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Feminist Theories Tlrcorg and in Debates About Embodiment (See Woodward and Gillis in This Volume)

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Feminist Theories Tlrcorg and in Debates About Embodiment (See Woodward and Gillis in This Volume) ,\nlly Hines 2L rliscussed in the last chapter, and the troubling of unitary gender categories. Cneprpn Two Wlrilst the relationship between feminism and deconstructionist theory has lictluently been contentious, there are also important areas of overlap. These ,rrc especially evident in the recent material 'turn' within deconstructionist Feminist Theories tlrcorg and in debates about embodiment (see Woodward and Gillis in this volume). It is these areas that I will move on to explore; firstly to reflect upon thc challenges for fe minist theory, and secondly to consider the intersections Snlly HrNEs l)ctween deconstructionist theory and feminist theory. 'fhe first section of this chapter addresses how feminist theory has diver- rificd from the[arlier dominant frameworks of radical, Marxist and liberal lL'nrinisql The next section explores the ways in which the development of l)()ststructuralist and postmodern theories of gender both challenges, and con- nccts with, feminist theory. The chapter the n moves on to look in similar ways Introduction ,rt dialogues between feminism and queer theory. The last section of the chap- tcr addresses the development of transgender studies; highlighting significant Women's studies developed in the late 1970s with[ihe political goal of recti$'- tlcbates between feminist and transgender scholars and examining work within ing the marginalization of women's experien.., ,nhin*r.r,!*iihin academia. transgender theory around the bodv. Such studies are important because they In seeking to theorize gender inequalities, and thereby help to end women's rnfbrm a number of key issues and debates in women's and gender studies oppression) women's studies mirrored the prevailing link between feminist including: theory and activism. fu Stacey outlined in the previous edition of Introd,ucing Wornen's Studier.lJh. aim was to explain the problems in order to transfbrm O the construction of the category gender; the patriarchal reiitions of all spherei of sociai, cultural and economic lifc.J o the relationship between sex and gender; (Stacey, 1997:54). In the 1980s, then, feminist theory and the politics of o the relationship between'the body' rnd1dglJ5 feminist gctivism, went hand in hand. Yet, by the 1990s, this connection had o feminist politics and who can claim a feminist identity. become troubled by debates within women's and gender studies and femi- nism more broadly concerning whose interests were being represented and by whom Beyond the 'Big Three': developments in feminist theory Through the 1990s, and over the past decade, there have been numerous shifts in feminist theory, which are captured in other chapters of this book. From a feminist perypeltrve,f-gender is a socially constructed concept which Significant developments have occurred around the theorizing of gender (see gives'i'@id"entitiesandgendei'olflFeministscholarshave Richardson in this volume); 'race' and ethnicity (see Reed in this volume ) and .rnalysed the operation of power at both a micro and a macro level in order to sexuality (see Taylor in this volume). Moreover, running through these devel- inveitigate the pays in wirich gender inequalities are construct.fl Diff.r.nt opments has been the importance placed upon global social positionings and fbminist perspectives have foregrounded particular social sites as central to the inequalities. It is not possible to encapsulate all of the developments in femi- construction, maintenance and reproduction of gender inequalities. Feminist nist theory in this chapter. Rather, I focus upon three areas which, I believe, perspectives have accounted for gender inequalities in different ways and have have posed distinct challenges and represent key shifts within feminist theory: offered competing solutions toSnequal power relations between women and nreq! During the 1970s and 1980s, feminist perspectives can be loosely sum- o the development of poststructuralist and postmodern theory; rnarized as falling within a radical, Marxist or liberal school of thought. These o debates between queer theory and feminism; rnain points of argument are outlined in the box overleaf. o the development of transgender studies. It is important to note, however, that the divisions between these three fem- The development of deconstractinnist frnelvw_- poststructuralism, post- inist perspectives were not wholly demarcated. For example, radical feminism. modernis-,qu..,th.o'_havepresentedkeycnd. emerged in the 1970s in the US alongside the civilrights movemenls and many lenges to feminist theory over the past decade. Moreover, debates within these radical feminist activists had been involved