence measures. Could the neutralisation of the Korean peninsula’ be an exquisite choice? Would the neutralisation proposition contribute

87Beer, S. (2007). The Soviet occupation of Austria, 1945-1955. Eurozine. Retrieved 17 December 2017, from http://www.eurozine.com/the-soviet-occupation-of-austria-1945-1955/

88Bechtol, E. B. (2011). Confronting Security Challenges on the Korean Peninsula. Marine Corps University Press. Viewed from http://www.marines.mil/Portals/59/Publications/Confronting%20Security%20Challenges. %20On%20The%20Korean%20Peninsula.pdf

89Bechtol, E. B. (2011). Confronting Security Challenges on the Korean Peninsula. Marine Corps University Press. Viewed from http://www.marines.mil/Portals/59/Publications/Confronting%20Security%20Challenges. %20On%20The%20Korean%20Peninsula.pdf

90Bechtol, E. B. (2011). Confronting Security Challenges on the Korean Peninsula. Marine Corps University Press. Viewed from http://www.marines.mil/Portals/59/Publications/Confronting%20Security%20Challenges. %20On%20The%20Korean%20Peninsula.pdf

16 to the achievement of peaceful unification under the sympathy and acquiescence of the neighbouring powers? Several scholarly proposals front Neutralisation as the only window of hope left for the Korean peninsula. On the converse side, serious political resentment to the unification course is widely spread within these states themselves.91 Besides the neutralisation concept, a record of failure in the early history of these nations exists. Nonetheless, the neutralisation process has recorded success in some states most especially Austria and incorporation of the Austrian model into the Korean peninsula is an issue without a definite answer.

Becoming the epitome challenge of this undertaking. Besides qualitatively assessing the validity of data as drawn from the Austrian centrist parties, the study seeks to use the documentation of opinion polls from the people to understand their stance on the situation. That and in addition to the secondary information from Neutralisation related academic literature shall provide a quantifying benchmark for the primary results.

Over the years, there have been efforts to establish peace in the Korean Peninsula. A critical analysis of the geopolitics of the region reveals that there is a need to resolve the existing uncertainty and tension. Neutralisation and unification prove as the potential solutions in resolving the Korean issue.92

In pursuit of a similar incorporation to the Korean peninsula, this study will concentrate on the leadership of the Austrian centrist forces from 1945 to 1955 focusing on how they organised domestic politics to achieve the neutralisation strategy and effectively negotiated with external powers in unity.93

91Bechtol, E. B. (2011). Confronting Security Challenges on the Korean Peninsula. Marine Corps University Press. Viewed from http://www.marines.mil/Portals/59/Publications/Confronting%20Security%20Challenges. %20On%20The%20Korean%20Peninsula.pdf

92Revere, J. R. E. (January, 2015). Korean Reunification and U.S. Interests: Preparing for one Korea. Brookings. Viewed on October 23, 2017 from https://www.brookings.edu/on-the-record/korean-reunification- and-u-s-interests-preparing-for-one-korea/

93Andrea Matles Savada (1997). South Korea: A Country Study. Honolulu: DIANE Publishing.

17 Hopefully, this will facilitate broader awareness to the scholars to act as a benchmark for the Korean unification. Not forgetting, it is of vital necessity to fix the flaws that failed this approach in the early Korean attempt for neutralisation. The former President of the Republic of Korea Park Geun-hye is on record for her continued push for a united Korea.94 The unification of the Korean Peninsula has gained interests internally, and externally besides the regional interests exhibited by the neighbouring states. Internally evident, the President of North Korea swings the opposite opinion providing opposition to the reunification (Revere, January 2015).95 Among the many other challenges internally that affect the reunification of the two is the growing missile and nuclear threat posed by North Korea. The nuclear threat has created friction between this part of Korea and the United States. In an article developed by Osnos, September 201796, the relationship between the United States and North Korea is laid bare. The article affirms that there exists no embassy in the United States for North Korea. It adds that the relationship between the two is sour with possibilities of a war. The author further asserts that enmity between the two countries has continued to increase over the recent times attaining levels only evidenced during the 1953 Korean War.97 The possibilities of facing sanctions from the United States and other international community due to the nuclear activities of North Korea threaten the possibilities of reunification. According to Stankiewicz,98 the possibilities of a reunification of the two countries have continued to grow difficult from the 1990s in which high possibilities existed. The author adds that the reunification of Korea

94Stankiewicz, W. (2012). Current Prospects of Korean Reunification Against the Background of the Interstate Relations. International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal, Volume 14(1), 53-73.

95Revere, J. R. E. (January, 2015). Korean Reunification and U.S. Interests: Preparing for one Korea. Brookings. Viewed on October 23, 2017 from https://www.brookings.edu/on-the-record/korean-reunification- and-u-s-interests-preparing-for-one-korea/

96Osnos, E. (September 2017). The Risk of Nuclear War with North Korea. The New Yorker. Viewed from https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2017/09/18/the-risk-of-nuclear-war-with-north-korea

97Osnos, E. (September 2017). The Risk of Nuclear War with North Korea. The New Yorker. Viewed from https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2017/09/18/the-risk-of-nuclear-war-with-north-korea

98Osnos, E. (September 2017). The Risk of Nuclear War with North Korea. The New Yorker. Viewed from https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2017/09/18/the-risk-of-nuclear-war-with-north-korea

18 leaves two significant issues that prove challenging to address. These include the subject of reunification itself and the strategic issues or challenges that may emanate from the reunification.99 These indicate further to the difficulties of neutralisation of the Korean Peninsula. Focus on examining this possibility remains scattered with data only discussing the internal, external and regional challenges in achieving this objective. In this regard, the focus of this study is on examining the Austrian neutrality as an example that can serve in explaining the possibility of neutralisation of the Korean Peninsula. As mentioned by Foreign Affairs in January 2017, “Invasion and occupation breed resentment and opposition, which in turn raise the costs of intervention while lowering the odds of success, further undermining public support for an engaged foreign policy.”100

Aims of the Study The Korean peninsula has for long suffered the political division instigated in 1945. The self-centred interests of the western superpowers facilitated this division thereby resulting in the 1950-53 Korean War which left the once united states in a state of mutual antagonism. In pursuit of their unification, barriers exist both internal and from external pressures of the superpowers like China and the United States who have associated political and or economic interests.101 The most important challenge in the 21st century is the provision of world order, which comes from within not from without. The neutralisation approach lays ground of hope in the unification process with affirmed success in some countries like Switzerland and Belgium though it has associated historic flaws in the Korean perspective.102 Inferring from Austria, this study seeks to assess its ability in the unification process of North and South Korea.

99Revere, J. R. E. (January, 2015). Korean Reunification and U.S. Interests: Preparing for one Korea. Brookings. Viewed on October 23, 2017 from https://www.brookings.edu/on-the-record/korean-reunification- and-u-s-interests-preparing-for-one-korea/

100Nye, J. S. (2017, November/December). Will the Liberal Order Survive? Foreign Affairs, 96(01), 15

101Robert E. Bedeski (1994). The transformation of South Korea. Cambridge: CUP Archive.

102Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

19 1.3 Problem Statement

Time has finally come for the two Koreas to agree to the concept of unification while putting aside their differences and resolving the existing tensions between the two sides. They should work towards a neutralised and reunited Korea to prevent the resurgence of the 1950 Asian Cold War which would otherwise emanate if the Korean situation is not handled and solved in time. The rise and fall of radical leaders and political influence, especially in North Korea, will make it difficult for any efforts of achieving a common solution to end the crisis. In solving the crisis the two opposing sides need to decide to declare neutrality, which should promptly be followed by the signature of the neutrality agreement. In this case, the development and agreement of the declaration is a much more difficult task for both sides than of the signing of the neutrality agreement, however with the economic benefits from South Korea and the military advancements of North Korea, the Korean Peninsula may become an armed neutral state. If a permanent state is required and necessary then perhaps the US and China may vouch to guarantee the peninsula. By following the Austrian example, Korea will achieve to find peace and stability which is crucial for the positive development of its people and the region.

20 1.4 Research Question & Objectives Although the influence of foreign powers is negative, like the post-war Austrian case, if Korea is able to make a solid and resolute decision internally within the national unity, could Korea permanently become an armed neutral state? Meeting these research objectives requires that a sense of direction is established on which the researcher will focus. The research objectives the study aims to answer are as follows: • To describe the internal political sensitivity, between North & South Korea and how the internal factors need to change in order to overcome the crisis. Unlike the usual proposals, where the external factors are seen as the main issue, this study shows the internal factors are just as important. • To explain how Austria’s internal situation at the time of neutralisation can serve as an example for the Korean Peninsula. Having the majority of the population as centrists there is less conflict within the state. Hence the potential threat is greatly reduced, keeping in mind that neutralisation means that the nation will not actively start or join a war unless in self defence. • To analyse the correlation between Austria’s neutralisation and the proposed neutralisation of the Korean Peninsula. While the Korean peninsula has not yet reached the degree of centrist groups being the majority, Austria can serve as a political example where in comparison the internal conditions of both South Korea and North Korea are ideal in areas and need improvement in others.

The hypothesis of this study is that Korea is intact able to make a solid, resolute decision due to their internal factors being appropriate for the consideration of neutralism. However regarding the status of neutralism and the guarantors, there lies uncertainty as the external powers are required to interfere. Hence its permanent state is uncertain. In all cases of neutrality however a

21 declaration of neutrality is needed, and perhaps that is within reach and will be proven further in this study via the neutralisation formula with recorded data as variables of the formula. This formula is meant to measure the possibility of neutralisation and its effectiveness.

22 1.5 Readings on Austria & Principal Theory

Kurt Richard Luther and Wolfgang C. Muller edited “Politics in Austria: Still a Case of Consociationalism” The authors of the book try to combine different articles to develop and explain the political journey of Austria. The articles or essays are arranged in a progressive way to show the birth of the nation of Austria from its earliest forms of governance and their effects to the most current which constitutes the current nation of Austria. The ideas are based mostly on the origins of Austria's traditional subcultures which are mostly referred to as Lager and their origins. The articles in the book talk about the rise and fall of the lager and also discuss what brought the Short Civil war (Luther & Mueller, 2014).103 The book argues mostly on the subcultures or lager of the Austrian people and its influence on the modern day nation of Austria. It illustrates the rise and fall of the Lager mentality. The book also illustrates the crisis that led to the Civil war as the crisis of national identity, democratic legitimacy and economic distributions by how they undermined the republic and led to war in 1918-34. The book also takes a look at the relevance of the Austrian governmental institutions and if they are effective (Luther & Mueller, 2014).104 It then argues on the relationship between the modern Austria, and how it relates to other countries and discusses its political structure. Although the book is a collection of different ideas, articles and essays from different writers and sources, they combine together in a systematic way to come up with one volume which talks about the issue of politics in Austria and their effects on its development to the modern day Austria. The first article in the book is from the two authors and it explains on what influenced the traditional Austrian politics. They then put in the other articles from the other writers to

103Luther, R., & Mueller, W. C. (2014). Politics in Austria: Still a Case of Consociationalism. Hoboken: Routledge, Taylor and Francis.

104 Luther, R., & Mueller, W. C. (2014). Politics in Austria: Still a Case of Consociationalism. Hoboken: Routledge, Taylor and Francis.

23 throw more light on the Lager system and how the country evolved rising from the civil war and grow to the stable modern Austria. The main argument in the book is about political stability and the effectiveness of the governing systems in Austria (Luther & Mueller, 2014).105 It focuses on the political journey of this nation. The tracing of the origin of what is the modern politics in Austria depicts the struggle through which the country have had to go through to be what it is today. The political journey of this nation can be said to have had ups and downs. The findings of the crisis that brought about the civil war also show what affects most of the nations and not Austria alone.

Gunter Bischof (1999) “Austria in the First Cold War, 1945-55, Palgrave McMillan In this book, Bischof gives very detailed information and an account of the happenings and processes explaining how the leadership of Austria maintained unity in the country. It talks about the happenings of the cold war especially in the early 1950s where the western powers were worried the occupation of Austria might turn it to be like Korea and be taken over by communism (Bischof, 1999).106 The book illustrates the exploitations of the Soviets and how American aid helped to guarantee and maintain the survival of the country. It shows the pressures piled on Austria by external and internal forces. The book argues on the happenings of the Cold war that was taking place from 1945-1955. The author gives a good account of the efforts of the then government of Austria to ensure independence through unity. The book's main argument is on the survival of the Austrian civil war given how the Soviets tried to exploit its occupation of the country to the maximum and also spread communism (Bischof, 1999).107 It shows the efforts put by the Western powers to ensure that

105Luther, R., & Mueller, W. C. (2014). Politics in Austria: Still a Case of Consociationalism. Hoboken: Routledge, Taylor and Francis.

106Bischof, G., & Pelinka, A. (2017). Austrian Historical Memory and National Identity. Routledge.

107Bischof, G., & Pelinka, A. (2017). Austrian Historical Memory and National Identity. Routledge.

24 the country did not get turned into a communist nation. The book shows the vital role played by America by giving aid both military and economic. The author goes into details about the Cold war. He looks at the history, and researches on the participants and then the effects. He looks at the antagonists and the protagonists in the welfare of the Austria nation. The author explains the problem of occupation of Austria by the four powers, the threat of the country being turned into a communist nation. He also gives the threat which was also coming from the domestic powers that were competing. The book is well documented and the author uses insights to give into account the effects of the postwar and how Austria struggled to survive. Perhaps Bischof has given the best illustrations by far of the effects of war and the government's struggles to keep the unity of the country. He vividly brings out the picture of the struggles and threats posed by the occupying powers to the nation and the great effort put by the leaders to ensure that the country does not fall apart (Bischof, 1999).108 I feel that the author has been able to show the effects of the occupation, the possible outcomes and how the country and its allies work effortlessly to make it great again.

Neutralisation and world Politics: By Cyril E. Black, Richard A. Falk Princeton 1968. The book talks about neutralisation and the management of power in international systems. Neutralisation is seen as a tool used in the world politics so as to bring about peace and security in war-torn countries like South Vietnam and Southern Asia in general (Black, 2016).109 It focuses its concern in the way to formulate and set forth effective proposals which are concerned with the relationships occurring between neutralised states and international organisations. The book looks at how some nations have neglected neutralisation as an

108Bischof, G., & Pelinka, A. (2017). Austrian Historical Memory and National Identity. Routledge.

109Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

25 instrument of statecraft which can be the possible solution to most of the conflicts in the world. The main argument is about the importance of the process of neutralisation in the fight to stop wars between nations and forge worldwide peace. It uses many examples, most notably the Swiss neutralisation during the 1815 Vienna congress so as to be able to promote a conscious form of preventive diplomacy (Black, 2016).110 It argues about the important role which can be played by permanently neutral states in ensuring peace. It looks at the examples of Switzerland, Austria and the Vatican which have withdrawn themselves from international relations. It also looks on the attitude of the leaders to the total process of neutralisation. The author employs the technique of first revisiting history, drawing examples from it and the building on that to come and pass the point of discussion in relation to the modern world. The author goes ahead to even use specific examples like Switzerland, Austria, and Vatican to be able to explain and expound more on the effects of the topic of discussion. The author also has done the research on the attitudes of the world political leaders and specialists on how they think and feel about neutralisation of states. The book reflects on the use of different approaches to explain the need for neutralisation (Black, 2016).111 Neutralisation is a key process and something which needs to be put into consideration as a way of ensuring worldwide peace. World leaders as well as international relations scholars should asses the positive outcomes of the act of neutralisation and use the examples given in this book.

The End of Laissez-Faire John Maynard Keynes L. & Virginia Woolf, 1926 In his essay, The End of Laissez-Faire in 1926, Keynes was looking at the behaviour of the privileged and powerful people in free markets and compared it

110Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

111Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

26 to giraffes, with the longest necks to outdo the ones with shorter necks in search of food; leading to their starvation. The man who is considered as the father of "modern microeconomics" talked about the fundamentals of the economic evil which he states as uncertainty, ignorance, and risk (Keynes, 1927).112 The writer talks about the people who are fortunate enough to be rich and how they exploit the others. The main argument in the essay was ending the issue of laissez-faire and trying finding balance through intervention. He argues for government growth, a governmental control of money and credit and also coordination of savings and investments which are government based. He advocated the government, “Not to do those activities which private individuals are already fulfilling, but to do those decisions which are made by no one if the State does not make them” (Keynes, 1927).113 The article advocates for the growth of government to stability through monetary and fiscal control of investment. The writer uses the example of the rich people whom he compares to with long-necked giraffes who will always starve the short necked ones (Keynes, 1927).114 He identifies the problem with the government and which brings about instability to be monetary. He is able to identify the problem and then its effect on a nation. The writer goes ahead to state and explains the possible methods which can be employed to overcome these problems. He formulates a model of the State and assigns it three major functions to ensure the growth of the government. The article, the End of Laissez- Faire, plays a vital role in the creation of a more empowerment government. It looks at taking power from the few privileged and giving it back to the people through the government. By also preparing a model, Keynes offers the government a clearer, alternative way on the possibility

112Keynes, J. M., & Keynes, J. M. (2004). The end of laissez faire: The economic consequences of the peace. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books.

113Keynes, J. M., & Keynes, J. M. (2004). The end of laissez faire: The economic consequences of the peace. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books.

114Keynes, J. M., & Keynes, J. M. (2004). The end of laissez faire: The economic consequences of the peace. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books.

27 of growth and taking into consideration the needs of common people. The government needs to take control of all the money and credit through a common controlling body and be able to effectively coordinate savings and also investments.

Foreign Relations of the United States, 1946, volume VII, the Near East and Africa This book looks at countries like Turkey, Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, Egypt and other countries in that area in terms of the likelihood of international misunderstandings occurring in this regions. It gives the reason for this misunderstanding as being national objectives of the Great Britain and the Soviet Union. The government of the United States in the memorandum tries to explain its interest as not for personal benefits like petroleum extraction or profits from trade. It explains its major interest as to prevent the development of international misunderstandings from taking place which would undermine the principles of the United Nations Organisation (In Fine, In Reid, In Glennon, & United States, 1969).115 The main argument in the memorandum is about the effects of the conflicts which may arise in the areas stated. The United States is trying to stop any conflicts from arising in these areas or any existing ones from escalating much further. It argues that if any of these occur, it would be undermining the efforts of the United Nations Organisation and it could lead the organisation to be wrecked and consequently lead to third world war. It argues how countries like Great Britain, France, the Soviet Union and the United States all have different agendas in the Middle East (In Fine, In Reid, In Glennon, & United States, 1969).116

115In Fine, H. A., In Reid, J., In Glennon, J. P., & United States. (1969). Foreign relations of the United States, 1946: Volume VII.

