A Minority Community United in Diaspora:

The Case of Little Kurdistan

By: Natasha J. Torrens

December 11, 2016

Writing 293

Professor Sachelle Ford

Torrens 1

Just south of Nashville’s city center, a little-known diasporic community of refugees and their descendants thrives. Known locally as “Little Kurdistan,” the collection of shops, homes, restaurants, and mosque on Nolensville Pike form the center of a community of Kurdish refugees that has remained incredibly tight-knit in diaspora. The largest ethnic group without a state to call their own, the Kurds are estimated to number over 30 million.1 Despite facing incidences of oppression and persecution both at home, in the area known as Kurdistan, as well as within many communities worldwide, the Kurdish diaspora continues to thrive in cities across Europe, Asia, and North America. Spread throughout the Middle East and the world, Kurdish culture is exceptionally diverse—no more so than in Nashville, where four distinct waves of refugees have settled in the past 50 years. This study seeks to shed light on an enduring question in migration research: What keeps a minority community together in diaspora? Little Kurdistan is a tightly woven community dedicated to maintaining cultural traditions and legacies in diaspora. Based on research involving the Kurdish community in Nashville, Tennessee, I argue that this minority community in diaspora relies on a symbolic and literal community center to bring together the population through maintenance of cultural norms and traditions.

Background

The term ‘Kurdistan’ refers to the geographic area spanning parts of Turkey, Syria, northern Iraq, Armenia, and northwestern Iran, where the Kurdish people are a majority population.2 Kurdish groups have made scattered attempts at the creation of an independent

Kurdish state since the beginning of the 20th century, though these attempts have been thus far unsuccessful. Kurdish immigration to Nashville can be roughly defined by four separate waves

1 "The Kurdish Diaspora." Institutkurde.org. Accessed December 11, 2016. http://www.institutkurde.org/en/kurdorama/. 2 "Who Are the Kurds?" BBC News. March 14, 2016. Accessed December 12, 2016. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-29702440.

Torrens 2 of migration taking place in 1976, 1979, 1991-1992, and 1996-1997.3 Those who came first forged new paths for others to follow, by starting businesses, making connections with local government, and developing the beginnings of a community just south of Nashville’s city center.

Despite differing national and linguistic origins, Little Kurdistan has remained tightly knit.

Members of the community emphasize their commitment to helping new immigrants settle into the community in any way possible. Following the first wave of migration, the Kurdish community in Nashville was dedicated to providing support, financial or otherwise, to Little

Kurdistan’s newest residents.

The first wave of migration to Nashville in 1976 consisted primarily of Iraqi Kurds escaping persecution from Saddam Hussein following a failed rebellion attempt beginning in

1974.4 Hundreds of thousands of Kurds fled Iraq after promised international support failed to materialize. Of these refugees, a portion were brought to the United States for resettlement.

Refugee resettlement at this point was facilitated by the Catholic Charities of Tennessee.5 After the group was initially received at nearby Fort Campbell army base, they were resettled permanently in Nashville. Though the community was placed in Nashville with little autonomous choice, the site had many benefits to the Kurdish immigrants. Many of those I interviewed mentioned Nashville’s natural similarity to the climate and landscape of Kurdistan, reminding them of the home they left behind. Nashville, and the mountainous areas surrounding

Knoxville, “geographically resemble parts of Kurdistan,”6 while the drier weather reminds most

3 "Nashville's Growing Community of Kurdish Americans." Thekurdishproject.org. June 8, 2015. Accessed December 11, 2016. http://thekurdishproject.org/latest-news/us-kurdish-relations/nashville-growing-community-of- kurdish-americans/.

4 "Timeline: Saddam Hussein's Iraq." Almanac of Policy Issues. October 2002. Accessed December 11, 2016. http://www.policyalmanac.org/world/archive/iraq_timeline.shtml. 5 Campbell, Monica. "Touring a Kurdish Capital in the US." BBC News. August 29, 2014. Accessed December 11, 2016. http://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-28891241. 6 "Little Kurdistan 2." Interview by author. August 6, 2016.