in working-class politics and anti- areas are important to the ways in which feminist theory is presently being racism campaigns in the 1960s. Yet by the 1990s each of these schools of femi- nist thought for neglecting the positioning and experience rethought. Central to these developments is the sex/gender distinction, as werfitiqued of 20 Ferninist Tlteories ,\nlly Hines 23 Fe,ninisrr1 l?10's l46o's L Ea-ly rhat the conceptfteglected cultural and historical specificities. The notion of ^ p.rtriarchy was therefore challenged for not accounting for how 'race' and Radical Feminism cthnicity impact upon women's experiencesJln this way hooks (1981)argued The concept of 'patriarchv'- systematic male dominance of women - was central rhatftadical feminism takes white women's experiences as the norm; failing to radical feminism. Patriarchy was seen to be universal in that it existed across all cultures and historical periods, if in different forms. Radical feminists highlighted ro r-ognize the distinct experiences of non-white *o-efl Similar points of the nuclear family as a key site of women's oppression, whereby men exploited ,trlaument have been made in relation to the ways in which[patriarchy' fails women through unpaid domestic labour in the home, which, in turn, restricted t() account for the wap in which social class intersects with gender relations power their ability to gain positions of in society. &groduction was identified ,rnd processes of powegl[ Criticisms were also brought to bear on Marxist and as central to these processes of inequality; whereby women become materially dependent upon men. Shulamith Firestone (1971), for example, argued that the liberal feminism by radical feminists who argued that these schools of thought abolition of the family was intrinsic to women's liberation. Other radical feminists Sit.a to account for the ways in which women's oppression is structured by and highlighted gggg!_yiglgnce - rape, domestic violence, sexual harassment J-rractices and understandings of sexuatirfrnubi n,,1975). M + L pornography - as part of the patriarchal system of male oppression of women. As the recognition of 'difference' led to more complex models of feminist perspective, From a radical feminist women's liberation is only achievableif -pg, triarchv is overthrown. .rnalysis, work fitting under the broad church of 'feminist theory' spread across .rcademic disciplines and the need for women's studies as a discrete field was Marxist Feminism (prestioned (see Chapter 3 for further reflection on these debates). Accordinglg as the category of came unstuck within the broader While radical feminism positioned patriarchy as an over-arching structure of 'woman' women's oppression, Marxist feminists argued that the system of .g3g!!g!g- politics of feminism, so feminist theory diversified. Whilst politically it became structured gender inequality. From this perspective, economic class relations lay .rppropriate to talk about a diversity of feminisms, within the academy feminist at the root of the subordination of women. The oppression of women is main- l)crspectives developed in increasingly extensive and interdisciplinary ways (see tained through domestic labour and as a result of women's unequal position in Itichardson in this volume for discussion of how feminist theory has diversi- the labour market. Gender inequality is therefore a system of glqss; inequality, which is maintained to serve the interests of the ruling class. From a Marxist femi- licd in relation to theorizing gender; Robinson in this volume for discussion nist perspective, women's freedom from oppression is only achievable ifSrullg.b of the relationship of masculinity to feminist theory; Reed in this volume for ----rism is overthrown. discussion of developments in feminist theory in relation to 'race' and eth- niciry). Moreover, during the past decade the scopg of feminist analysis and Liberal Feminism the breadth of feminist concerns have continuffi-gklgg. The chapter will Rather than focus upon an over-riding cause of women's inequality (for exam- ,'.,'ffiaddresshowdevelopmentswithinpo't't'.,-iuralist,postmodern, ple, patriarchy liberal highlight issues such or capitalism), feminists tended to (lueer and transgender theory have reflected recent conceptual and substantive as and gender divisions in the home and_ruL*_ ment. These aspects of gender inequality, liberal feminists argued, can be ended shifts in feminist theory. through equal opportunities legislation and other democratic measures. From this perspective, equality for women is achieved through gradual processes of social and legal reform. Poststructuralist and postmodern theory C h n I le ng e s fo r fe m i n is rn non-white non-middle-class *o..{l Working-class, black and lesbian femi- 'l'he nists in particular argued that traditional feminism centred on the interests of central premise ofpoststructuralism
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