116In Fine, H. A., In Reid, J., In Glennon, J. P., & United States. (1969). Foreign relations of the United States, 1946: Volume VII.

28 The author or writer of this memorandum is able to research on every country involved so as to understand each and every country’s motive. They are able to analyze the situation in the Near East and Africa and be able to determine the current positions in terms of the likelihood of going to war. The author is able to validate the idea that if any war or fighting starts in one of the mentioned areas, it would lead to third world war. This is due to the fact that each of the four superpowers, France, Great Britain, Soviet Union and the United States would be defending their own interest. Whatever the United States was preventing to happen in that time is still being seen as a threat even today. The Soviet Union, modern day Russia still poses a threat as it tries to make sure its power and influence go to Turkey and up to the Indian Ocean. Some of the areas mentioned here have already experienced wars between themselves, civil unrest in Egypt and the conflicts in Lebanon, Iraq, and Syria. Although this has not yet risen to a third world war or led to the downfall of the United Nations Organisation great care must be taken to prevent them from happening. The super powers should try and come up with solutions to stop the fighting in these areas as they are mainly the cause of hinderance.

William B. Bader (1966), “Austria Between East and West 1945-55, Standford University Press The book is about the allied occupation of Austria from 1945 to 1955. The writer talks about the Nazi occupation of the country and how they regarded it as part of Germany. Bader discusses how the allied powers agree to term the country as the first victim of Nazi aggression and decide to treat Austria as a free country after the war. The book dictates Austria's occupation by the Soviet Union until 1955 and its struggles during that period (Bader, 1966).117 The writer argues about the occupation of Austria during and after the war including the nation's obstacles regarding the status of full independence on May

117Bader, William B. (1966). Austria Between East and West. Stanford University Press.

29 12, 1955. The book include arguments on the impacts of the Nazi aggression on the country, the controversial topic of the country's status during the cold war, as well as occupations starting from the Soviets, French, Americans and British troops (Bader, 1966).118 Bader has used a historical approach in his work, using events as references, for example the Nazi aggression and its consequential influences. He then asses the role of the Cold War and uses the theory of progression from its occupation, up until its independence in 1955 (Bader, 1966).119 The arguments in this book are substantial as they provide a clear outline of first hand information of the situation in Austria during 1945 to 1955. Bader is able to show Austria's crucial and perhaps most historical events.

Kunio Yoshihara The Rise of Ersatz Capitalism in South-East Asia 1988 First Edition This book takes into considerations the escalation of Southeast Asian Economies involving an ineffective super layer. These super-layers are then explored further and determine the problems which may pose the future development of their economies. Although spearheaded by capitalism, Yoshihara points out the problems that have been derailing development (Denys Lombard, 1989).120 These problems are considered stunted technological advancements, where the government doing very little to no intervention, including the discrimination against people of Chinese descent. The book analysis the difference between capitalism in Japan and the West. Yoshihara argues about the future of economies in these areas due to the prevention of capitalism. He argues how technology has had a negative effect on the future economy specifically the industrial sectors. He argues that the economy

118Bader, William B. (1966). Austria Between East and West. Stanford University Press.

119Bader, William B. (1966). Austria Between East and West. Stanford University Press.

120Denys Lombard. (1989). Yoshihara Kunio, The Rise of Ersatz Capitalism in South-East Asia. (Archipel.) PERSEE.

30 is being driven by a very large inflow of capital from foreign countries and the government taking preventative measures to control this. He foreshadows a doomed economy if this continues to be unregulated. Yoshihara argues that if these issues are not addressed quickly and adequately, they may lead to economical stagnation in the near future (Denys Lombard, 1989).121 The author does research on these economies and sees a loophole which may have a devastating effect on the economy in the future. The author identifies the problem at first and then goes on to research on its causes. He lists down the causes as poor technology, no government control and ethnicity occurring through discrimination against the Chinese people. He goes ahead to give the probable happening, which could be brought about by this situation. He lists it as economic stagnation. The author finally goes ahead to offer recommendations to curb this through dynamic entrepreneurship while accepting the obstacles met in the implementation (Denys Lombard, 1989).122 Between the year 1997 and 1999, the countries in South-East Asia, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand run into a depressed economic situation. This is what was predicted by the author. In this case, the government was to blame. It failed to control this large inflow of the capital which led to investors starting to pull out due to playing safe. This plunged these countries into economic problems. It would have been wise for the government to formulate ways to regulate investment from foreigners, encourage the natives to invest so as to have a balance in their economy.

121Denys Lombard. (1989). Yoshihara Kunio, The Rise of Ersatz Capitalism in South-East Asia. (Archipel.) PERSEE.

122Denys Lombard. (1989). Yoshihara Kunio, The Rise of Ersatz Capitalism in South-East Asia. (Archipel.) PERSEE.

31 1.6 Theoretical & Research Framework The widespread denuclearisation and peace negotiations provide a window of hope for a unified Korea since it’s division in 1945. The urge of Western powers to extend their political domicile presented the then united Korea on a geostrategic advantage of accessing East Asia an instance that brought havoc in the political history of the Korean Peninsula. The 1950-53 war between these two mutually antagonistic Korean states catalysed by the United States, Soviet Union, China, and Japan remains an epitome ground for the current political blasphemy in this once united peninsula (Hwang, 2010).123 Despite, prospects of success, National unification of North and South Korea now sparks a perpetual debate in the Korean political arena. In the event that these two countries unite, the existence of divided confidence and distrust among the executive heads is inevitable. External influence from mighty countries with particular interest (both economic and political) in this peninsula also replicates the historical scenario of mutual antagonism.124 In fact, the two states still exist as two sovereign U.N members; South Korea (The Republic of Korea), and North Korea (the Democratic Republic of Korea). Peacefully terminating the sixty-seven years of division seemingly complicates political discussions. In this pursuit, therefore, scholarly opinions regarding the neutralisation approach exist with prospects of hope in states like Switzerland,125 Belgium,126 and Austria.127 Not forgetting, the Neutralisation approach (will be covered in Chapter IV) has a historical flaw in the Korean perspectives; could this second encounter bring positive attestation to the Korean peninsula? Perhaps the epitome reason for this paper.

123Hwang I.K,(2010). Neutralisation: An All-Weather Paradigm for Korean Reunification, Journal Asian Affairs: An American Review, Volume 25, Issue 4, 1995-2007

124Hwang I.K,(2010). Neutralisation: An All-Weather Paradigm for Korean Reunification, Journal Asian Affairs: An American Review, Volume 25, Issue 4, 1995-2007

125Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

126Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

127Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

32 The neutralisation approach guarantees freedom to the countries in terms of economic, social, and or political matters through a legal agreement between states. The concerned countries should be strategically domiciled and possess the objective and subjective requirements of the international agreement.128 This legitimate policy purposively protects weaker countries against exploitation from more superior countries however with perceived success in some countries like Switzerland, Bulgaria,129 and Belgium. In this context, social-economic activities within the concerned states are only regulated by the agreement and arming specifically for self-defence. The Austrian Neutrality approach is herein assessed for its applicability to the Korean Unification process (Pil, 2016).130 Austria is both neutral and unified, Korea’s goal is to achieve the same. The Korean Peninsula is extremely sensitive to conflict, neutralisation will bring the region at ease since they can either disarm the weapons or use them strictly in self defence. A condition for neutralisation, one of the most important as mentioned earlier, is declaring neutralisation. This study analyses the internal conditions for the ability of declaring neutralisation. Opinions polls, religion, ethnicities, political spectrum and the isolation factor are the variables covered. Neutralisation will rid of any external factors, like treaties and military bases. In the case of Korea these have had a consistent presence. Next, the respective regions will have their own takes on resolving internal issues. This will remove the idea of civil conflict once unification happens.

Neutralisation is a concept in the unification of states in which the unifying parties adopt a neutral psychological and political attitude towards eventful unity. The parties to the unity must avoid radical stands and should be

128Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

129Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

130Pil J.S, (2016) Korean Neutralisation attempts (1882-1907): retracing the struggle for survival and imperial intrigues. PhD Thesis. SOAS, University of London

33 willing to sacrifice some of their favoured ideologies for the greater good of unity.131 As such, neutralisation calls for the countries to abandon their normal ways and adopt to the new way of doing things under a united umbrella. The neutralisation approach guarantees freedom to the countries in terms of economic, social, and or political matters through a legal agreement between states. The concerned countries should be strategically domiciled and possess the objective and subjective requirements of the deal.132 This legitimate policy purposively protects weaker countries against exploitation from more superior countries. As the third UN Secretary General U Thant once put it, neutralisation is a form of territorial disarmament that can be used to rid the world of the fear and suspicion (Cordier, Harrelson & Recorded Books Inc., 2010).133 Neutralisation, thus, presents both opportunities and challenges to the uniting states.

The opportunity that neutralisation presents is for the uniting nations to create buffer states that are valuable and economically strong.134 It is a trend in international negotiation as all parties are required to shelve their ambitions. The two parties, thus, support the neutral position with the knowledge that it does not favour or give undue advantage to the other party. It gives the two groups an opportunity to reach a compromised solution that comes from their own decision and not from the influence of the other external forces. Intrinsically, neutralisation is instrumental in fostering unity without invoking indirect conflict of the major world powers that always come into play during negotiations. 135

131Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

132Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

133Cordier, A. W., Harrelson, M., & Recorded Books, Inc. (2010). Public Papers Of The Secretaries General Of The United Nations: Volume 6. New York: Columbia University Press.

134Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

135Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

34 Neutralisation also has its challenges and, thus, requires the cooperation of great powers and mutual self-restrain of the parties taking part in the unification process.136 There are chances that the world powers may attempt to move into the power vacuum created. The world powers only get involved in the unification process of other states if they have their interests.137 The chances are that they would attempt to influence the agreement in the bid to protect their interest. The second challenge facing the neutralisation approach to achieving unity is the risk of one party violating the agreement as in the case of Belgium, when Germany violated the agreement and went ahead to invade.138

Depending on the style and the efforts made by the parties, neutralisation offers the best opportunity for unity. It is the only method that provides unity through peace and agreement as the states agree to unconditionally come together. The neutralisation approach is not only used to bring together two different states, but even two factions with different ideologies within the same country.139 Neutralisation has been practiced in different ways by different states depending on the situations that they are in. In the recent years, the approach has been put into practice by countries such as India,140 Switzerland, Austria, and Belgium. All these countries put the concept of neutrality into practice to safeguard their self- interest. Therefore, it is not possible to predict the result of neutralisation as every country has its motive and style of approach to neutralisation.

Though it may not be possible to predict the result of neutralisation in Korea, it is safe to assume that Korea will develop its style in line with its needs.

136 Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

137Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

138Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

139Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

140Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

35 Of interest will be with regards to arming, specifically for self-defense.141 Thus, neutralisation could be the best way out for the dilemma that has eluded the Korean states for over sixty years (Stankiewicz, 2012).142 The Austrian Neutrality approach is herein assessed for its applicability to the Korean Unification process (Pil, 2016).143 Therefore, it is the hope of the author that the two Korean leaders will take into consideration neutralisation as the best alternative to attaining unity. Religion is becoming an important factor in the current international system, the newest trend is shifting towards secularisation, however many countries restrict, or even prohibit, religions from directly participating in the act of governing.144 Up until the September 11 attacks, there has been a change and the religious movements have come into our field of vision.

According to Jack Snyder, a Professor of International Relations, there are five different means religious movements can affect international relations. First, the beliefs of individuals affect their tendencies to support organisations and institutions according to their affiliation with religion or religious background.145 Second, religious organisations influence decision makers indirectly involved in international relations.146 Third, religious organisations are transitional in their activities, they recruit and fundraise to influence the political process.147 Snyder states some religious organisations are almost as powerful as diplomats.148 Lastly, Snyder acknowledges religious intergovernmental organisations and their

141Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

142Stankiewicz, W. (2012). Current Prospects of Korean Reunification Against the Background of the Interstate Relations. International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal, Volume 14(1), 53-73.

143Pil J.S, (2016) Korean Neutralisation attempts (1882-1907): retracing the struggle for survival and imperial intrigues. PhD Thesis. SOAS, University of London

144Snyder, J. (2011). Religion and international relations theory. New York: Columbia University Press.

145Snyder, J. (2011). Religion and international relations theory. New York: Columbia University Press.

146Snyder, J. (2011). Religion and international relations theory. New York: Columbia University Press.

147Snyder, J. (2011). Religion and international relations theory. New York: Columbia University Press.

148Snyder, J. (2011). Religion and international relations theory. New York: Columbia University Press.

36 tendencies to have secular counterparts however act in a unified manner. Snyder’s means of religious movements are crucial in the study as the religious groups in the political parties as well as the majority of the population often have religious presences except in some cases where having no religion represents the majority of the population.149

In order to assess and analyse the neutrality in any given state, a formula has been devised in order to score the scale of possible neutrality. To achieve the score there are inputs that have to be inserted in order to achieve the output. To scale, the most ideal neutral country is Austria, however for theoretical purposes a higher score can be achieved. Austria’s case serves as a better fit since post-war balance of power is a condition similar to the case of the Korean Peninsula. The formula of neutralisation is as follows: N = LEG + PS + LRG + I The highest score possible, which is theoretical, would be as follows: LEG150 = 100% which in decimal form is 1 PS151 = 100% which in decimal form is 1 LRG152 = 100% which in decimal form is 1 I153 = 5, based on the spectrum mention in section 3.1

N = LEG + PS + LRG + I N = (1) + (1) + (1) + (5) N = 8

149Snyder, J. (2011). Religion and international relations theory. New York: Columbia University Press.

150Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

151Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

152Snyder, J. (2011). Religion and international relations theory. New York: Columbia University Press.

153Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

37 1.7 Research Method The research used in this study is a combination of both qualitative and quantitative data. In order to achieve neutrality there are four main factors that contribute greatly to its fulfilment, the specific numbers are based on Austria's scoring of each factor: 1. The majority of the population is of one ethnicity, specifically >90% of the ethnic groups must be of one ethnicity.154 In order for the majority to have one sense of belonging, this eliminates any possible political friction in the future. The representation of the country will be the vast majority of the people, hence for them to be of one ethnicity aids in having an environment where there is no friction or competition in regard to ethnicity.155 Ethnicity is crucial since the historical stance of the population needs to be one sided, in the case of Austria, the resentment towards the Soviet Union created a sense of unity.156 Hence if the majority of the population can associate themselves with a united perspective towards the external factors, the achievement of neutralisation will in fact be easier to achieve as seen in Austria's case. This data was gathered via the demographical information on each country. 2. The political spectrum is centred, specifically >40% of the political spectrum is a total combination of centre-left, centre and centre-right. This data was gathered via the popular vote of the legislative bodies of each country.157 This is in order to visualise the amounts of votes in each political spectrum, far-left, left-wing, centre-left, centre, centre-right, right-wing, far-

154http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Austria

155Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

156Eder, C., & Halla, M. (2016). The long-lasting shadow of the allied occupation of Austria on its spatial equilibrium.

157http://www.bka.gv.at/site/5957/default.aspx; Nohlen, D & Stöver, P (2010). Elections in Europe: A data handbook; http://wahl13.bmi.gv.at/; https://wahl17.bmi.gv.at/ Dieter Nohlen, Florian Grotz & Christof Hartmann (2001) Elections in Asia: A data handbook, Volume II; https://www.electoralgeography.com/new/ en/countries/s/korea/south-korea-legislative-election-2004.html; https://www.electoralgeography.com/new/en/ countries/s/korea/south-korea-legislative-election-2008.html; https://www.electoralgeography.com/new/en/ countries/s/korea/south-korea-legislative-election-2012.html; https://www.electoralgeography.com/new/en/ countries/s/korea/south-korea-legislative-election-2016.html http://archive.ipu.org/parline-e/reports/arc/ 2085_09.htm

38 right. This is to gather information on the stances of the people and how further apart or like minded they may be. This intends to contribute to the understanding of behaviour how that may affect the possibility of neutrality. Perhaps the base of this formula, the political spectrum is the main reason for achieving neutralisation. 3. The majority of the population follows one religion, specifically >50% of the total religions are of one religion.158 Based on Jack Snyder's theory. Religion is a crucial part of the belief and political power of the country.159 Religion can have a huge affect in today’s politics; and gathering data to understand the number of people following a certain religion will show if the country has potential conflict or not.160 This data was gathered via the demographical information on each country. 4. Isolation: an ideal component for neutralisation is for the state to be semi-isolated or even isolated completely in the form of an island. Based on Cyril E. Black’s book the isolation factor is a considerable variable to the neutralisation of a state.161 The less interaction and less pressure there is on the borders, the better chances of a strong and successful neutrality.162 The spectrum of isolation would be regarded as follows: • Water surrounds all sides, an island, is most ideal geographical situation for neutrality and it is scored the highest which is a 5. • Water surrounds three sides, another state is at the 4th side, also can be a peninsula, the second best situation is scored at a 4. • Land on two sides and water on two sides, can be semi ideal if two sides are covered by one state, hence 3.

158https://www.wienerzeitung.at/nachrichten/oesterreich/politik/792411_Staat-und-Religion.html

159Snyder, J. (2011). Religion and international relations theory. New York: Columbia University Press.

160Snyder, J. (2011). Religion and international relations theory. New York: Columbia University Press.

161Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

162Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

39 • Coast, land on three sides and water embodies only one side. Not very ideal, but can be managed, an appropriate score would be 2. • Not isolated and is surrounded by states from all sides, an appropriate score is 1 as in some cases there are only one or two states surrounding the country aforementioned, hence the possibility of a higher score may be given. An example of this is the Vatican City, where only Italy is surrounding it. • Not isolated and is surrounded by over three states. An appropriate score is 0 since it is not considered to be isolated. The requirement of this is crucial and if all of the above categories are fulfilled then the declaration will ease its way into consideration. In addition to these a unilateral declaration of neutrality is required.163 Either one of the heads of state, government or the minster of foreign affairs are competent to declare neutrality either orally or in written form.164 If stated, there are three forms of neutrality, each with their own degree, so to speak.165 According to Harvard, “The hypothesis posits a relationship between two or more variables. That is, an outcome (dependent) variable is influenced by one or more explanatory (independent) variables.”166 The dependent variable in the formula is neutralisation and the independent variables are the components of the formula, largest ethnicity group, religion, largest religious group, and geography. The deduction of the geographical location is deduced via observation and is ranked, the level of data is ordinal. The rest of the data is considered nominal, a form of qualitative data, but is in fact analysed quantitatively through the coding to a numerical format. The political system is a combination of amounts of centrists within a time frame,

163Secretary-General of UN. (2000). UNILATERAL ACTS OF STATES. Retrieved from http://legal.un.org/ ilc/documentation/english/a_cn4_511.pdf

164Secretary-General of UN. (2000). UNILATERAL ACTS OF STATES. Retrieved from http://legal.un.org/ ilc/documentation/english/a_cn4_511.pdf

165Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

166Harvard. (2018, January). Research Guides: Finding Data. Retrieved from https:// guides.library.harvard.edu/HLSRAfindingdata

40 hence the data is considered quantitative and is used in combination with other qualitative and ranked data. Although the data is current for the Koreas, the data for Austria is historical, this is due to analyse and compare the situational factors in the pre-neutralisation state.