Torrens 3 of the climate back home. In addition, Nashville’s economy at the time was in an economic boom, and many refugees were able to quickly find entry-level jobs. In subsequent generations,

Kurdish immigrants have been able to economically advance in Nashville, becoming business owners and holding professional jobs similar to those they held back in Kurdistan.

Though refugees trickled in consistently following the initial wave, a distinct second wave of resettlement occurred in 1979, predominantly from Iran. Kurds in this wave of migration sought refuge from the aftermath of the Iranian revolution and establishment of an Islamic theocratic constitution in April of 1979.7 Under the promise of persecution from the newly empowered Ayatollah Khomeini, thousands of Kurds fled the country. Those who were resettled in Nashville received aid and support from members of the previous wave. During one interview, a participant talked about coming from Kurdistan and having nothing upon arrival in America.

Yet due to the generosity of those who had come before, he was able to quickly find a job and begin learning English. In return, he helps those who’ve come after, because “we didn’t have nothing, and now we have everything, so we have to [help each other].”8

The final two waves of migration to Nashville were followed closely by the next wave in the 1990s. This third wave consisted primarily of refugees seeking shelter from the genocidal

Anfal campaign in Iraq,9 representing the largest single wave of migration to the Nashville community. The violent campaign in Iraq left heavy scars on those who escaped it, and significantly impacted their experiences upon arrival in America. Members of the community spoke about dealing with the emotional trauma following migration while simultaneously attempting to adapt to life in America. Memories of violence and oppression remain on the

7 Wnptvideos. Little Kurdistan | Next Door Neighbors | NPT. June 02, 2009. Accessed December 11, 2016. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rWS0TqtpVSc&t=1s. 8 "Little Kurdistan 4." Interview by author. August 7, 2016. 9 Rogg, Inga, and Hans Rimscha. "The Kurds as Parties to and Victims of Conflicts in Iraq." International Review of the Red Cross 89, no. 868 (December 2007). doi:10.1017/s1816383108000143.

Torrens 4 surface in Little Kurdistan. Much of the community is involved in efforts to provide aid and support for Kurdish fighters and communities back in Kurdistan. Following this wave, the final wave of migration occurred around 1996 and came also predominantly from Iraq, but in this case the refugees consisted of those seeking asylum from violent and political conflicts between the

Kurdistan Democratic Party and Patriotic Union of Kurdistan political parties.10

Also of note are the experiences of the second generation in Little Kurdistan: those who have grown up in a community acting as an oasis of Kurdish culture in the midst of the American

South. Interviews showed that while most members of the second generation have grown up speaking Kurdish at home and participating in Kurdish cultural traditions, their experiences in the American public school system and society have impacted the formation of their cultural and ethnic identity. One interview was conducted with a second generation Kurdish-American teen, who felt that although Kurdistan was ultimately her homeland, she considered Nashville to be home as well. At the same time, however, she noted that Little Kurdistan has remained unique from the city surrounding it. She remarked that with her American friends, she “always feel[s] like there’s a difference,”11 due to the close and interconnected nature of the Kurdish community there. The experiences of those who came in different waves of migration to Nashville and those who were born and raised in America provide interpretations of the culture of Little Kurdistan that raise interesting similarities and differences.

Literature Review

There has been a dearth of critical research on the Kurdish community in Nashville, despite its size and prominence in the North American Kurdish landscape. Most writing done on

Little Kurdistan is expository in nature, and tends to take the structure of short-form news

10 Ibid. 11 "Little Kurdistan 3." Interview by author. August 7, 2016.

Torrens 5 articles explaining a local point of interest. Prior to 2009, very little had been written on the community as a whole; however, after the release of a Nashville Public Television broadcast in that year entitled “Next Door Neighbors: Little Kurdistan,”12 the community began to gain a higher profile in the Nashville area. Newspaper and magazine articles written about the community tend to focus on the institutions that make up the area—the community center, the

Azadi International Market, and local shops. In the past year, members of the community have also begun to organize short tours of the Kurdish businesses for local Nashville residents,13 in the hopes of fostering greater understanding and appreciation of Kurdish culture in the area.