41 1.8 Outline of Chapters Chapter I: INTRODUCTION This chapter will talk about the root history of the problem. In section 1.1 Background of the Study, the larger image is explained and then gradually specified until it is specific to the problem in Korea as well as Austria. In section 1.2 Problem Identification explains the shift in the current international system, including the Soviet Union’s role in the Austrian Problem. This includes the road discussion of the previous studies on the topic. At the end the aims of the study are stated. 1.3 Problem Statement explains why the study is crucial. Section 1.4 Research Question & Objectives is the main research question along with 3 objectives. Section 1.5 Readings on Austria & Principal Theory discusses literature reviews on Austria as well as the principal theory. Section 1.6 Theoretical & Research Framework is about neutralisation as well as the formula for neutralisation, which was conceived to score neutrality. Section 1.7 Research Method includes each factor in the neutrality equation. The following section, 1.8 Outline of Chapters is an overview of each chapter. 1.9 Scope & Limitations of the Study considered the economic weight in the international system which will not be part of this study. This section includes the time frame of the data collected, the stability of the factors and why they were chosen. Section 1.10 Definition of Terms include the terminology that is considered important in understanding this study. Chapter II: FURTHER READINGS: UNDERSTANDING THE ISSUE IN DEPTH, THE KOREAN PROBLEM & ONGOING ISSUES This chapter reviews the literature on the Korean situation along with literature on its history. Including China’s role in the Korean problem. and a number of recent issues that contribute to the hinderance of resolving the Korean issue. Chapter III: AUSTRIAN MODEL: BUILDING THE NUCLEAR NEUTRALISATION OF KOREA

42 This chapter shows the Austrian model used and its historic sequence, including the expectations on the external forces and how the internal factors were able to overcome them. This chapter also includes the strengths and weaknesses of the Austrian neutralisation treaty. Moving to its implementation in the Korean case, the issues that are faced, as well as the strategy that is required through the internal forces at play are mentioned thereafter. Chapter IV: ANALYSIS OF THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE AUSTRIAN MODEL IN KOREA This chapter includes the assumptions and hypothesis including the necessity of neutrality and its importance in today’s political situation. This is followed by the testing of the hypothesis and its analysis, as well as the results. Chapter V: CONCLUSION This last chapter analyses previous studies as well as 4 important factors that are crucial in proposing a new entity in the government. This chapter also includes an updated formula to suit the neutralisation in the Korean Peninsula. This chapter also includes the Austrian model’s aspect within unification. Another important section this chapter covers is the change in stance to fit the current global political situation accordingly with its reshaping.

43 1.9 Scope and Limitations of the Study This study’s end purpose is the long term goal of the unification of the two Koreas, in order to do that the ideologies must be centralised in order to avoid civil war. Civil war is usually triggered due to internal conflicts along with the supplements from external factors that upkeep the war and do little to contain it.167 The removal of external factors and a centrist political spectrum is how the state will succeed in neutralisation. The scope of the study will not cover the economic aspects of the states as the economy is subject to change according to the international system,168 this is considered an external factors; although having an effect to the internal factors, it is interrelated with external factors and it is in fact the external factors that drive it. The internal factors are limited to the development of the economy which again is dependent on the international system.169 This is hard to analyse and justify unless the study was to assess a specific period of time where the data will not be used to form a hypothetical case in the future, specially with regards to the ever- changing waters of politics,170 warfare and the economy. The importance of using only political spectrums as data within a small period of time allows for a controlled hypothesis and in the case of South Korea the issue lies in the constant regime changes.171 It can in fact be seen in the instability of the political spectrum and the fluctuation over just the course of nearly 30 years.172 The other factors that are just as important as the inclination of the political spectrum are more or less considered stable; ethnicity, and religion have changes that are very minuscule

167Evans, G., & Sahnoun, M. (2002, November/December). The Responsibility to Protect. Foreign Affairs. Retrieved from https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/2002-11-01/responsibility-protect

168Keynes, J. M., & Keynes, J. M. (2004). The end of laissez faire: The economic consequences of the peace. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books.

169Keynes, J. M., & Keynes, J. M. (2004). The end of laissez faire: The economic consequences of the peace. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books.

170Nye, J. S. (2017, November/December). Will the Liberal Order Survive? Foreign Affairs, 96(01), 10

171Guichard, J. (2016). Regime Transition and the Judicial Politics of Enmity: Democratic Inclusion and Exclusion in South Korean Constitutional Justice. Springer.

172Guichard, J. (2016). Regime Transition and the Judicial Politics of Enmity: Democratic Inclusion and Exclusion in South Korean Constitutional Justice. Springer.

44 and often occur over prolonged periods of time,173 unless the state is accepting refugees or a neighbouring state is going through political issues and a significant number of the population of said neighbouring state is migrating to the state being studied.174 The last and important factor that will assist in strengthening the three aforementioned factors is geography.175 Isolation is an ideal geographical factor for neutralisation, since in the case of isolation, the geographical factor is then strengthening the factors of ethnicity and religion. This is due to immigration being at a minimum and new concepts or religions are not as fluid compared to states where immigration and acceptance of refugees is an option.176

The population demographics of Austria, South Korea, and North Korea will be subject to the period of neutralisation. For instance Austria’s data is of the years between 1953-1962, North and South Korea’s data is from 1948-2017. The bigger time period is to see the change in regimes and ideas.

173Snyder, J. (2011). Religion and international relations theory. New York: Columbia University Press.

174Snyder, J. (2011). Religion and international relations theory. New York: Columbia University Press.

175Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

176Snyder, J. (2011). Religion and international relations theory. New York: Columbia University Press.

45 1.10 Definition of Terms Neutrality a legal status where the neutral state exercises neutrality without guarantors, making it non-permanent.177 Neutralisation the permanent status where guarantors are required178 Neutralism where the state declares neutrality but does not follow obligations179

177Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

178Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

179Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

46 CHAPTER II FURTHER READINGS: UNDERSTANDING THE ISSUE IN DEPTH, THE KOREAN PROBLEM & ONGOING ISSUES

Origins of the Korean War, Vol. 1: Liberation and the Emergence of Separate Regimes, 1945-1947 (1981) In the book, the author Bruce Cumings illustrates in his detailed account that whatever led to the start of the war should be sought in the period of five years prior to the war. This is the period when was suffering from challenges like widespread demand for political, economic and social change (Cumings, 1981).180 The book talks about the start of the war, what initially caused it and how it was brought to an end. It also vividly explains the role played by the neighbouring countries to Korea in the war. It also talks about the influence of the superpowers in the war and the roles they played in it and even to end it. The main argument in the book is the Korean War. It focuses on the factors that led to the war. It argues that after the independence of Korea, a year later the southern and the northern parts started a war. The book points out the causes of the war as due to demand for political change, economic factors and also social change. The book also talks about the involvement of the soviet troops and American troops in the war and how they influenced its outcome at the end. The book argues that the Korean War was both civil and revolutionary in character and led to the formation of two regimes, each the north and the south (Cumings, 1981).181 The author extensively makes use of materials from both North Korea and South Korea to write this book. These materials are mainly in the Korean language. He also makes references to classified documents in order to bring out a clear picture of what was happening in the war. He also uses military sources and

180Cumings, Bruce (1997). Korea's place in the sun. New York: W.W. Norton.

181Cumings, Bruce (1997). Korea's place in the sun. New York: W.W. Norton.

47 intelligence reports. The author has a theory that the war was predetermined and the causes go back five years before the independence or liberation of Korea (Cumings, 1981).182 The author further takes a deep look at the political situation in Korea and how it affected or led to the war. The author argues that the war was predetermined to happen that Korea was a time bomb waiting to go off. Although the war is said to have been civil, on the brighter side its final outcome was a positive one. If the two sides had stayed united, even up to date there would be civil unrest all the time which would have claimed many lives. Also, the political situation in Korea, if it had not split, would be unstable. This would mean that there would be less or no economic growth in the region even up to date. At the given time the emergence of the two countries is what helped at least to bring peace and stability in that area.

Syngman Rhee: the Man Behind the Myth 1955 by Robert T. Oliver This is a biography which talks about the life of Syngman Rhee. This biography is said to be one of the positive biographies about Syngman Rhee. Robert talks about the birth of Syngman which is on April 26, 1875, in a place in Korea called Kaesong. The book talks about the struggles of Syngman and his exploits as the South Korean statesman and the first president the Provisional Government of the Republic of South Korea. The book gives detailed information about his life, his role in the war, and how he become the president of South Korea and also how he got re-elected (Oliver, 1955).183 The writer in this biography is trying to give a detailed description of Syngman and give the readers an idea of the man he was. The writer has positive comments and reviews about Syngman. The writer explores the life of this man, gives detailed information about each part. He views Syngman as a fighter and a strong man who fought for the good will of his people and tries to keep the unity

182Cumings, Bruce (1997). Korea's place in the sun. New York: W.W. Norton.

183Oliver, R. T. (1973). Syngman Rhee, the man behind the myth (pp. 98-110). Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.

48 and independence of the people of South Korea (Oliver, 1955).184 The writer writes about the strength of the president, especially how he strongly fights against communism during the cold war. In the biography, the writer focuses on the aspects used in writing a biography. He focuses on the life of Syngman as the president of the Republic of South Korea during the cold war. He looks at the life of Syngman in details. He illustrates all the attributes about the man in this book. He uses first-hand information from the people who had close contact with Syngman. With this information, the writer is able to clearly portray the big picture about the man and his beliefs, his weaknesses and strengths (Oliver, 1955).185 The book is able to tell a complete story of the life of the first president of South Korea. In the biography, the writer is able to put open the life of Syngman Rhee for everybody to preview and understand. The writer argues about the positive impacts and influence Rhee had on the birth of South Korea and its struggles in the cold war. His strong stand against communism played a very big role in the quest for anti-communism. His strong stands and beliefs in fighting for his nation and not being compromised by the powers of the world show a characteristic of a leader who has the well being of his people at heart.

Routledge the Failure of Socialism in South Korea 1945-2007 Yunjong Kim 2015 The book talks about socialism. It illustrates socialism to be more profound in Western Europe and Latin America. The book majorly looks at the scenarios of socialism failure and focuses on South Korea. It explains why, despite the existence of a socialist party which could have been essential for development, socialism failed to become an important force in the country’s

184Oliver, R. T. (1973). Syngman Rhee, the man behind the myth (pp. 98-110). Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.

185Oliver, R. T. (1973). Syngman Rhee, the man behind the myth (pp. 98-110). Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.

49 politics (Kim, 2016).186 The book looks at the possible and plausible reasons as for why Korean socialism failed to be influential. The book goes into details to talk about the effect of the American influence and its impact on socialism in South Korea. In the book, “Failure of Socialism in South Korea,” the author argues about what could have led to socialism not being profound in South Korea though there seemed to be what can be referred to as positive conditions for its development presented by the existence of a socialist party. The author then goes ahead to discuss the factors that could have led to collapsing of socialism. He lists them as the U.S backed Imperialists, the Cold War, military rule as well as the strategies of the socialist groups at the time (Kim, 2016).187 The author goes on to explain these factors and try to base his arguments on them and how they caused the hinderance of socialism. The writer uses a historical approach in his work. He looks at the problem which is the failure of socialism in South Korea and the tries to find the answers which may have led to the problem. The author goes back and examines each of the factors autonomously so as to be able to answer the problems questions and also be able to throw much light on it. He lists down the problems and then goes ahead to look at each independently and in details. For instance, the factor of effects of military rule, the author states that "Another key factor that challenged then the socialist movement was the repression carried out by a military regime." (Kim, 2016)188 The factors that led to socialism in South Korea as stated by the author are very plausible. In deep scrutiny of these factors, the ability to know and understand that socialism really stood very slim chances of being fully grown and embraced by the people. For instance the Cold War had escalated the development of a sturdy state with a fragile civil society which involved a traditional alliance

186Kim, Y. (2017). ˜Theœ failure of socialism in South Korea: 1945-2007.

187Kim, Y. (2017). ˜Theœ failure of socialism in South Korea: 1945-2007.

188Kim, Y. (2017). ˜Theœ failure of socialism in South Korea: 1945-2007.

50 and the war also produced discontinuity within Korean Socialism. The growth of a political system which followed socialism met a lot of resistance in these circumstances.

China's decision to enter the Korean War was what would become one of the most dramatic moments in the entire duration of the Cold War (Stone, 2014). Figure 1 shows the timeline of the Korean War. The war resulted in massive casualties on both sides. It also took a toll on the development of the current relations between China and the United States. The involvement had a massive impact on the international relations between China and the United States, and it took significant time for it to be healed. The section covers the reasons behind the involvement of China in a war with the United States at the time when its new regime was working towards unification and consolidation. Some of the reasons that have been advanced explaining the involvement of China in the Korean War was a combination of xenophobia, communism ideologies, security issues and the quest for expansion. These notions are common in the western publications (Weathersby, 2015).189 The motivations for the involvement of the country in the war have had an impact on the international relations between China and both Koreas. The impact will most likely impact he future relations between the three countries.

The decision of China to enter the Korean War alongside North Korea was developed due to the historical roots that the countries had.190 One of the reasons for involvement was that the Chinese Communist Party had developed deeply rooted feelings of animosity towards the United States. The United States was also perceived to be an expansionist nation and posed a significant threat to the country.191

189Weathersby, K. (2015). The Korean War at Sixty: New Approaches to the Study of the Korean War.

190Nahm, Andrew C. (1996). Korea: A history of the Korean people (2nd ed.). Seoul: Hollym.

191Sandler, S. (2015). The Korean War: no victors, no vanquished. University Press of Kentucky.

51 The Chinese communist party had been established with the aim of restoring the country to what it had been. Years of exposure to Western notions had resulted in the loss of values that had been in action for the majority of the period. Most of the leaders that formed the Communist Party had focused on the development of a system whereby the people would be more respected and recognised. This vision had resulted in respect for both the party and the founders. As a result, the country had to assert its position as far as the imposition of western deals on a neighbouring country such as North Korea was concerned (Sandler, 2015).192

Before the onset of the Korean War, China had been pushing for a dialogue with the United States.193 However, the United States had been reluctant to talk about the issue of development in Korea. As a result, Chairman Mao gave the speech on the people’s Democratic Dictatorship. During this speech, he painted America as an imperial nation that was seeking to have control over China. He also stated that the country would be leaning towards the Soviet Union.194 The communist party wrote various publications in order to paint a different image of the United States from the one that had been known on the global scale. This was a bid to speed up the public mood and acceptance of the possibility of a violent conformation between the two nations.195

The onset of the war in 1950 came as a surprise for the both the United States and China. China decided to enter the war by mobilising over four million soldiers.196 This move was a show of might but did not factor in the possible economic impacts of the action. The Communist Party had to pull out over a

192Sandler, S. (2015). The Korean War: no victors, no vanquished. University Press of Kentucky.

193Kim Dangtaek (김당택) (2002). Our Korean History (우리 한국사). Seoul: Pureun Yeoksa.

194Kim Dangtaek (김당택) (2002). Our Korean History (우리 한국사). Seoul: Pureun Yeoksa.

195Boose, D. (2002). War and Democracy: A Comparative Study of the Korean War and the Peloponnesian War (review). Korean Studies, 26(2), 314-316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ks.2004.0002

196Hastings, M. (1987). The Korean War. London: Michael Joseph.

52 quarter of the forces in the country in order to adhere to the economic reconstruction plan that had been in force in the country.197

The Chinese leadership did not have any clear intentions of being part of the war. They were only in the war in order for them to provide moral support. The Chinese army sent the Chinese troops to North Korea as a way of providing material support.198 The action of North Korea against South Korea was marked with some level of surprise (Sandler, 2014).199 Stalin had been made aware of the impending attack. Mao was not as informed.200 Hence, China could only react to the invasion. Mao feared that any action against South Korea would result in an action against the aggressor by the United States.

The United States intervened by providing support to South Korea and intervening in the civil war in China. The government sent a naval fleet to blockade the Taiwan Strait.201 This move was deemed to be a direct action of aggression against China. The Chinese government was assured that what it had feared as far as the American imperialism was concerned had indeed come into effect (Peters & Li, 2014).202

The Chinese perception that is entering into war with the United States more likely resulted in an effort to secure allies. The main ally would have been Stalin. Stalin had promised that he would provide support to the Chinese army in the event that the South Korean situation was to deteriorate. However, Stalin had to go back on his word after the assessment of how far behind a war with the

197Boose, D. (2002). War and Democracy: A Comparative Study of the Korean War and the Peloponnesian War (review). Korean Studies, 26(2), 314-316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ks.2004.0002

198Sandler, S. (2014). The Korean War: An Encyclopedia. Routledge.

199Sandler, S. (2014). The Korean War: An Encyclopedia. Routledge.

200Peters, R., & Li, X. (2014). Voices from the Korean war: Personal stories of American, Korean, and Chinese soldiers. University Press of Kentucky.

201Hastings, M. (1987). The Korean War. London: Michael Joseph.

202Peters, R., & Li, X. (2014). Voices from the Korean war: Personal stories of American, Korean, and Chinese soldiers. University Press of Kentucky.

53 United States would set his country. This changed the tide as far as the Korean War is concerned.203

The above aspect resulted in some international relations issues. For instance, China and the Soviet Union no longer spoke the same language. The international relations that had been present at the time was eventually lost.204 Secondly, the international relations that persisted in the post-war period up until today, has been shaped by the actions that took place during the war period. For instance, China has indicated a stronger affiliation with North Korea.205 North Korea is an ideal bordering country for China. There are more chances of the country defending itself from any aggression from the United States when it shares a border with an ally as opposed to an enemy.

China has been working on the strengthening of the bonds with North Korea. This is the case even as the nuclear power tries to use the missiles to reach the United States. Use of intercontinental ballistic missiles has been perceived as a major threat to the peace in the United States.206 Therefore, any action that the North Korean government takes can be seen as a stamped action by the Chinese (Lowe, 2014).207 As far as aid is concerned, China has been funding North Korea.208 There are agreements on military training and the exchange of technology.209 Additionally, there are attempts to create connections with South Korea.210 In the recent past, South Korea has come out as an ideal ally as opposed

203Stone, I. F. (2014). The Hidden History of the Korean War: 1950–1951. Open Road Media.

204Boose, D. (2002). War and Democracy: A Comparative Study of the Korean War and the Peloponnesian War (review). Korean Studies, 26(2), 314-316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ks.2004.0002

205Boose, D. (2002). War and Democracy: A Comparative Study of the Korean War and the Peloponnesian War (review). Korean Studies, 26(2), 314-316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ks.2004.0002

206Jin, S. (2016). Korean Neutralisation Attempts (1882-1907): Retracing the Struggle for Survival and Imperial Intrigues. Retrieved on 23rd January 2018 from http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/23799/1/Jin_4338.pdf

207Lowe, P. (2014). The origins of the Korean War. Routledge.

208Sandler, S. (2014). The Korean War: An Encyclopedia. Routledge.

209Hastings, M. (1987). The Korean War. London: Michael Joseph.

210Boose, D. (2002). War and Democracy: A Comparative Study of the Korean War and the Peloponnesian War (review). Korean Studies, 26(2), 314-316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ks.2004.0002

54 to North Korea. This can be seen in the number of visits that two witting presidents from South Korea have made to Beijing.211 The visits indicate differentiation in strategy. However, the shared history between China and North Korea makes their ties stronger.212 This could inform any alliances to be capable in the event of a global war.

Many researchers have attributed the failure of Korean unification to the influence of foreign superpower and undermine the contribution of the internal factors within Korea.213 214 215 216 The political leadership within Korea can be referred to as the leading hindrance to the unification of its peninsula in that its presidents are blamed for failing to give room for negotiations. These leaders have put unfair policies that have stirred continuous enmity between North and South Korea. The presence of radical right wingers the Korean peninsula has raised security issues especially North Korea that manufactures and releases nuclear bombs has put South Korea into tension further increasing the difficulty in the unification of the Korean peninsula.217 North Korea has continued to possess a

211Min-hee, P., Bo-hyeop, K., & Yeon-cheol, S. (n.d.). President Moon to begin four-day visit to Beijing as guest of the state. Retrieved from http://english.hani.co.kr/arti/english_edition/e_international/823183.html

212Peters, R., & Li, X. (2014). Voices from the Korean war: Personal stories of American, Korean, and Chinese soldiers. University Press of Kentucky.

213Jin, S. (2016). Korean Neutralisation Attempts (1882-1907): Retracing the Struggle for Survival and Imperial Intrigues. Retrieved on 23rd January 2018 from http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/23799/1/Jin_4338.pdf

214Yoon, T. (2015). Neutralize or Die: Reshuffling South Korea's Grand Strategy Cards and the Neutralization of South Korea Alone. Pacific Focus, 30(2), 270-295.

215Mansourov, A. (2013). A Neutral Democratic People's of Korea? In T. Akaha,The Future of North Korea (50-97). London: Routledge.

216Ur-Rehman, H. (2010). The Korean Peninsula: Peaceful engagement for humanitarian concerns, NTS-Asia research Paper no. 3. Singapore: Centre for Traditional Security Studies.

217Woo, S. (2016).The state of research on inter-Korean Relations Based on KJIR and KJIS articles. The Korean journal of international studies, Vol 14 issue 3

55 conflict behaviour and nuclear ambitions thus threatening neutrality (Woo, 2016).218 The United States interest in North Korea also serves a purpose of failing the unification.219 America is worried of the growing nuclear missile releases by North Korea.220 This, therefore, raises more suspicion and competition expediting the possibility of unification through neutrality. Further still, China's support for the unification is not clear since her interest is in promoting status quo rather than a united free, economically dynamic, militarily capable and democratic country on the borders (Evans, 2015).221 North Korea's pride has escalated more suspicion and mistrust from foreign countries and South Korea when she refused trial by the international criminal courts of law. Internationally North Korea has attracted more rivals hence continued conflicts and no reunion (Cohen, 2016).222 The philosophical cleavage among the progressives and conservatives in South Korea requires to be addressed and the general agreement on the formula of neutralisation unification subsequently to be attained (Tae-Hwan, 2016).223 A military calamity that was ignited by North Korea through the sinking of the South Korean Cheonan ship, Yeonpyeong Island shelling and the triple nuclear tests expose the seemingly lengthy road to advance the cooperative and reconciliatory stages.224 Following the expulsion of a South Korean bureaucrat in

218Woo, S. (2016).The state of research on inter-Korean Relations Based on KJIR and KJIS articles. The Korean journal of international studies, Vol 14 issue 3

219Sandler, S. (2015). The Korean War: no victors, no vanquished. University Press of Kentucky.

220Evans, J.R. (2015).Korean Reunification and U.S. interests: preparing for one Korea. Brookings. Tuesday, Jan.

221Evans, J.R. (2015).Korean Reunification and U.S. interests: preparing for one Korea. Brookings. Tuesday, Jan.

222Cohen. (2016).Human Rights and Human Planning for Crisis in North Korea. International Journal of Korean Studies. Viewed from https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/Roberta-Cohen-NK- art-reunification.pdf

223Tae-Hwan, K. (2016). Peace through neutrality: Unification through a non-aligned Korea. N.K News. Org. Viewed from https://www.nknews.org/2016/10/peace-through-neutrality-unification-through-a-non-aligned- korea/

224BBC. (2015, March 24). 'No apology' for S Korea sinking. Retrieved from http://www.bbc.com/news/ world-asia-32013750

56 Kaesong at the Korean economic collaboration office in 2008 shortly after swearing in of the Lee administration enhanced provocations.225 Additionally, in July of 2008, a tourist from South Korea was killed at Mount Geumgang by a North Korean combatant that escalated the rift between the two sister countries resulting to further strain on the inter-Korean relationship (Ho, 2014).226 Such internal political retaliation to a great extent complicate prospects of forging peaceful neutrality thereby derailing the unification process.

225PETROV, L. A. (2009). The Politics of Inter-Korean Economic Cooperation: 1998-2008 (Master's thesis). Retrieved from https://sydney.edu.au/arts/korean/downloads/KSAA2009/ Global_Korea_Proceedings_436-452_Petrov.pdf

226Ho, Y. P. (2014). South and North Korea's Views on the Unification of the Korean Peninsula and Inter Korean Relations. KRIS. Viewed from https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2014/04/Park-Young- Ho-paper.pdf

57 CHAPTER III AUSTRIAN MODEL: BUILDING THE NUCLEAR NEUTRALISATION OF KOREA

The Austrian Neutralisation Model

The diagram below shows the process of Austria’s neutrality, each step is considered a change within the system that has led to the final goal of neutralisation which was not part of the external power’s plan, unlike the case in Korea. Below the diagram is the explanation of the processing in detail.

58

External powers External powers reconstitute establish controlled Austria governments

Diffusion of ideologies Soviets have already implemented their ideas into Austria, including a party in the legislative body

Austrian Unification Treaty

Independent government established neutral policies

Neutralisation

59 As a means of doing away with Nazism in Europe, four powers (France, the UK, US and the Soviet Union) reached an agreement to demilitarise, and democratically reconstitute Austria.227 As a result, all the four powers have established their own rule in the regions that they occupied.228 For example, Russia established its control to the eastern side of Austria. However, these powers began to enlarge their territories as they seek control of larger regions. Russia unilaterally established a federal government in which the Austrian communists controlled the crucial ministries of interior and education.229 Through the Ministry of Interior, they aimed at controlling the police and utilise their military advantage to control the eastern part of Austria. However, the education sector was targeted for use in the spreading of propaganda. The Russian government had envisioned that Austria would develop into a Moscow-friendly state, which would eventually evolve into a socialist system (Beer, 2017).230 The Austrian Communist Party (KPO) was expected to play the role of subverting the people’s democracy into the socialist system. However, things did not work out well as KPO was defeated in the 1945 elections (see Table 8 in Appendix).231 The other powers also exerted their influence in the areas that they occupied such that by the time of independence, the country was divided into four different ideologies.232

The Austrian unification treaty is considered the most successful neutralisation agreement after the World War II as it led to the prevention of a dangerous confrontation between the Western-allied and Soviet troops. In May

227Bader, William B. (1966). Austria Between East and West. Stanford University Press.

228Bader, William B. (1966). Austria Between East and West. Stanford University Press.

229Beer, S. (2007). The Soviet occupation of Austria, 1945-1955. Eurozine. Retrieved 17 December 2017, from http://www.eurozine.com/the-soviet-occupation-of-austria-1945-1955/

230 Beer, S. (2007). The Soviet occupation of Austria, 1945-1955. Eurozine. Retrieved 17 December 2017, from http://www.eurozine.com/the-soviet-occupation-of-austria-1945-1955/

231http://www.bka.gv.at/site/5957/default.aspx; Nohlen, D & Stöver, P (2010). Elections in Europe: A data handbook; http://wahl13.bmi.gv.at/; https://wahl17.bmi.gv.at/

232Bader, William B. (1966). Austria Between East and West. Stanford University Press.

60 1955, the allied occupying powers signed a treaty that led to the establishment of an independent Austria (Wilde, 2008).233 When the independent government came into power, its first task was to unite the country that was already divided along ideological lines. They established neutral policies that favoured neither the Soviet nor the allied. It neutralised the left and right extremist forces connected with the allied nations under the leadership of the centrist forces and proposed the "permanent neutrality state.”234

When Austria was neutralised, it strengthened its support for peace as it did not support any side of power. This was as a result of the agreement by the Austrian government together with the international law and peacekeeping all over the world to prevent targeted killings (Bachmann, 2013).235 The neutralisation of Austria was to help in the protection of the deliberate mortal attack by government forces. It led to peace, stability and economic development. In essence, the Austrian youth who are underemployed are trained militants that have been deployed to keep peace around the world with more than 50% of its troops sent to United Nations (Schmidl, 2013).236 Interested states and parties together with Austrian government are seeking to design and improve capabilities and policies to help in resolution and prevention of international conflict (Longmore, Miletic, Martin & Shea, 2017).237 The Austrian government together

233Wilde, R. (2008). International territorial administration: How trusteeship and the civilizing mission never went away. Oxford [u.a.: Oxford Univ. Press

234 Bischof, G. (1999). Austria in the first Cold War, 1945-55: The leverage of the weak. Houndmills, Basingstoke: Macmillan.

235Bachmann, D.S, (2013), Targeted Killings: Contemporary Challenges, Risks and Opportunities. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, Vol 18(2), 259-288.

236Schmidl A., E. (2013). Peacekeeping Contributor Profile: Austria | Providing for Peacekeeping. Providing for Peacekeeping. Retrieved 17 December 2017, from http://www.providingforpeacekeeping.org/2014/04/03/ contributor-profile-austria/

237Longmore, J, Miletic, T, Martin, A & Shea, N, (2017), State Support for Peace Processes. Journal of Austrian International Conflict Resolution Project.9.

61 with the United Nations has worked towards providing security to the lives of journalists in dangerous situations (Saul, 2012).238

In the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, there were various shifts in political ideologies in Austria. One of the most notable events of the period was marked by the formation of the Austrian people’s party. The party was a largely conservative during this period. It advocated for the development of a more democratic and inclusive society. The robins of the party can be traced back to the Christian social party (Kitschelt & Rehm, 2015).239 The party was active in the late 19th century and early 20th century. Its ideology was largely centrist with the main goal being to capture the parties that were leaning towards the centre and the right. The creation of the party cane with the immediate reestablishment of the Republic of Austria. Since its formation, it has been the main party in the country and has been active in shaping the political landscape of Austria.240

Another major party that was active in 1949 was the Social Democratic Party of Austria.241 The party had a connection to the trade union movement. The party’s idea for example, an evangelical missionary organisation may appeal to officials in the federal movement to help protect their missionaries abroad in a hostile environment.242 These organisations can also attempt to influence big policy decisions; Snyder provides the example of the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops' condemnation of the Iraq War.243

238Saul, B, (2012), the International Protection of Journalists in Armed Conflict and Other Violent Situations. The Australian Journal of Human Rights, Vol 14(1), 99-140.

239Kitschelt, H., & Rehm, P. (2015). Party alignments. Change and continuity. The Politics of Advanced Capitalism, 179-201.

240http://www.bka.gv.at/site/5957/default.aspx; Nohlen, D & Stöver, P (2010). Elections in Europe: A data handbook; http://wahl13.bmi.gv.at/; https://wahl17.bmi.gv.at/

241http://www.bka.gv.at/site/5957/default.aspx; Nohlen, D & Stöver, P (2010). Elections in Europe: A data handbook; http://wahl13.bmi.gv.at/; https://wahl17.bmi.gv.at/

242Lewis, Jill (1990). Conservatives and fascists in Austria, 1918–34. Fascists and Conservatives: The Radical Right and the Establishment in Twentieth-century Europe. Unwin Hymen. pp. 98–117.

243Snyder, J. (2011). Religion and international relations theory. New York: Columbia University Press.

62 The treaty is in fact both a strength and a weakness. The first strength of the treaty is that the four powers under the leadership of centrist forces made their agreement in writing, hence, legitimising the treaty. By signing the treaty on paper, it meant that no party would come back and claim to have been shortchanged. The four powers, thus, committed to supporting the neutralised Austria.244 Another strength of the Austrian neutrality approach is that it reduced arms and introduced democracy.245 It, thus, led to peace and stability as the decisions were made in a democratic manner rather than by arms. The third strength of the approach is the availability of political will to carry out the neutralisation.246 The weakness of the Austrian neutralisation process is, however, based on the fact that the four powers played a significant role in the signing of the treaty.247 The centric forces had to engage them to allow for smooth transition. Hence, there were little chances of success, had the four parties failed to agree during the treaty.

244Larson, Deborah Welch, 1951-. (1995). Negotiating the Austrian State Treaty, 1953-1955. Washington, DC: Distributed by Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University.

245Saul, B, (2012), the International Protection of Journalists in Armed Conflict and Other Violent Situations. The Australian Journal of Human Rights, Vol 14(1), 99-140.

246Steininger, Rolf (2008). Austria, Germany, and the Cold War: from the Anschluss to the State Treaty 1938– 1955

247Larson, Deborah Welch, 1951-. (1995). Negotiating the Austrian State Treaty, 1953-1955. Washington, DC: Distributed by Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University.

63 Neutralisation of the Korean Peninsula

The diagram below shows the Austrian neutralisation process and how it can be changed and adapted to the Korean neutralisation.

64

Similar case Similar case to Korea to Korea External powers External powers reconstitute establish controlled Austria governments

Diffusion of ideologies

Unification in Austria came with the withdraw of the external powers Austrian Unification Treaty

Neutral policies can come from each independent Independent government of each Korean government established State neutral policies

Unilaterally declaring neutralisation

Neutralisation

Korean Unification

65 In Korea’s case the case is similar up until the external powers decide to unite the state that had been cut up into smaller states. This was a joint effort, however in Korea’s case the external powers are constantly in disagreement, hence the formula remains the same with an alteration to the sequence. The alteration is crucial since this study addresses the Korean Issue to be an internal one that can be resolved without external powers. In fact what should this research is assessing is the ability and capability of the Korean states' declaration of neutrality. This entitles changes in the government entities, which will be further assessed. In the case of Korea the external factors can be removed through neutralisation and once the government is independent to consider changes in the government, neutralisation can be finalised. The neutral policies are what this study is focusing on and the formula to formulate neutralisation can be found in Chapter IV, while the actuality of forming a government change is assessed in Chapter V. Only after the unilateral declaration come from the North and South Korea independently can the neutral policies become a presumption. After declaring neutralisation the unification can be an end goal. The talk of a unified Korea has been in existence for over sixty years (Alton, Cox & Chidley, 2013).248 There have been several attempts to reunite the two peninsula states but with little success. According to many researchers, the failure to unify Korea is attributed to the influence of foreign powers which include the US, Japan, China and the Soviet Union.249 250 Another factor that has also significantly contributed to the failure of achieving a united Korea is the hard political stands by the two Korea states. For example, President Lee Myung-bak of South Korea has been blamed for being too rigid to give room for negotiations

248Alton, D., Cox, C., & Chidley, R. (2013). Building bridges: Is there hope for North Korea?. Oxford, UK: Lion Hudson.

249Ur-Rehman, H. (2010). The Korean Peninsula: Peaceful engagement for humanitarian concerns, NTS-Asia research Paper no. 3. Singapore: Centre for Traditional Security Studies.

250Pil J.S, (2016) Korean Neutralisation attempts (1882-1907): retracing the struggle for survival and imperial intrigues. PhD Thesis. SOAS, University of London

66 (Revere, 2015).251 On the other hand, President Yang Gil-Hyun of South Korea has been blamed for supporting unfair policies that do not show goodwill for the unity negotiation.252 Suspicion between the two states has also led the line among the factors that hinder the mutual unity. The presence of radical right-wingers has also raised security issues which have, in turn, contributed to fear and suspicion between the two countries. For example, the manufacture and release of nuclear bombs by North Korea put tension on South Korea, hence, posing a threat to neutrality (Woo, 2016).253

This study prefers the concept of peace through neutralisation as the best alternative to the two conflicting approaches. This approach would require the two Korean states to neutralise the extreme thinkings, behaviours and hardline policies. This approach would ensure a unified Korea, neutral, non—aligned and with a balanced security. It will, thus, lead to a smooth sail to a nonviolent Korean Unification, but first, the philosophical cleavage among the progressives and conservatives in South Korea requires to be addressed and the general agreement on the formula of neutralisation unification subsequently to be attained.