Prior research on minority immigrant communities, and Muslim communities in particular, has tended to focus on two issues: assimilation and Islamophobia. These forms of analysis are based on preconceptions of Kurdish Americans and Muslims in America that don’t hold weight upon closer review. First, literature examining the role of immigrant communities within American society tends to evaluate these communities through the lens of cultural assimilation theory, a model that isn’t comprehensive enough to encapsulate the migration experience. Focusing on assimilation in immigrant communities keeps us from understanding the cultural maintenance and continuation that keep these communities alive. For example, a recent case study carried out by Dr. Marcia Hermansen from Loyola University Chicago involving the

Muslim community in San Diego provided an evaluation of the community’s ability to assimilate to American life and ways of coping with the “pressures to assimilate to a dominant Anglo version of the American way.”14 Changes in culture commonly referred to as ‘assimilation’ may

12 Wnptvideos. Little Kurdistan | Next Door Neighbors | NPT. June 02, 2009. Accessed December 11, 2016. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rWS0TqtpVSc&t=1s. 13 Fletcher, Holly. "Idea 'blossomed' into Tour of Nashville's Little Kurdistan." The Tennessean. April 18, 2016. Accessed December 11, 2016. http://www.tennessean.com/story/news/local/2016/04/17/tour-of-little-kurdistan-just- blossomed/83097060/. 14 Hermansen, M.K. “The Muslims of San Diego.” In Muslim Communities in North America, edited by Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and Jane Idleman Smith, 176-190. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1994.

Torrens 6 be a useful tool for understanding the maintenance and disuse of cultural traditions within a minority community, but a community cannot be understood when evaluated solely through this lens. Interviews conducted in Little Kurdistan depicted a different perspective—rather than feeling a pressure to ‘assimilate’ or become ‘more American,’ members of the community discussed their experiences solely in terms of the Kurdish community in Nashville and back in

Kurdistan, using reference points not related to the United States. The problem with research and evaluation based on this idea of assimilation is that it assumes a monolithic norm of ‘American- ness’ that migrant communities should or do strive to achieve.15 This nebulous concept of what makes an ‘American’ serves to exclude other forms of analysis based more on understanding

Kurdish diasporic culture without the preconceptions associated with assimilation theory.

A second focus in past research on migrant Muslim communities in North America is the lens of Islamophobia. Most major literature on Muslim experiences in America tends to work under the assumption of discrimination and persecution by the cities surrounding these communities. Though the issue of Islamophobia is incredibly relevant in present-day America, it is far from the only lens available through which we can analyze communities in diaspora. Of those I spoke with in Nashville, only one had experienced or heard of any negativity towards the

Kurdish community, even though the population is predominantly Muslim. She stated,

“[Nashville is] not all like really Muslim-friendly, but you can’t change people. But Kurdish- wise, everyone loves the Kurdish people.”16 The remainder of those interviewed dismissed queries of prejudice in Nashville, choosing to focus instead on their experiences inside and out of the Kurdish community. Thus it becomes evident that analysis based on Islamophobia may not

15 Hanes, Stephanie. "Immigration: Assimilation and the Measure of an American." July 07, 2013. Accessed December 11, 2016. http://www.csmonitor.com/USA/Society/2013/0707/Immigration-Assimilation-and-the- measure-of-an-American. 16 "Little Kurdistan 3." Interview by author. August 7, 2016.

Torrens 7 be as useful in Little Kurdistan, and instead a broader perspective could be utilized more effectively. This study aims to break free of these lenses of assimilation and Islamophobia, analyzing the unity of Little Kurdistan through the lens of Kurdish culture back in Kurdistan and in diaspora.