The idea of neutralising Korea is not new. It is a strategy that has been proposed by a number of scholars and politicians in the wake of liberalisation. Neutralisation strategy has also failed to persuade the occupying allies.254 This failure is in contrast to the case of Austria, which has avoided the painful national division convincing the occupying powers to aggressively raise neutrality

251Revere, J. R. E. (January, 2015). Korean Reunification and U.S. Interests: Preparing for one Korea. Brookings. Viewed on October 23, 2017 from https://www.brookings.edu/on-the-record/korean-reunification- and-u-s-interests-preparing-for-one-korea/

252Lee, S. (2005). Allying with the United States: Changing South Korean Attitudes. Korean Journal of Defense Analysis, 17(1), 81-104. doi:10.1080/10163270509464075

253Woo, S. (2016).The state of research on inter-Korean Relations Based on KJIR and KJIS articles. The Korean journal of international studies, Vol 14 issue 3

254Stelzl-Marx, B. (2015). Soviet children of occupation in Austria: The historical, political and social background and its consequences. European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire, 22(2), 277-291.

67 proposals.255 Nonetheless, the secrete of neutralisation's success in Austria lies in the ability of the government under the centric forces to convince the native Austrians and the four powers to commit to the neutralism ideology. Moreover, the two Koreans have suffered from ideological differences between the conservatives and the radicals.256 For neutralisation to work, the two parties must both shelve approaches and accept to abide by the new, but neutral approach. As such, the commitment must first come from the ROK and DPRK, just like in the case of Austria where the idea originated from the centric forces.257

255Schmidl A., E. (2013). Peacekeeping Contributor Profile: Austria | Providing for Peacekeeping. Providing for Peacekeeping. Retrieved 17 December 2017, from http://www.providingforpeacekeeping.org/2014/04/03/ contributor-profile-austria/

256Uk Heo; Terence Roehrig; Jungmin Seo (2007). Korean security in a changing East Asia. Santa Barbara: Greenwood Publishing Group.

257Steininger, Rolf (2008). Austria, Germany, and the Cold War: from the Anschluss to the State Treaty 1938– 1955

68 CHAPTER IV ANALYSIS OF THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE AUSTRIAN MODEL IN KOREA

In 2015, Harvard political scientist and professor Graham Allison was able to identify a historically reoccurring scenario called the Thucydides Trap.258 The theory suggests that a rising power will indirectly challenge the dominance of an established power, hence that dominant power is more than likely to respond with violence. According to an article written by Graham Allison, the theory is one of the biggest misjudgements in history. Allison claimed that his research team at the Harvard-affiliated Belfer Center identified 16 cases over the last 500 years that mirrored the Thucydides Trap, where a growing power threatens a dominant one, of those 16 cases, 12 resulted in warfare, which is 75%.259

Warfare will not be an option if the growing state is neutral, this is why the neutralisation must come before the unification. If done vice versa, the combination of nuclear warheads, the economy and the technological advancements will likely seem as a threat to other dominant powers. The concept is for the Korean Peninsula to flourish and unify without risking its safety from either a civil war or an external conflict. To avoid both the components of neutrality show that the Korean peninsula is able to achieve neutralisation with success. Once declared neutral then the dominant powers cannot threaten them, not only because of their proclaimed neutrality but also because of scrutiny from the public. If the unification was to occur first then they dominant powers might blame the potential threat of the nuclear warheads. If neutralisation occurs then

258ALLISON, G. R. (2018). DESTINED FOR WAR: Can america and china escape thucydides's trap? S.l.: MARINER BOOKS.

259ALLISON, G. R. (2018). DESTINED FOR WAR: Can america and china escape thucydides's trap? S.l.: MARINER BOOKS.

69 the nuclear weapons are only used in the case of self-defence, where no dominant power will likely intrude on.

Austrians Former Yugoslavs (Croatians, Slovenes, Serbs, and Bosniaks) Turks Germans Other or unspecified

4%2%1%2%

91%

Figure 2: Ethnic Groups in Austria

In the case of Austria, the neutral state which will be used in this study to serve as an example for the Korean Peninsula, its score is based on the data shown in Figure 2. As evident in Figure 2, the largest ethnic group (LEG) is “Austrians” with 91%, decimal form 0.91. Therefore, LEG = 0.91

70 Far-left Left-wing Centre-left Centre Centre-right Right-wing Far-right

10% 10%

20% 20%

10% 25% 5%

Figure 3: Political Spectrum in Austria

In order to find the value of centrists in Austria, the values “Centre-left”, “Centre” and “Centre-right” two years after neutralisation must be added in decimal form. As mention earlier in Chapter I.7, the political spectrum is a total combination of centre-left, centre and centre-right. This data was gathered via the popular vote of the legislative bodies of each country.260 The data can be deduced from Figure 3.

PS = Centre-left (0.10) + Centre (5) + Centre-right (0.25) PS = 0.50

260http://www.bka.gv.at/site/5957/default.aspx; Nohlen, D & Stöver, P (2010). Elections in Europe: A data handbook; http://wahl13.bmi.gv.at/; https://wahl17.bmi.gv.at/ Dieter Nohlen, Florian Grotz & Christof Hartmann (2001) Elections in Asia: A data handbook, Volume II; https://www.electoralgeography.com/new/ en/countries/s/korea/south-korea-legislative-election-2004.html; https://www.electoralgeography.com/new/en/ countries/s/korea/south-korea-legislative-election-2008.html; https://www.electoralgeography.com/new/en/ countries/s/korea/south-korea-legislative-election-2012.html; https://www.electoralgeography.com/new/en/ countries/s/korea/south-korea-legislative-election-2016.html http://archive.ipu.org/parline-e/reports/arc/ 2085_09.htm

71 Catholic Church Islam Eastern Orthodox Protestantism Buddhism Judaism None or other

24%

3% 6% 59% 7%

Figure 4: Religious Groups in Austria

As evident in Figure 4, the largest religious group (LRG) is 59% which in decimal form is 0.59. Therefore, LRG = 0.59

Figure 5 shows a map of Europe during the Cold War, it can be noted that 6 countries are surrounding Austria. The isolation score would be 0 as all four sides are surrounded by various states, making Austria a state that is not isolated. Therefore, I = 0

The formula with Austria’s data is as follows:

N = LEG + PS + LRG + I N = (0.91) + (0.83) + (0.59) + (0) N = 2.33

72 Austria’s N score is 2.33

In the case of South Korea and North Korea, the states which the study is based on, its score is derived from the data below:

Homogenous Homogenous chinese Chinese and Japanese communities chinese with korean descent other

1%1%

100% 97%

Figure 6a: Ethnic Groups in Figure 6b: Ethnic Groups in North Korea South Korea

As evident in Figure 6a and 6b, it can be deduced that North Korea and South Korea have the following in decimal form North Korea South Korea LEG (NK) = 1 LEG (SK) = 0.97

73

Far-left Left-wing Centre-left Far-left Left-wing Centre-left Centre Centre-right Right-wing Centre Centre-right Right-wing Far-right Other Unknown Far-right

8% 11% 13% 21% 22% 26% 56% 13% 11% 5% 15%

Figure 7a: Political Spectrum in Figure 7b: Political Spectrum in North Korea South Korea

North Korea’s political spectrum is limited to the voting data available online, so far the majority are unspecified, or are individuals. In the case of centrist parties, there is a margin of 22% of centre-left. South Korea has been going through a lot of regime changes and is currently in the Sixth Republic, which has been present since 1988. It is still unstable and just like the North Korean political spectrum the data has been accumulated over the most recent regime. Therefore, North Korea PS = Centre-left (0.22) + Centre (0) + Centre-right (0) PS (NK) = 0.22 South Korea PS = Centre-left (0.15) + Centre (0.05) + Centre-right (0.13) PS (SK) = 0.33

74

Non-religious/followers of juche ideology Korean shamanism No formal religion Protestantism Chondoism Korean Buddhism Roman Catholicism Buddhism Christianity

5%2% 8% 14% 16%

16% 57% 64% 20%

Figure 8a: Religious Groups in Figure 8b: Religious Groups in North Korea South Korea

Luckily both countries have a similar stance when it comes to religion, the majority for both countries is in fact no religion. North Korea South Korea LRG (NK) = 0.64 LRG (SK) = 0.57

Figure 9 shows the Korean Peninsula, it can be noted that South Korea has a land on one of its sides and water bodies on the remaining three. North Korea has two sides of water and two sides of land. The isolation score for North Korea and South Korea would be 3 and 4 respectively. Therefore, I (NK) = 3 I (SK) = 4

The formula with North Korea’s data is as follows:

75 N (NK) = LEG + PS + LRG + I N (NK) = (1) + (0.22) + (0.64) + (3) N (NK) = 4.86 North Korea’s N score is 4.86 The formula with South Korea’s data is as follows: N (SK) = LEG + PS + LRG + I N (SK) = (0.97) + (0.33) + (0.57) + (4) N (SK) = 5.87 South Korea’s N score is 5.87

To graph out the results a neutrality spectrum needs to be created.

NK SK Theoretical

0 4 4.86 5.87 8

Austria is considered to be lower than the average which is 2.6. However it is extremely important to note that Austria has the Soviet Union, UK, US and France as guarantors for its neutrality. Neutrality can be achieved without guarantors, it is however not permanent.

Discussion

“Korean Neutralisation Attempts (1882-1907): Retracing the Struggle for Survival and Imperial Intrigues”

A recent study conducted in 2016 sought to establish a multidimensional analysis of the potential neutralisation of Korea. The study sought to determine the internal and external factors that have registered an impact on the Korean neutralisation attempts. Moreover, the study considered the conditions of

76 successful neutralisation of various European states as a way of comparing the Korean case with the European states. Koreans have focused on understanding why the neutralisation attempts have failed in the past (Jin, 2016).261 It is evident that neutralisation represents one of the viable options in resolving the Korean problems and establishing a unified front. For this reason, the researcher sought to identify the factors that have compromised neutralisation efforts in the past. It emerges that the neutralisation process has not been easy in the Korean case. For neutralisation to be successful, the specific country must meet certain requirements (Yoon, 2015).262 Particularly, the country leaders and the members of the public must be in full support of the neutralisation process. Moreover, the neutralised country must demonstrate unique abilities to pursue political, economic, and diplomatic ventures.

The geographical position is of critical importance because the neighbouring countries have a significant impact on the neutralisation process.263 In the case of Korea, neutralisation attempts have failed because the country does not meet some of the basic requirements for successful neutralisation. Based on the author’s analysis of successful neutralisation in European countries, it becomes evident that the issue of Korea has some unique challenges. Currently, North and South Korea are yet to agree on specific terms that will govern the neutralisation and unification process. South Korea leaders have a different perspective of the neutralisation process from that exhibited by the North Korean leaders (Jin, 2016).264 These fundamental differences on the best neutralisation formula have served as barriers to successful neutralisation in the past. There have been numerous neutralisation attempts in Korea, but many of them have failed

261Jin, S. (2016). Korean Neutralisation Attempts (1882-1907): Retracing the Struggle for Survival and Imperial Intrigues. Retrieved on 23rd January 2018 from http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/23799/1/Jin_4338.pdf

262Yoon, T. (2015). Neutralize or Die: Reshuffling South Korea's Grand Strategy Cards and the Neutralization of South Korea Alone. Pacific Focus, 30(2), 270-295.

263Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

264Jin, S. (2016). Korean Neutralisation Attempts (1882-1907): Retracing the Struggle for Survival and Imperial Intrigues. Retrieved on 23rd January 2018 from http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/23799/1/Jin_4338.pdf

77 terribly. The neutralisation efforts were introduced at different periods when the political situation of Korea was significantly different (Yoon, 2015).265 The author explored all the historical attempts of neutralisation in Korea as a way of establishing a critical understanding of the factors that contributed to the failure of the attempts. It is evident that the Korean leaders failed to reach an agreement concerning the best approach of neutralisation.

Additionally, China and Japan played a critical role in the implementation of the neutralisation efforts. There is evidence that China led to the failure of several attempts of neutralisation.266 Similarly, Korea’s relationships with Japan were also a significant contributor to the failure of different neutralisation processes.267 The United States and Russia have also been key contributors to the neutralisation efforts in Korea. The interests of these superpowers have served to compromise the interests of the Korean people leading to the failure of the neutralisation attempts (Yoon, 2015).268 The study revealed that both internal and external factors have been in play in the failure of previous neutralisation attempts. Korea was unable to undergo successful neutralisation due to the on- going political instability, tension, and uncertainty (Jin, 2016).269 Undoubtedly, the political environment was not suitable for the neutralisation efforts. Korea’s diplomatic relations with other countries have been playing a key role in the failure of neutralisation attempts. The geopolitical issues governing the Korean Peninsula have also been responsible for the failed attempts of neutralisation. The

265Yoon, T. (2015). Neutralize or Die: Reshuffling South Korea's Grand Strategy Cards and the Neutralization of South Korea Alone. Pacific Focus, 30(2), 270-295.

266Revere, J. R. E. (January, 2015). Korean Reunification and U.S. Interests: Preparing for one Korea. Brookings. Viewed on October 23, 2017 from https://www.brookings.edu/on-the-record/korean-reunification- and-u-s-interests-preparing-for-one-korea/

267Pil J.S, (2016) Korean Neutralisation attempts (1882-1907): retracing the struggle for survival and imperial intrigues. PhD Thesis. SOAS, University of London

268Yoon, T. (2015). Neutralize or Die: Reshuffling South Korea's Grand Strategy Cards and the Neutralization of South Korea Alone. Pacific Focus, 30(2), 270-295.

269Jin, S. (2016). Korean Neutralisation Attempts (1882-1907): Retracing the Struggle for Survival and Imperial Intrigues. Retrieved on 23rd January 2018 from http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/23799/1/Jin_4338.pdf

78 future of Korea remains unclear because it is evident that North and South Korea are yet to agree on the most effective neutralisation process.

“A Neutral Democratic People’s of Korea?”

Alexandre Mansourov also investigated the possibility and practicality of establishing a neutral Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. He relied on interviews, the existing documents from scholars both within and without Korea. This study helps to highlight some of the factors that have led to the failed neutralisation efforts in the country. In his view, neutralisation represents one of the significant political discourses that are relevant to the Korean situation (Mansourov, 2013).270 For many years, scholars have explored the possibility of successful neutralisation as a way of resolving the Korean issues. Neutralisation will mean that Korea is a united republic without any declared alignment with superpowers in different parts of the world (Yoon, 2015).271 Mansourov believes that neutralisation can establish stability and peace in Korea after many years of turmoil and uncertainty. However, the author reveals internal and external factors that have contributed to the failed attempts to establish successful neutralisation. In his view, North Korea must choose whether the leaders want armed neutrality or lopsided security dependence. The leaders have been unable to define their interests.

Some scholars believe that North Korea does not present a feasible front for neutralisation.272 The influential foreign powers that have close ties with North Korea have not exhibited interest in the neutralisation process. Despite the numerous neutralisation proposals, Korean leaders have exhibited competing factors and interests that serve as barriers to successful neutralisation (Mansourov,

270Mansourov, A. (2013). A Neutral Democratic People's of Korea? In T. Akaha,The Future of North Korea (50-97). London: Routledge.

271Yoon, T. (2015). Neutralize or Die: Reshuffling South Korea's Grand Strategy Cards and the Neutralization of South Korea Alone. Pacific Focus, 30(2), 270-295.

272Mansourov, A. (2013). A Neutral Democratic People's of Korea? In T. Akaha,The Future of North Korea (50-97). London: Routledge.

79 2013).273 It is apparent that international and domestic interests represent the greatest barriers of neutralisation in North Korea. The study investigated measures that can be taken to create a favourable environment for neutralisation in North Korea. One of the measures evident from this study is the establishment of a favourable political situation by handling the numerous international and domestic factors affecting the process. The study revealed that Korea has not registered the expected levels of commitment, political willingness, and has not met the fundamental requirements for successful neutralisation (Yoon, 2015).274 It is apparent that the Korean leaders have opposing interests and views a factor that makes the unification process extremely difficult. It is almost impossible to convince the Korean leaders that it is time to focus on successful neutralisation.

Some of the external forces that prevent successful neutralisation include the impact of the United States, Russia, China, and Japan. For Korea to undergo successful neutrality, it will need to address the influence of these countries and deal with each foreign issue that the foreign actors represent. In the view of this study, Korea must focus on adopting a neutral state front and establish remarkable diplomatic relations with different countries without any need for dependence (Mansourov, 2013).275 Currently, foreign countries have been interfering with the affairs of Korea, and such interference has created an unfavourable condition for neutralisation. The Korean leaders will need to focus on achieving independence, equality, peaceful coexistence, and mutual benefit if it is to realise the process of neutralisation. The current political environment does not favour neutralisation because Korea has established numerous treaties and agreements with other countries that compromise the unification of the North and the South (Yoon,

273Mansourov, A. (2013). A Neutral Democratic People's of Korea? In T. Akaha,The Future of North Korea (50-97). London: Routledge.

274Yoon, T. (2015). Neutralize or Die: Reshuffling South Korea's Grand Strategy Cards and the Neutralization of South Korea Alone. Pacific Focus, 30(2), 270-295.

275Mansourov, A. (2013). A Neutral Democratic People's of Korea? In T. Akaha,The Future of North Korea (50-97). London: Routledge.

80 2015).276 Moreover, North and South Korea are still experiencing a period of turmoil and uncertainty. In the past, these factors have led to the failure of neutralisation.

“The Korean Peninsula: Peaceful engagement for humanitarian concerns”

A recent study conducted during the Consortium of Non-traditional Security Studies in Asia Research Fellowship in 2009 also demonstrated the challenges of neutralisation in Korea.277 The study sought to determine whether it is possible to establish peaceful engagement that will lead to the unification of Korea. The only possible unification process is after successful neutralisation. The failure of neutralisation explains why Korea is yet to succeed in the Unification attempts. Currently, major global powers; namely, the United States, China, Japan, and Russia have a significant impact on the political stability of Korea (Ur- Rehman, 2010).278 With such influence from external actors, it is practically impossible to adopt a neutrality stand in Korea. The study explores some of the efforts towards reunification that have taken place in the past. These efforts have not registered any viable outcomes due to the uniqueness of the Korean situation. The existing relationships and diplomatic associations between Korea and the major global powers have served as barriers preventing any successful unification (Yoon, 2015).279 In the post-war period, the North and South Korea have exhibited a significant economic gap. Despite the efforts of successful economic reconstruction, North Korea still exhibits critical economic problems. As a result, the people are reluctant to embrace the efforts of unification because of the economic differences between the North and the South.

276Yoon, T. (2015). Neutralize or Die: Reshuffling South Korea's Grand Strategy Cards and the Neutralization of South Korea Alone. Pacific Focus, 30(2), 270-295.

277Ur-Rehman, H. (2010). The Korean Peninsula: Peaceful engagement for humanitarian concerns, NTS-Asia research Paper no. 3. Singapore: Centre for Traditional Security Studies.