Little Kurdistan

The heart of Little Kurdistan, the Salahadeen Center, lies on Nolensville Pike just south of Nashville’s city center. As one approaches the center from Nashville, the diversity of the surrounding area is immediately made evident by the transition from chain stores and hotels to restaurants and shops from every corner of the world, reflecting Nashville’s status as “the new destination city”17 for immigration into the United States. Though the Kurdish community in

Nashville is large, it is primarily concentrated around this section of Nolensville Pike, where places like the Salahadeen Center, Azadi International Food Market, and Newroz Market dominate the landscape. The Salahadeen Center, a mosque and community center, is especially important within the Little Kurdistan community. Though the organization’s stated mission is religious in nature, the center holds activities, celebrations, and speeches throughout the year which are both religious and secular in nature. While in Nashville, I had the opportunity to speak with a staff member at the Salahadeen Center who emphasized the organization’s vital role in

Little Kurdistan. He remarked that the goal of the center has always been to “integrate our community.”18 Of the thousands of Kurdish-Americans living in Nashville, the staff member asserted that the center has hosted almost all of them at some point.

17 Karimi, Hero. "The Kurdish Immigrant Experience and a Growing American Community." The Independent Gateway to Kurdish News and Analyses. February 2010. Accessed December 11, 2016. http://www.kurdishherald.com/issue/v002/001/article04.php. 18 "Little Kurdistan 5." Interview by author. August 8, 2016.

Torrens 8

The Salahadeen Center also serves as a regular gathering place for members of the

Kurdish community of all ages wishing to maintain their linguistic or cultural heritage while living in America. The center hosts religious events such as the five daily prayers, Friday sermons, and celebrations of Islamic holidays. In addition, the center offers Kurdish language classes, youth groups, and outreach and volunteer programs aimed at interacting both with the community in Nashville and sending aid back to communities in Kurdistan. Marriages, funerals, and other traditional events are also held at the center, which aims to replicate the associated ceremonies and traditions as closely as possible. The Salahadeen also serves as a semi-official governmental organization representing the people of Little Kurdistan and their interests.

Representatives from the Salahadeen Center work with local public schools, election commissions, and local government to ensure both that the community is represented well and that interests of the community are being met. Also associated with the center is the New

Americans Advisory Council, a board made of members of different immigrant communities in

Nashville. The council holds regular meetings to discuss the role and perception of immigration to Nashville, and meets with members of the local government to facilitate communication with the broader Nashville community.

In order to gain further insight into the methods of cultural maintenance within the Little

Kurdistan community, I conducted a series of interviews in Nashville during August 2016. Prior to traveling to Nashville, I reached out to members of the community who had been interviewed in publications relating to Little Kurdistan previously, and asked for connections within the community who would be interested in sharing their stories. Once in Nashville, I was able to meet with five members of the community, who happened to be from different generations or waves of migration to Nashville and in some cases, from different countries of origin. In each of

Torrens 9 these interviews, I aimed to extract an oral history from my participants, focusing on the stories and experiences that tie together the community in Nashville. Interviews lasted 20-30 minutes, and followed a rough format related to different aspects of Kurdish and American culture based on prior research. Aspects I was particularly focused on learning about included traditional ceremonies related to marriage, death, and birth, the role of religion in the community, and any perceived differences or divides between waves of migration and subsequent generations.

Questions relating to these topics were a starting point for further conversations regarding unifying factors within the community.

Throughout the course of these interviews, three dominant themes began to emerge. Each member of community I interviewed emphasized the role of nationality and religion in Little

Kurdistan in the formation of identity, the tendency of the community to prioritize endogenous relationships and marriages while discouraging exogenous ones, and the overwhelming spirit of hospitality that unifies the Kurdish community in Nashville. Each of these factors contribute to the maintenance of cultural traditions, norms, and community feeling on Nolensville Pike.