278Ur-Rehman, H. (2010). The Korean Peninsula: Peaceful engagement for humanitarian concerns, NTS-Asia research Paper no. 3. Singapore: Centre for Traditional Security Studies.

279Yoon, T. (2015). Neutralize or Die: Reshuffling South Korea's Grand Strategy Cards and the Neutralization of South Korea Alone. Pacific Focus, 30(2), 270-295.

81 Without the willingness of the people to pursue neutralisation and unification, it is impossible to succeed with the proposals. Other issues that have prevented successful neutralisation and unification include the nuclear weapon programs launched in North Korea. These factors explain why North Korea emerges as a less feasible option for the neutralisation process. In the past, North and South Korea have held talks with the core objective of establishing peace, but many of the talks have been volatile. Political changes in the North and South have also served as barriers towards the neutralisation and unification efforts. These political changes have created an unfavourable environment for the implementation of the unification proposals. The tension associated with the influence of foreign countries has also created an unfavourable state for the successful unification of North and South Korea (Ur-Rehman, 2010).280 The study also explored the different unification scenarios that experts have presented as options for Korea. Unfortunately, none of the scenarios have proven favourable for the intended unification and neutralisation. Currently, the United States has a significant interest in Korea.281 In the recent years, the American troops have served to maintain a measure of tension and instability so that it can benefit from the situation. In the post-war period, the United States has made remarkable moves of taking advantage of the Korean situation.282 The United States has been proposing the concept of democracy which does not have a strong background in Korea.

Neutralising the Korean Peninsula has proven a difficult task due to the internal and external factors that compromise efforts towards neutralisation. Economic, political, and social issues in Korea have prevented the successful

280Ur-Rehman, H. (2010). The Korean Peninsula: Peaceful engagement for humanitarian concerns, NTS-Asia research Paper no. 3. Singapore: Centre for Traditional Security Studies.

281Revere, J. R. E. (January, 2015). Korean Reunification and U.S. Interests: Preparing for one Korea. Brookings. Viewed on October 23, 2017 from https://www.brookings.edu/on-the-record/korean-reunification- and-u-s-interests-preparing-for-one-korea/

282Kihl, Y. W. (2015). Transforming Korean politics: democracy, reform, and culture. Routledge.

82 neutralisation of the country. The differences between the North and South have created an undesirable condition for neutralisation.

When proposing a new entity, governments should consider the historical justification, a compelling rationale, popular support, and viability before consideration.283 In the case of Austria the historical justification and the compelling rationale are interconnected, Austria was annexed by Germany pre- WWII.284 Post defeat, the land was returned once more to its previous status but due to the growing fear of nationalism sparking another war, the Great Powers, UK, France, US and the Soviet Union split up Austria and occupied the land. In terms of popular support the ideology of the Austrians shifted towards a much centred political spectrum following the neutrality. It can be said that compared to the legislative voting in 1953 versus the voting in 1956 (Figure 10), the reduction in votes of the right-wing and left-wing parties, and an increase in the centre-right and centre-left parties, has somewhat slightly shifted the ideology of the Austrians to a centrist point of view. The reference of colours of the political spectrums used in this study can be found in the Appendix.

283Haass, R. N. (2017, January/February). The Case for Sovereign Obligation. Foreign Affairs, 96(01), 02-09.

284Bischof, G., & Pelinka, A. (2017). Austrian Historical Memory and National Identity. Routledge.

83

100%

Austrian Middle Class Party right-wing Ergokratische Party far-left 75% Party of Reason centre-right Free Workers Movement of Austria far-left Communists and Left Socialists Left-wing Freedom Party of Austria (Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs) Right-wing Austrian Patriotic Party Far-right Austrian National Republicans and Independents Centre-right Association of Austrian Monarchists Centre-right Free Democrats centre-left Christian Social Party and Non-Party Personalities Far-right 50% Christian Democratic Party Centre-right Bipartisan Agreement of the Centre Other Communist Party of Austria (Kommunistische Partei Österreichs) Left-wing Electoral Party of Independents (Wahlpartei der Unabhängigen) Right-wing Austrian People's Party (Österreichische Volkspartei) Centre-right Socialist Party of Austria (Sozialistische Partei Österreichs) Centre-left

25%

0% 1953 1956

Figure 10: Austrian legislative results in 1953 & 1956

As for the viability of the neutralisation, in the case of Austria, if the score of the I is removed from the equation entirely, since the issue of the isolation

84 situation of Austria is already solved thanks to the Austrian State Treaty, where four great powers are guaranteeing the neutrality of Austria.285 Hence to prove the viability of neutralisation, the formula will disregard I due to the factor of guarantors in Austria.

Theoretical N = LEG + PS + LRG N = (1) + (1) + (1) N = 3 The theoretical score is 3

Austria N = LEG + PS + LRG N = (0.91) + (0.83) + (0.59) N = 2.33 Austria’s N score is 2.33

North Korea N (NK) = LEG + PS + LRG N (NK) = (1) + (0.22) + (0.64) N (NK) = 1.86 North Korea’s N score is 1.86

South Korea N (SK) = LEG + PS + LRG N (SK) = (0.97) + (0.33) + (0.57) N (SK) = 1.87 South Korea’s N score is 1.87

285Bergethon, M. (n.d). Austria-Neutrality-European Economic Community-Austrian Neutrality and EC Membership: Are they Compatible. GA. J. Int'l & Comp. L. Vol. 20:233.

85 Hence a new spectrum is created to show the results dependent on the factor of the guarantors in Austria, shown below.

NK SK Austria Theoretical

0 1.5 1.86 1.87 2.33 3

As for the Korean unification’s historical justification, compelling rationale, popular support, and viability; the justification and rationale is evidently interpreted from the external factors playing a role in the split, moreover the attempts of Korean unification were deemed possible if only the external factors were left out entirely. In terms of popular support, a study by The Asian Institute for Policy Studies compiled in South Korea shows The Public Opinion Studies Program, which shows public opinions towards issues like perceptions of North Korea, the mere idea of unification, and if tax should be paid for unification efforts. Some of the data in the study has been chosen appropriately to reinforce the popular support factor of this study. In Figure 11 the perception of closeness and family relativity is shown according to age and if North Korea is still seen as a previous country that has been divided. Since there is a decline in closeness, the importance of neutralisation to successfully happen (from theory to practice) before the next 5 decades. The decline is averaged at 22.5% for each future decade, hence by 50 years the decline would be projected at perhaps 2.875 for those in their 20s. This is less than the median and if it continues to go down then the neutrality would be possible in the respective countries, however, unification may seem too far fetched as the perception of being close and relative to North Korea is being diminished and the acceptance of North Korea being a separate state comes with time.

86 Figure 12 shows the perceived reasoning behind the distance between the North and South, it could also attribute to the conception of “us” and “them” since there is a significant rise in the undefined “values” that was an option in the poll. The majority of the polls across the different age groups are showing that the political system is seen as the main reasoning behind the perceived distance.

Figure 13 is possibly the most crucial, the actions of the North are changing the ideologies and stances to the South where the change is seen within only a month. The more interesting analysis behind this figure is the approximate balancing out of all four choices, it is seen in the previous poll (Sept 10) where the spectrum is lenient towards the softer line or the current stance. However the change has lowered the highest two stances and has shifted the polls to the harder line and the uncertain stance. This is alarming and is considered an issue due to the majority of the votes being ideal in the past, however one month later the inclination of the polls show a balance. A balance across the spectrum means a conflict in ideas across the spectrum. If the majority remains the popular vote then it is more likely that the rest will follow with time. Figure 14 shows that years after the Korean War and years after failed attempts to raise a North-South Summit, yet the polls show that it is deemed necessary to have a summit. Perhaps the prolonged issue requires an action that is not military based but rather just to see what each side would like to obtain and what the future hold for the peninsula.

The stable line along 80% of interest in Figure 15 shows that the reunification is wanted by the majority and is probably not sought out after hard enough by the government, perhaps due to the initial economic retribution that South Korea will face in the first years. However it is proposed that the joint economy will be of a greater margin in terms of advancement.

87 In 2014, Figure 16 shows the voters of the “no rush” preferred pace were more inclined to depend on the circumstances. This can be evident through the decrease in the line “no rush” and the increase in the “ dependent on circumstance” line in the year 2014 in comparison to the year 2013. It can be seen from the behaviour that the pace is somewhat neutral and in anticipation of an event that may cause a shift in the polls. However based on the previous figures the South Koreans are willing to wait for the issues to boil down, however the unification is of interest to them.

Figure 17 shows the majority of the necessity of reunification is attributed to shared ethnicity, which can be concluded that the South Koreans still regard the North Koreans as part of them and vice versa.

In relation to Figure 18, this figure takes their word of mouth a step further as it shows the unwillingness to pay taxes for the unification efforts, however much expressing the need to. An alarming sign for unification is the downfall of the unification tax across the age groups. The recent trend of disregarding the importance of the unification efforts is a potential decline in the overall need of unification, hence stressing the importance of time. In this graph the average decline is 20.66% which is startling considering the decline is a considerable amount and the generation gap is not significant. The previous graphs done by The Asian Institute for Policy Studies show the popular support of the reunification as well as a trend in a decrease of overall interest and consideration over the North - South Korean relations. This raises the importance of acting fast in order not to let the border between the two nations become an insignificant routine. The border should never be seen as a routine and should always be regarded as the physical form of the issue. The last factor is viability, it can be seen that in both graphs that have been obtained from the formula, South Korea and North Korea are still in the upper

88 scale of the spectrum, hence their dependency on a guarantor is not required. However it will put a stronger threshold for neutrality, not to mention unification.

Austria despite its historic war record has attested to the positivity of neutrality in the recent past and it is strongly believed that incorporation of the Austrian model can bring the same replica to the Korean peninsula. Nonetheless, critical scrutiny of its perceived applicability is pivotal in the pursuit of successful unification. Besides, stakeholders in this campaign need to understand the complexities brought by the geostrategic and political scopes of the Austrian (domiciled in Europe) and the Korean (domiciled in Asia) cases to facilitate informed movement of decisions. In April 1970, the socialist government in the post-war era in Austria was formed by Bruno Kresiky, an SPO leader. The SPO leader dynamically encouraged Austria's vigorous neutrality over earlier alliance European Economic Community whereas endeavouring to influence European Economic Community leaders to accept Austrian membership beneath the conditions that conserved its neutrality.286 The period closed in 1983 to 1984 after an alliance between the OVP and SPO parties emphasised a regional instead of global line vision and requested admission to the European Economic Community following the accession. Since neutrality was archaic to both sides (Devine, 2011).287 De conning, (2017)288 stated that Austria has developed a capacity of significant peace operations over the past one and half decade. He added that Austria is one of the East Asian countries that contributed in sending its 1000 troops to the United Nations. When Austria was neutralised, it strengthened its support in the peace operations. On the other hand, the neutralisation of Austria

286Bergethon, M. (n.d). Austria-Neutrality-European Economic Community-Austrian Neutrality and EC Membership: Are they Compatible. GA. J. Int'l & Comp. L. Vol. 20:233.

287Devine, K. (2011). Neutrality and the development of the European Union's common security and defence policy: Compatible or competing. Cooperation and Conflict. 46(3):334-369.

288De Coning, C, (2017), Peace Enforcement in Africa: Doctrinal Distinctions between the African Union and United Nations. Journal of Contemporary Security Policy, Vol 38(1), 145-160.

89 was to help in the protection of the deliberate mortal attack by government forces. This was as a result of the agreement by the Austrian government together with the international law and peacekeeping all over the world to prevent targeted killings (Bachmann, 2013).289 Interested states and parties together with Austrian government are seeking to design and improve capabilities and policies to help in resolution and prevention of international conflict (Longmore, Miletic, Martin & Shea, 2017).290 As stated in the Austrian journal of human rights, journalists have to be protected from dangerous situations. This is according to the international human rights law that aims at protecting the relevant rights of journalists. The Austrian government together with the United Nations has worked towards providing security to the lives of journalists in dangerous situations (Saul, 2012).291 According to the report from the Austrian Bureau of Statistics figures, its population is dominated by 13 percent above the age of 65 years and that the Austrian youth who are underemployed are trained militants that have been deployed to keep peace around the world with more than 50% of its troops sent to United Nations. Largely, the ageing population is a product of low sustained fertility combined with the approaching age of retirement and increased life expectancy (McLaren, Yeo & Sweet, 2016).292

Austria needs to sustain its permanent neutral status as a result of its exceptional geographic and historical character. The Soviet Union could not accept Austria alliance with western powers because any kind of political merger

289Bachmann, D.S, (2013), Targeted Killings: Contemporary Challenges, Risks and Opportunities. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, Vol 18(2), 259-288.

290Longmore, J, Miletic, T, Martin, A & Shea, N, (2017), State Support for Peace Processes. Journal of Austrian International Conflict Resolution Project.9.

291Saul, B, (2012), the International Protection of Journalists in Armed Conflict and Other Violent Situations. The Australian Journal of Human Rights, Vol 14(1), 99-140.

292McLaren, J, Yeo, A, & Sweet, M, (2016), Austria Is Facing a Housing Affordability Crisis: Is the Solution to This Problem the Singapore Model of Housing. Austrian Accounting, Business and Finance Journal, Vol 10(4), 39-57.

90 with any country and majorly Germany would irrefutably be a breach of Austria's accord and commitment. It would destabilise the relations between the East and the West (Bergethon, n. d).293 Through the crisis on the Korean Peninsula that develops into a path to warfare, de-escalating efforts become crucial to regional actors and every party concerned in averting conflict. Even the postwar state of the Korean peninsula has not provided mutual ground for reconciliation. Besides, there is no certainty of the political structure in the event of the unification. The post-unification political scramble also presents more food for thought. Unification in terms of socio- economic systems is arguably achievable but complexity emerges in the political unification. In any case, what does the Austrian model provide for political unification, taking into consideration the region and its history of neutralisation? More clarity on this ground would smoothen the road to neutrality. Previous studies have over-emphasised international factors, that is, the negative role of major powers, as failure factors for neutralisation. Their claim can be encapsulated that ‘if the surrounding great powers do not agree, the Korean Peninsula is hard to neutralise and peaceful unification is also difficult.' This kind of argument misses that the influence of the great powers can be overcome by the internal factors (domestic political environment and leadership) of the nation. In the postwar Austria case, the centric forces neutralised the left and right extremist forces connected with the allied nations and proposed the "permanent neutrality state." In the case of the Korean Peninsula, if the South and the North unite and take the initiative and persuade the 'permanent neutralisation of the Korean peninsula,' China and the United States will agree upon their strategies in terms of 'status quo' and 'balance of power’.

293Bergethon, M. (n.d). Austria-Neutrality-European Economic Community-Austrian Neutrality and EC Membership: Are they Compatible. GA. J. Int'l & Comp. L. Vol. 20:233.

91 CHAPTER V CONCLUSION

The Korean conflict emerges as the reason behind the splitting and formation two separate and independent states, North Korea and South Korea. The two countries to date are wrangled in political tension that threatens to brew military war leading to many raising questions on what drove the differences that the two countries exhibit.

It is believed after the collection of data that a solid, resolute decision can be achieved yet the certainty of the permanent state is still debatable. According to the data it can be deduced that the internal conditions are ideal, however the weakness lies in the political spectrum, where through the data and formulas can be noted that the numbers are weak. This factor can be improved through additional centrist groups. The achievement of this can be easily achieved through the propaganda of centrism and perhaps the declaration of neutralisation will already create common grounds for the foundation of more centrists. This study also showed that the dependency on a guarantor is not required, since the isolation situations of Austria and Korea differs greatly, however it is crucial to neutralisation according to the isolation factor mentioned by Black.294

Another lesson that Korea can learn from the Austria’s neutralisation process is that they must be willing to give the sacrifice of reducing their expenditure and war arms. The first step towards Austria’s neutralisation was to reduce and regulate ammunition. Currently, the major cause of concern between the North and South is the fear of insecurity that North Korea poses on the South through its nuclear program.295 The two countries can achieve neutralisation if

294Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press.

295Yoon, T. (2015). Neutralize or Die: Reshuffling South Korea's Grand Strategy Cards and the Neutralization of South Korea Alone. Pacific Focus, 30(2), 270-295.

92 they both agree to cease their arm races, avoid military confrontation and instead, work on the process of building a strong, unified army. They can achieve neutrality by building security confidence and constructing an inter-Korean economic community.

It is argued that the main obstacle to the attainment of the Korean unity is the lack of a common unification formula. Basing on the case of neutralisation of Austria, one can see that neutralisation offers the best approach to peace and unification of the two peninsula states. This study, thus, concludes that if the DPRK and ROK unite and take the initiative to persuade the international forces to agree to a permanent neutralisation of the Korean Peninsula, then peace and unity of the two states will be achieved. The achievement of peace and unity through neutralisation is therefore achievable, but dependent on the goodwill of the ROK and DPRK.

The use of North Korea’s weapons of mass destruction is in fact in opposition to the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty,296 where limitations to access relevant technology and materiel exists. However, if a government makes the development of weapons of mass destruction enough of a priority, they have proven to be able to develop and acquire the weapons.297 In fact unanimity efforts in the decision making of sanctions and incentives usually fail. The current system that has been adapted is to let the proliferation be until intelligence notices any activity regarding the weapons, in this circumstance a preemptive military strike is likely to occur to maintain the imminent threat caused by the state.298 However in the 21st century a mere consideration of preemptive action will perhaps be mentioned in bilateral and multilateral meetings but will never occur. In the era of globalisation, the use of military force in combatting terrorism or in restraining

296Haass, R. N. (2017, January/February). The Case for Sovereign Obligation. Foreign Affairs, 96(01), 02-09

297Haass, R. N. (2017, January/February). The Case for Sovereign Obligation. Foreign Affairs, 96(01), 02-09

298Haass, R. N. (2017, January/February). The Case for Sovereign Obligation. Foreign Affairs, 96(01), 02-09

93 proliferation will have to go through scrutiny when justifying and implementing its usage.299

In the fairly new arena of globalisation, governments will possess just as much power and resources, however their influence will fluctuate according to their actions. Not to mention the stage on which they are used to, now has a wider and much less controllable audience, opinions and perceptions have a potential to be altered or even changed completely within just minutes. The way forward in this era has one keyword, cooperation. Soft power is now stronger and holds much more potential, in comparison to hard power, towards the influence of other states, developing networks, and building institutions. The shift in power is just the beginning, power will take another form as well, it will now adopt a positive- sum game;300 problems arisen require cooperation as well as the importance of the ability to connect with other states. The integration of social media into globalisation has not only made states and governments to be constantly alert, but to also think in a like-minded manner in terms of the usage and interconnectivity of the social media. Networking and cooperation, while maintaining a good overall image that is publicly accepted is an ideal situation for a government in globalisation.

299Haass, R. N. (2017, January/February). The Case for Sovereign Obligation. Foreign Affairs, 96(01), 02-09

300Nye, J. S. (2017, November/December). Will the Liberal Order Survive? Foreign Affairs, 96(01), 10-16.

94 APPENDIX

Table 1: Table of Population of Austria & Korea (Before & After)

YEAR AUSTRIA SOUTH NORTH KOREA KOREA KOREA

1940 6.7000 8.510 24.3263

1941 6.7400 24.7300

1942 6.7800 26.1250

1943 6.8100 26.5

1944 6.8300 9.250 26.9

1945 6.8000 27.2750

1946 7.0000 9.260

1947 6.9710

1948 6.9530

1949 6.9430 20.188641

1950 6.9350 19.211385 10.549472

1951 6.9339 19.459429 10.248496

1952 6.9280 19.566860 10.049029

1953 6.9320 19.979069 9.957242

1954 6.9400 20.520601 9.972436

1955 6.9470 21.531331 10.086991

1956 6.9520 22.243633 10.285940

1957 6.9660 22.999243 10.547389

1958 6.9870 23.779372 10.843979

1959 7.0300 24.565349 11.145152

1960 7.0645 25.340918 11.424176

1961 7.0738 26.094750 11.665595

1962 7.1300 26.822585 11.871712

1963 7.1760 27.528214 12.065468

1964 7.2478 28.220780 12.282419

1965 7.2940 28.907071 12.547525

1966 7.2710 29.584631 12.864954

95 YEAR AUSTRIA SOUTH NORTH KOREA KOREA KOREA

1967 7.3770 30.249456 13.222694

1968 7.4150 30.905365 13.609982

1969 7.4551 31.557578 14.010339

1970 7.4790 32.209314 14.410400

1971 7.4915 32.863704 14.809521

1972 7.5440 33.518385 15.207771

1973 7.5860 34.164544 15.593351

1974 7.5923 34.789935 15.952078

1975 7.5655 35.386507 16.274740

1976 7.5660 35.948932 16.554746

1977 7.5680 36.481585 16.796578

1978 7.5620 36.997800 17.015983

1979 7.5455 37.516497 17.235666

1980 7.5533 38.050424 17.472140

1981 7.5553 38.606821 17.731230

1982 7.5558 39.179545 18.008564

1983 7.5510 39.752024 18.298214

1984 7.5556 40.300401 18.590138

1985 7.5608 40.808569 18.877238

1986 7.5698 41.269319 19.156795

1987 7.5864 41.690833 19.431986

1988 7.6024 42.091026 19.708323

1989 7.6603 42.495728 19.993755

1990 7.7910 42.923131 20.293054

1991 7.7958 43.378101 20.609150

1992 7.9138 43.853448 20.937404

1993 7.9915 44.340558 21.265834

1994 8.0297 44.825885 21.577982

1995 8.0465 45.298611 21.862299

1996 8.0594 45.757361 22.113548

96 YEAR AUSTRIA SOUTH NORTH KOREA KOREA KOREA

1997 8.0720 46.202604 22.335638

1998 8.0780 46.627442 22.537336

1999 8.0920 47.023880 22.731985

2000 8.1100 47.386312 22.929075

2001 8.0329 47.712788 23.131810

2002 8.114697 48.004786 23.336681

2003 8.155465 48.265026 23.538540

2004 8.196624 48.498083 23.729498

2005 8.234857 48.708497 23.904167

2006 8.269372 48.895845 24.061097

2007 8.301289 49.062429 24.203289

2008 8.341324 49.218985 24.335146

2009 8.361475 49.379208 24.463021

2010 8.385407 49.552855 24.591599

2011 8.401940 49.744659 24.722298

2012 8.453191 49.952244 24.854034

2013 8.499759 50.169242 24.985976

2014 8.576149 50.385560 25.116363

2015 8.670690 50.593662 25.243917

2016 8.712137 50.791919 25.368620

2017 8.735453 50.982212 25.490965

Sources: http://www.populstat.info/Asia/koreaco.htm; http:// www.populstat.info/Asia/nkoreac.htm; http://www.populstat.info/Asia/ skoreac.htm

97 Table 2: Ethnic Groups in Austria

Ethnic Groups Austria

Austrians 91.1% Former Yugoslavs 4% (Croatians, Slovenes, Serbs, and Bosniaks)

Turks 1.6%

Germans 0.9% Other or 2.4% unspecified

Sources: http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Austria

98 Table 3: Religious Groups in South Korea

Religion South Korea

No formal religion 56.9% Protestantism 19.7%

Korean Buddhism 15.5%

Roman 7.9% Catholicism

Sources: http://image.kmib.co.kr/online_image/ 2016/1219/201612191738_61220011145071_1.jpg

99 Table 4: Religious Groups in North Korea

Religion North Korea

Non-religious/ 64.3% follower of juche ideology Korean 16% shamanism

Chondoism 13.5%

Buddhism 4.5% Christianity 1.7%

Sources: Alton, D., & Chidley, R. (2013). Building bridges: Is there hope for North Korea?

100 Table 5: Religious Groups in Austria

Sources: https://www.wienerzeitung.at/nachrichten/oesterreich/politik/

Religion Austria

Catholic Church 58.8%

Islam 7%

Eastern Orthodox 6%

Protestantism 3.4%

Buddhism 0.2%

Judaism 0.1% None or other 24%

792411_Staat-und-Religion.html

101 Table 6: Ethnic Groups in South Korea

Ethnic Groups South Korea

Homogenous 97.18% chinese 1.41%

chinese with 0.99% korean descent

other 0.42%

Sources: http://www.hani.co.kr/arti/society/society_general/231164.html

102 Table 7: Ethnic Groups in North Korea

Ethnic Groups North Korea

Homogenous 99.8% Chinese and 0.2% Japanese communities

Sources: http://minorityrights.org/country/north-korea/

103 Table 8: Austrian Legislative Voting

104

105

106

107

108

109

110

111 Sources: http://www.bka.gv.at/site/5957/default.aspx; Nohlen, D & Stöver, P (2010). Elections in Europe: A data handbook; http://wahl13.bmi.gv.at/; https:// wahl17.bmi.gv.at/

112 Table 9: South Korean Legislative Voting (Sixth Republic)

113

114

Sources: Dieter Nohlen, Florian Grotz & Christof Hartmann (2001) Elections in Asia: A data handbook, Volume II; https://www.electoralgeography.com/new/en/countries/s/ korea/south-korea-legislative-election-2004.html; https:// www.electoralgeography.com/new/en/countries/s/korea/south-korea-legislative- election-2008.html; https://www.electoralgeography.com/new/en/countries/s/korea/ south-korea-legislative-election-2012.html; https://www.electoralgeography.com/new/ en/countries/s/korea/south-korea-legislative-election-2016.html

115 Table 10: North Korean Legislative Voting

116 117 Figure 1: Korean War Timeline !/2

118 Figure 1: Korean War Timeline 2/2

Sources: Origins of the Korean War, Vol. 1: Liberation and the Emergence of Separate Regimes, 1945-1947 (1981); Syngman Rhee: the Man Behind the Myth 1955 by Robert T. Oliver;

119 Map of Austria

Figure 5 Source: http://wps.pearsoncustom.com/wps/media/objects/2428/2487068/atlas/ atl_ah6_m002.html

120 Map of Korean Peninsula

Figure 9 Source: https://www.google.co.id/maps/search/korean +peninsula/@37.8959708,123.0013892,5.84z

121 Figure 11: Closeness to North Korea: By Age

Source: Public Opinion Studies Program. (2015). P. 18 South Korean Attitudes toward North Korea and Reunification. Retrieved from The ASAN Institute For Policy Studies website: http://en.asaninst.org/wp-content/themes/twentythirteen/ action/dl.php?id=31507

122 Figure 12: Preferred Policy Stance on North Korea

Source: Public Opinion Studies Program. (2015). P. 24 South Korean Attitudes toward North Korea and Reunification. Retrieved from The ASAN Institute For Policy Studies website: http://en.asaninst.org/wp-content/themes/twentythirteen/ action/dl.php?id=31507

123 Figure 13: Reason for Perceived Distance

Source: Public Opinion Studies Program. (2015). P. 19 South Korean Attitudes toward North Korea and Reunification. Retrieved from The ASAN Institute For Policy Studies website: http://en.asaninst.org/wp-content/ themes/twentythirteen/action/dl.php?id=31507

124 Figure 14: Necessity of South-North Summit

Source: Public Opinion Studies Program. (2015). P. 28 South Korean Attitudes toward North Korea and Reunification. Retrieved from The ASAN Institute For Policy Studies website: http://en.asaninst.org/wp- content/themes/twentythirteen/action/dl.php?id=31507

125 Figure 15: Interest in Reunification

Source: Public Opinion Studies Program. (2015). P. 29 South Korean Attitudes toward North Korea and Reunification. Retrieved from The ASAN Institute For Policy Studies website: http://en.asaninst.org/wp- content/themes/twentythirteen/action/dl.php?id=31507

126

Figure 16: Preferred Pace of Reunification

Source: Public Opinion Studies Program. (2015). P. 31 South Korean Attitudes toward North Korea and Reunification. Retrieved from The ASAN Institute For Policy Studies website: http://en.asaninst.org/wp- content/themes/twentythirteen/action/dl.php?id=31507

127 Figure 17: Reasons for Necessity of Reunification

Source: Public Opinion Studies Program. (2015). P. 32 South Korean Attitudes toward North Korea and Reunification. Retrieved from The ASAN Institute For

Policy Studies website: http://en.asaninst.org/wp-content/themes/twentythirteen/ action/dl.php?id=31507

128 Figure 18: Willingness to Pay Additional Taxes

Source: Public Opinion Studies Program. (2015). P. 36 South Korean Attitudes toward North Korea and Reunification. Retrieved from The ASAN Institute For Policy Studies website: http://en.asaninst.org/wp- content/themes/twentythirteen/action/dl.php?id=31507

129 AUSTRIA SOUTH KOREA NORTH KOREA KOREA

55.00

46.17

37.33

28.50

19.67

10.83

2.00 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010

Figure 19: Population Graph

Source: Data derived from Table 1

130 100%

75%

50%

25%

0% 1988 1992 1996 2000 2004 2008 2012 2016

Democratic Justice Party right-wing Reunification Democratic Party centre-right Party for Peace and Democracy far-left New Democratic Republican Party far-right Hangyore Democratic Party left-wing People's Party centre Korean National Party right-wing New Korea Democratic Party far-left Democratic Korea Party left-wing Korean Justice Party left-wing Third Generation Party unknown Han Ideology Reunification Korean Party other Unificational Socialist Party centre-left Christian Holy People's Party left-wing United People's Party right-wing New Political Reform Party centre-right Fairness People's Party unknown National Congress for New Politics far-left United Liberal Democrats right-wing United Democratic Party centre-left Unified People of Non-faction Party unknown Great Korean Democratic Party far-left 21st Century Korean Independence Party left-wing Chinmin Party centre-right Democratic People's Party centre-right Democratic Labor Party Far-left Young Progressive Party Left-wing New Korean Party of Hope right-wing Republican Party far-right Uri Party centre-left United Democratic Party centre-left Liberty Forward Party centre-right Pro-Park Coalition right-wing Creative Korea Party centre New Progressive Party left-wing Democratic United Party centre-left Unified Progressive Party far-left Korea Vision Party centre-right Greens left-wing Democratic Party of Korea centre-left People's Party right-wing Justice Party left-wing Christian Liberal Party far-right

Figure 20: South Korean Legislative Votes (Sixth Republic)

Source: Data derived from Table 9

131 100%

75%

50%

25%

0% 1949 1956 1962 1970 1975 1983 1990 1995 2002 2008 2017

Socialist Party of Austria (Sozialistische Partei Österreichs) Centre-left Austrian People's Party (Österreichische Volkspartei) Centre-right Electoral Party of Independents (Wahlpartei der Unabhängigen) Right-wing Communist Party of Austria (Kommunistische Partei Österreichs) Left-wing Bipartisan Agreement of the Centre Other Christian Democratic Party Centre-right Christian Social Party and Non-Party Personalities Far-right Free Democrats centre-left Association of Austrian Monarchists Centre-right Austrian National Republicans and Independents Centre-right Austrian Patriotic Party Far-right Democratic Union (Demokratische Union) centre Vierte Partei (Fourth Party) right-wing Democratic Front of the Working People (Demokraticna fronta delovnegna ljudstva ) left-wing Democratic Party of Austria unknown Economic Party of House and Property Owners unknown Austrian Patriotic Party unknown Freedom Party of Austria (Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs) Right-wing Communists and Left Socialists Left-wing Free Workers Movement of Austria far-left Party of Reason centre-right Ergokratische Party far-left Austrian Middle Class Party right-wing League of Democratic Socialists left-wing European Federal Party of Austria other Democratic Progressive Party right-wing Liberal Party of Austria far-right Marxist–Leninist Party of Austria Far-left National Democratic Party far-right Adolf Glantschnig - For Humanity, Law and Freedom in Austria right-wing Offensive Left far-right Group of Revolutionary Marxists far-left Steinacher Franz List unknown Christian Social Labour Group other United Greens of Austria Vereinte Grüne Österreichs centre-right Alternative List Austria Alternative Liste Österreichs left-wing Austria Party unknown Stop Immigrants Movement right-wing Green Alternative-Freda Meissner-Blau List (GRÜNE) centre-left Action List - I've Had Enough unknown Green Alternatives-Democratic List Centre-left Carinthian Greens-VGÖ-VÖGA-Independent Councillors unknown Alliance of Welfare Beneficiaries left-wing Christian Electoral Community right-wing Christian Democratic Party Centre-right Grey Austrians' Election Platform unknown Fritz Georg unknown Citizens' Forum Austria (Bürgerforum Österreich) unknown Liberal Forum centre No - Civic Action Group against the sale of Austria Unknown Austrian Natural Law Party Centre-left Centrist Greens of Austria centre The Best Party unknown The Independents other Socialist Left Party far-left The Democrats far-left The Freedom-minded – Westenthaler's List – BZÖ (Die Freiheitlichen – Liste Westenthaler – BZÖ far-right Dr. Martin's List – For Democracy, Control, Justice (Liste Dr. Martin – Für Demokratie, Kontrolle, Gerechtigkeit other EU Withdrawal – Neutral Free Austria (EU-Austritt – Neutrales Freies Österreich) centre-right Socialist Left Party, List against Capitalism and Racism (Sozialistische LinksPartei, Liste gegen Kapitalismus und Rassismus) far-left Certainly – Absolutely – Independent, Franz Radinger (Sicher – Absolut – Unabhängig, Franz Radinger) other IVE INITIATIVE 2000 other List Strong (Liste Stark) unknown Independent Citizens' Initiative Save Austria (Unabhängige Bürgerinitiative Rettet Österreich) other The Christians (Die Christen) right-wing Animal Rights Party earth–human–animals–nature (Tierrechtspartei) other Left (Linke) left-wing Dipl.-Ing. Karlheinz Klement (Dipl.-Ing. Karlheinz Klement) unknown Team Stronach right-wing NEOS – The New Austria centre Pirate Party of Austria centre The Change left-wing Socialist Left Party far-left EU Exit Party other Men’s Party other Peter Pilz List centre-left My Vote Counts! (G!LT) other The Whites (WEIßE) other Free List Austria (FLÖ) Right-wing New Movement for the Future (NBZ) centre-right Homeless in Politics (ODP) other

Figure 21: Austrian Legislative Voting

Source: Data derived from Table 8

132 100%

75%

50%

25%

0% 1948 1957 1962 1967 1972 1977 1982 1986 1990 1998 2003 2009 2014

Choongryun other Gonmin People's Alliance unknown Buddhist Alliance unknown People's Republican unknown Work People's Party unknown Democratic independence party unknown North Chondogyo Chungduk centre-left North Korea Democratic Party centre-left North Korea Workers' Party Far-left

Figure 22: North Korean Legislative Voting

Source: Data derived from Table 10

133

Far Left Left

Centre Left Centre Centre Right

Right Far Right

Figure 23: Colour Legend for Figures

134 REFERENCES

"The Great Soviet Encyclopedia: Communist Party of Austria". USSR. 1979 ALLISON, G. R. (2018). DESTINED FOR WAR: Can america and china escape thucydides's trap? S.l.: MARINER BOOKS. Adrian Buzo (2007). The making of modern Korea. Oxford: Taylor & Francis. Alton, D., Cox, C., & Chidley, R. (2013). Building bridges: Is there hope for North Korea?. Oxford, UK: Lion Hudson. Alvarez, D., & Mark, E. (2016). Spying Through a Glass Darkly: American Espionage Against the Soviet Union, 1945-1946. University Press of Kansas. Andrea Matles Savada (1997). South Korea: A Country Study. Honolulu: DIANE Publishing. BBC. (2015, March 24). 'No apology' for S Korea sinking. Retrieved from http:// www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-32013750 Bachmann, D.S, (2013), Targeted Killings: Contemporary Challenges, Risks and Opportunities. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, Vol 18(2), 259-288. Bader, William B. (1966). Austria Between East and West. Stanford University Press. Ball, S. (2004). Book Review: The Korean War. War in History, 11(4), 484-485. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096834450401100426 Bechtol, E. B. (2011). Confronting Security Challenges on the Korean Peninsula. Marine Corps University Press. Viewed from http://www.marines.mil/ Portals/59/Publications/Confronting%20Security%20Challenges.%20On %20The%20Korean%20Peninsula.pdf Beer, S. (2007). The Soviet occupation of Austria, 1945-1955. Eurozine. Retrieved 17 December 2017, from http://www.eurozine.com/the-soviet- occupation-of-austria-1945-1955/ Berg, Matthew Paul (2000). Caught between Iwan and the Weihnachtsmann: Occupation, the Marshall Plan and Austrian Identity Bergethon, M. (n.d). Austria-Neutrality-European Economic Community-Austrian Neutrality and EC Membership: Are they Compatible. GA. J. Int'l & Comp. L. Vol. 20:233. Bischof, G. (1999). Austria in the first Cold War, 1945-55: The leverage of the weak. Houndmills, Basingstoke: Macmillan. Bischof, G., & Pelinka, A. (2017). Austrian Historical Memory and National Identity. Routledge. Bischof, Günter et al. (1996). Austro-Corporatism: Past, Present, Future Black, C. E., & Falk, R. A. (2015). Neutralization and world politics. Princeton University Press. Boose, D. (2002). War and Democracy: A Comparative Study of the Korean War and the Peloponnesian War (review). Korean Studies, 26(2), 314-316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ks.2004.0002

135 Boyer, John W. (1981). Political Radicalism in Late Imperial Vienna: Origins of the Christian Social Movement, 1848–1897. University of Chicago Press. Boyer, John W. (1995). Culture and Political Crisis in Vienna: Christian Socialism in Power, 1897–1918. University of Chicago Press. Cantor, D., & Land, K. C. (1985). Unemployment and Crime Rates in the Post- World War II United States: A Theoretical and Empirical Analysis. American Sociological Review, 50(3), 317. doi:10.2307/2095542 Carafano, James Jay (2002). Waltzing into the Cold War: the struggle for occupied Austria Christoph Bluth (2008). Korea. Cambridge: Polity. Cohen. (2016).Human Rights and Human Planning for Crisis in North Korea. International Journal of Korean Studies. Viewed from https:// www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/Roberta-Cohen-NK-art- reunification.pdf Cook, Bernard A. (2001). Europe Since 1945: An Encyclopedia. Taylor & Francis. Cordier, A. W., Harrelson, M., & Recorded Books, Inc. (2010). Public Papers Of The Secretaries General Of The United Nations: Volume 6. New York: Columbia University Press. Country studies: South Korea: Andrea Matles Savada and William Shaw, editors (1990). South Korea: A Country Study. Yuksa Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress. Crafts, Nicholas, and Gianni Toniolo, eds. Economic Growth in Europe Since 1945 (Cambridge UP, 1996). Cumings, B. (1981). The origins of the Korean war: [Vol. 1] (p. 16). Princeton, NJ: Princeton U.P. Cumings, Bruce (1997). Korea's place in the sun. New York: W.W. Norton. De Coning, C, (2017), Peace Enforcement in Africa: Doctrinal Distinctions between the African Union and United Nations. Journal of Contemporary Security Policy, Vol 38(1), 145-160. Denys Lombard. (1989). Yoshihara Kunio, The Rise of Ersatz Capitalism in South-East Asia. (Archipel.) PERSEE. Devine, K. (2011). Neutrality and the development of the European Union's common security and defence policy: Compatible or competing. Cooperation and Conflict. 46(3):334-369. Ebbert, J., Hall, & M.-B. (1994). Crossed currents (p. 28). Washington: Brassey's. Eder, C., & Halla, M. (2016). The long-lasting shadow of the allied occupation of Austria on its spatial equilibrium. Edgar Grande; Martin Dolezal; Marc Helbling; Dominic Höglinger (2012). Political Conflict in Western Europe Edward A. Olsen (2005). Korea, the divided nation. Santa Barbara: Greenwood Publishing Group. Edward Friedman; Joseph Wong (2008). Political transitions in dominant party systems. Oxford: Taylor & Francis.

136 Eisterer, Klaus (2009). Austria under Allied Occupation Evans, G., & Sahnoun, M. (2002, November/December). The Responsibility to Protect. Foreign Affairs. Retrieved from https://www.foreignaffairs.com/ articles/2002-11-01/responsibility-protect Evans, J.R. (2015).Korean Reunification and U.S. interests: preparing for one Korea. Brookings. Tuesday, Jan. Fraberger, Ingrid; Stiefel, Dieter (2000). Enemy Images: The Meaning of Anti- Communism and its Importance for the Political and Economic Reconstruction in Austria after 1945 Gary Marks; Carole Wilson (1999). "National Parties and the Contestation of Europe". In T. Banchoff; Mitchell P. Smith Geary, P. J. (2016). Austria, the Writing of History, and the Search for European Identity. Austrian History Yearbook, 47, 1-12. Gordon Brook-Shepherd. The Austrians. HarperCollins Publishers Ltd. London, 1995 Guichard, J. (2016). Regime Transition and the Judicial Politics of Enmity: Democratic Inclusion and Exclusion in South Korean Constitutional Justice. Springer. Haass, R. N. (2017, January/February). The Case for Sovereign Obligation. Foreign Affairs, 96(01), 02-09. Halla, M., Wagner, A., Zweimüller, J., Docquier, F., Özden, Ç., Peri, G., ... & Poutvaara, P. (2015). Immigration and far-right voting: New evidence. VoxEU. org, 29. Harvard. (2018, January). Research Guides: Finding Data. Retrieved from https:// guides.library.harvard.edu/HLSRAfindingdata Hastings, M. (1987). The Korean War. London: Michael Joseph. Hee Joon Song (2004). Building e-government through reform. Seoul: Ewha Womans University Press. History. (1954, April). Eisenhower gives famous “domino theory” speech - Apr 07, 1954 - HISTORY.com. Retrieved from https://www.history.com/this- day-in-history/eisenhower-gives-famous-domino-theory-speech Ho, Y. P. (2014). South and North Korea's Views on the Unification of the Korean Peninsula and Inter Korean Relations. KRIS. Viewed from https:// www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2014/04/Park-Young-Ho- paper.pdf Hwang I.K,(2010). Neutralisation: An All-Weather Paradigm for Korean Reunification, Journal Asian Affairs: An American Review, Volume 25, Issue 4, 1995-2007 In Fine, H. A., In Reid, J., In Glennon, J. P., & United States. (1969). Foreign relations of the United States, 1946: Volume VII. In Mair, P., In Smith, G., & Workshop on "Change in West European Party Systems". (2017). Understanding party system change in Western Europe.

137 Institute of Historical Studies (역사학 연구소) (2004). A look into Korean Modern History (함께 보는 한국근현대사). Paju: Book Sea. Ismay, Lord. (1978). Nato: The first five years 1949-1954. S.l. Jin, S. (2016). Korean Neutralisation Attempts (1882-1907): Retracing the Struggle for Survival and Imperial Intrigues. Retrieved on 23rd January 2018 from http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/23799/1/Jin_4338.pdf Jones, N. (2016). Gender and the political opportunities of democratization in South Korea. Springer. Kesternich, I., Siflinger, B., Smith, J. P., & Winter, J. K. (2014). The Effects of World War II on Economic and Health Outcomes across Europe. Review of Economics and Statistics, 96(1), 103-118. doi:10.1162/rest_a_00353 Keynes, J. M., & Keynes, J. M. (2004). The end of laissez faire: The economic consequences of the peace. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books. Kihl, Y. W. (2015). Transforming Korean politics: democracy, reform, and culture. Routledge. Kim Dangtaek (김당택) (2002). Our Korean History (우리 한국사). Seoul: Pureun Yeoksa. Kim, C. (1973). The Korean War. Seoul, Korea: Kwangmyong Pub. Co. Kim, Y. (2017). ˜Theœ failure of socialism in South Korea: 1945-2007. Kitschelt, H., & Rehm, P. (2015). Party alignments. Change and continuity. The Politics of Advanced Capitalism, 179-201. Larson, D. W. (1985). Origins of containment: A psychological explanation (pp. 9-12). Larson, Deborah Welch, 1951-. (1995). Negotiating the Austrian State Treaty, 1953-1955. Washington, DC: Distributed by Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University. Lee, Ki-baek, tr. by E.W. Wagner & E.J. Shultz (1984). A new history of Korea (rev. ed.). Seoul: Ilchogak. Lee, S. (2005). Allying with the United States: Changing South Korean Attitudes. Korean Journal of Defense Analysis, 17(1), 81-104. doi: 10.1080/10163270509464075 Lewis, Jill (1990). Conservatives and fascists in Austria, 1918–34. Fascists and Conservatives: The Radical Right and the Establishment in Twentieth- century Europe. Unwin Hymen. pp. 98–117. Lewis, Jill (2000). Dancing on a Tight Rope: The Beginning of the Marshall Plan Liang, C. S. (Ed.). (2016). Europe for the Europeans: The foreign and security policy of the populist radical right. Routledge. Library of Congress. (2016). Postwar United States - Library of Congress. Retrieved from http://www.loc.gov/teachers/classroommaterials/ presentationsandactivities/presentations/timeline/postwar/ Longmore, J, Miletic, T, Martin, A & Shea, N, (2017), State Support for Peace Processes. Journal of Austrian International Conflict Resolution Project.9. Lowe, P. (2014). The origins of the Korean War. Routledge.

138 Luther, R., & Mueller, W. C. (2014). Politics in Austria: Still a Case of Consociationalism. Hoboken: Routledge, Taylor and Francis. Mansourov, A. (2013). A Neutral Democratic People's of Korea? In T. Akaha,The Future of North Korea (50-97). London: Routledge. Marglin, S. A., & Schor, J. B. (2007). The Golden age of capitalism: Reinterpreting the postwar experience (p. 1). McLaren, J, Yeo, A, & Sweet, M, (2016), Austria Is Facing a Housing Affordability Crisis: Is the Solution to This Problem the Singapore Model of Housing. Austrian Accounting, Business and Finance Journal, Vol 10(4), 39-57. Michael Edson Robinson (2007). Korea's twentieth-century odyssey. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Milward, Alan S. (2006). The Reconstruction of Western Europe 1945-51. Berkeley: University of California Press Min-hee, P., Bo-hyeop, K., & Yeon-cheol, S. (n.d.). President Moon to begin four- day visit to Beijing as guest of the state. Retrieved from http:// english.hani.co.kr/arti/english_edition/e_international/823183.html Minority Rights Group. (2018). North Korea. Retrieved from http:// minorityrights.org/country/north-korea/ Müller, Wolfgang; Franz Fallend (November 2004). "Changing Patterns of Party Competition in Austria: From Multipolar to Bipolar System". West European Politics Nahm, Andrew C. (1996). Korea: A history of the Korean people (2nd ed.). Seoul: Hollym. Nautz, Jürgen (2006). Domenico, Roy P.; Hanley, Mark Y., eds. Christian Social Party (Austria). Encyclopedia of Modern Christian Politics. 1. Greenwood. pp. 133–134. Navrátil, J., Kramer, M., Moss, J., & Tosek, R. (1998). The Prague spring: A national security archive documents reader (pp. 502-503). Budapest: Central European University Press. New World Encyclopedia contributors. (2013). Marshall Plan - New World Encyclopedia. Retrieved from http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/ entry/Marshall_Plan Norbert Leser: Zwischen Reformismus und Bolschewismus. Der Austromarxismus in Theorie und Praxis, 1968 Nordsieck, Wolfram. "Parties and Elections in Europe". www.parties-and- elections.eu Nye, J. S. (2017, November/December). Will the Liberal Order Survive? Foreign Affairs, 96(01), 10-16. Oh Ilhwan (오일환) (2000). Issues of Modern Korean Politics (현대 한국정치의 쟁점). Seoul: Eulyu Publishing Co. Oliver, R. T. (1973). Syngman Rhee, the man behind the myth (pp. 98-110). Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.

139 Osnos, E. (September 2017). The Risk of Nuclear War with North Korea. The New Yorker. Viewed from https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/ 2017/09/18/the-risk-of-nuclear-war-with-north-korea PETROV, L. A. (2009). The Politics of Inter-Korean Economic Cooperation: 1998-2008 (Master's thesis). Retrieved from https://sydney.edu.au/arts/ korean/downloads/KSAA2009/ Global_Korea_Proceedings_436-452_Petrov.pdf Park Tae Gyun. (2010). Reconsideration of the Cause of the Outbreak of the Korean War - Approach from Problems of Misperception and Miscalculation -. Journal of Military History Studies, null (130), 7-32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17934/jmhs.130.201012.7 Peters, R., & Li, X. (2014). Voices from the Korean war: Personal stories of American, Korean, and Chinese soldiers. University Press of Kentucky. Pettinger, T. (2017). The UK economy in the 1930s - Economics Help. Retrieved from https://www.economicshelp.org/blog/7483/economics/the-uk- economy-in-the-1930s/ Pil J.S, (2016) Korean Neutralisation attempts (1882-1907): retracing the struggle for survival and imperial intrigues. PhD Thesis. SOAS, University of London Population Data. (2017, 4). Corée du Nord • Fiche pays • PopulationData.net. Retrieved from https://www.populationdata.net/pays/coree-du-nord/ Population Data. (2017, 7). Corée du Sud • Fiche pays • PopulationData.net. Retrieved from https://www.populationdata.net/pays/coree-du-sud/ Price, H. B. (1955). The Marshall Plan & Its Meaning (1st ed., p. 106). Cornell University Press. Public Opinion Studies Program. (2015). South Korean Attitudes toward North Korea and Reunification. Retrieved from The ASAN Institute For Policy Studies website: http://en.asaninst.org/wp-content/themes/twentythirteen/ action/dl.php?id=31507 References Revere, J. R. E. (January, 2015). Korean Reunification and U.S. Interests: Preparing for one Korea. Brookings. Viewed on October 23, 2017 from https://www.brookings.edu/on-the-record/korean-reunification-and-u-s- interests-preparing-for-one-korea/ Robert E. Bedeski (1994). The transformation of South Korea. Cambridge: CUP Archive. Rose, G. (2017, January/February). Out Of Order? Foreign Affairs, 10. Samsung Lee. (2013). The Korean War and Civil War: Three Concepts of Civil War. Korean Political Science Review, 47(5), 297-319. http://dx.doi.org/ 10.18854/kpsr.2013.47.5.014 Sandler, S. (2014). The Korean War: An Encyclopedia. Routledge. Sandler, S. (2015). The Korean War: no victors, no vanquished. University Press of Kentucky.

140 Saul, B, (2012), the International Protection of Journalists in Armed Conflict and Other Violent Situations. The Australian Journal of Human Rights, Vol 14(1), 99-140. Sauvy, A. (1969). The economic crisis of the 1930s in France. Journal of Contemporary History, 4(4), 21-35. doi:10.1177/002200946900400402 Schmidl A., E. (2013). Peacekeeping Contributor Profile: Austria | Providing for Peacekeeping. Providing for Peacekeeping. Retrieved 17 December 2017, from http://www.providingforpeacekeeping.org/2014/04/03/contributor- profile-austria/ Secretary-General of UN. (2000). UNILATERAL ACTS OF STATES. Retrieved from http://legal.un.org/ilc/documentation/english/a_cn4_511.pdf Seo Jungseok (서중석) (2007). Rhee Syngman and the 1st Republic (이승만과 제1공화국). Seoul: Yuksa Bipyungsa. Snyder, J. (2011). Religion and international relations theory. New York: Columbia University Press. Sobell. (1987). A Look back at the Marshall Plan. Retrieved from http://archive.li/ ryL3C#selection-279.100-279.106 Sorel, Eliot, and Pier Carlo Padoan. The Marshall Plan: Lessons Learned for the 21st Century. Paris: OECD, 2008 Spielvogel, J. J. (2012). Western Civilization: Since 1300 (pp. 891-892). Boston, MA: Wadsworth Pub Co. Stankiewicz, W. (2012). Current Prospects of Korean Reunification Against the Background of the Interstate Relations. International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal, Volume 14(1), 53-73. Steininger, Rolf (2008). Austria, Germany, and the Cold War: from the Anschluss to the State Treaty 1938–1955 Stelzl-Marx, B. (2015). Soviet children of occupation in Austria: The historical, political and social background and its consequences. European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire, 22(2), 277-291. Stone, I. F. (2014). The Hidden History of the Korean War: 1950–1951. Open Road Media. Suppanz, Werner (2005). Levy, Richard S., ed. Christian Social Party (Austria). Antisemitism: A Historical Encyclopedia of Prejudice and Persecution. 1. ABC-CLIO. pp. 118–119. Tae-Hwan, K. (2016). Peace through neutrality: Unification through a non-aligned Korea. N.K News. Org. Viewed from https://www.nknews.org/2016/10/ peace-through-neutrality-unification-through-a-non-aligned-korea/ The Academy of Korean Studies (2005). Korea through the Ages Vol. 2. Seoul: The Editor Publishing Co. Tom Ginsburg; Albert H. Y. Chen (2008). Administrative law and governance in Asia: comparative perspectives. Cambridge: Taylor & Francis. Tweraser, Kurt K. (1995). The Politics of Productivity and Corporatism: The Late Marshall Plan in Austria, 1950–1954

141 Uk Heo; Terence Roehrig; Jungmin Seo (2007). Korean security in a changing East Asia. Santa Barbara: Greenwood Publishing Group. United States. Department of State. Bureau of Public Affairs. (1985). Austrian State Treaty of 1955. Washington, D.C.?: Bureau of Public Affairs, Dept. of State. Ur-Rehman, H. (2010). The Korean Peninsula: Peaceful engagement for humanitarian concerns, NTS-Asia research Paper no. 3. Singapore: Centre for Traditional Security Studies. Wan Bom Lee. (2007). A Study on the Korean War andnese Entry into the Korean War. Military History, null (63), 177-212. http://dx.doi.org/10.29212/mh. 2007.63.177 Weathersby, K. (2015). The Korean War at Sixty: New Approaches to the Study of the Korean War. Wilde, R. (2008). International territorial administration: How trusteeship and the civilizing mission never went away. Oxford [u.a.: Oxford Univ. Press William M. Johnston, Karl Renner: The Austro-Marxist as Conciliator. In: The Austrian Mind: An Intellectual and Social History, 1848–1938 Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983 Wohnout, Helmut (2004). Kaiser, Wolfram; Wohnout, Helmut, eds. Middle-class Governmental Party and Secular Arm of the Catholic Church: The Christian Socials in Austria. Political Catholicism in Europe 1918–45. Routledge. Wolfgang Mueller, A. Suppan, N. Naimark, G. Bordjugov (Ed.). Sowjetische Politik in Österreich 1945–1955: Dokumente aus russischen Archiven Woo, S. (2016).The state of research on inter-Korean Relations Based on KJIR and KJIS articles. The Korean journal of international studies, Vol 14 issue 3 Wukovits, J. (2004). The War At Home. San Diego, Calif.: Lucent Books. Yang Sung-chul (1999). The North and South Korean political systems: A comparative analysis (rev. ed.). Seoul: Hollym. Yonhap News Agency (2004). Korea Annual 2004. Seoul: Author. Yoon, T. (2015). Neutralize or Die: Reshuffling South Korea's Grand Strategy Cards and the Neutralization of South Korea Alone. Pacific Focus, 30(2), 270-295.

142