Kurdish Nationality and Religion in the Formation of Cultural Identity

Emphasis on the concept of nationalism over religion in the formation of Kurdish identity in Little Kurdistan ties together the community despite differences in religious practice and origin. When asked for the unifying factor bringing together the Kurdish community in

Nashville, each and every person interviewed asserted that nationality, as members of the

Kurdish diaspora, was the dominant cultural unifier. Members of Little Kurdistan are self- described “Kurdish Muslims,” not “Muslim, and then nationality.”19 The stress placed upon nationality as the distinguishing factor of the Kurdish community above factors like religion serves three primary purposes in cultural maintenance: first, emphasizing Kurdish-ness above all

19 "Little Kurdistan 4." Interview by author. August 7, 2016.

Torrens 10 minimizes potential for strife between members of the community with different origin countries and cultural practices, second, it provides a point of unity between members of successive generations of the Kurdish community in Nashville, and third, it serves to create an insular community centered around the common goal of a united and peaceful Kurdistan.

The Kurdish community in Nashville incorporates members from many different countries of origin, including Iraq, Iran, Syria, and Turkey. Migrants and refugees from each of these countries experienced different struggles and challenges in migration, and groups from each location celebrate cultural traditions and ceremonies in different ways, even in diaspora.

Interviews showed that although differences in traditions and opinions exist between members of the community who came from different places back in Kurdistan, these differences are overlooked in the interest of maintaining a united Kurdish front. Culture is emphasized over differences in religious practices as well. As one interviewee put it, “[the Kurds in Nashville] care more about their own culture than they do about their religion, it seems like they care more about what people say than what God will think,”20 in reference to following marriage guidelines set out in Kurdish culture versus those laid out in traditional Islamic thought. Celebrations that are traditionally religious in nature, like the Newroz holiday, may serve as vessels to bring together the Kurdish community in Nashville, but tend to take on more political meaning in diaspora than the traditional celebrations in Kurdistan. During these celebrations, the Kurds in

Nashville “go together, from Iran, from Iraq, from Syria, from Turkey.”21 Though events held through the Salahadeen Center may have religious elements to them, interviews demonstrated that the role of the center is to serve primarily as a gathering place for members of the Kurdish community, regardless of their level of faith. Conversations between members of the Kurdish

20 "Little Kurdistan 3." Interview by author. August 7, 2016. 21 "Little Kurdistan 1." Interview by author. August 6, 2016.

Torrens 11 community, according to interviews, focus very little on differences between religious and traditional beliefs, but instead tend to emphasize the commonalities found in the community.

Stressing the nationalistic nature of Little Kurdistan also serves to bring together members of the community from different generations, particularly through events and classes at the Salahadeen Center. During interviews, many participants noted the gaps in cultural participation between members of the first and second generation in Little Kurdistan. One participant noted “a big cultural conflict with the parents that grew up back home versus the kids that grew up here,”22 as children growing up in the community are sent to local American schools and tend to speak English throughout the day. Language acquisition is one way in which the gap between generations is minimized—of those interviewed, all spoke Kurdish at home with their families, and many young people in the community attend language and cultural classes hosted at the center. For the younger generation especially, the nationalism tying together the

Kurdish community took on a particular importance. On the subject of cultural unifiers, one interviewee claimed that “for the youngest, it’s nationality. For the old people, religion.”23 Most seemed to agree that subsequent generations in Nashville tended to place less of a priority on religion than those who originally came to American from Kurdistan, yet the levels of pride in their Kurdish heritage are not diminished. Members of the younger generation tended to view the

Salahadeen Center as a “Kurdish cultural center,”24 designed for the express purpose of promoting “Kurdish nationality” amongst the community. Nationality thereby becomes a more inclusive aspect of Little Kurdistan, a tool that allows younger generations perhaps more distanced from the religion of their parents to still access the community.

22 "Little Kurdistan 2." Interview by author. August 6, 2016. 23 "Little Kurdistan 3." Interview by author. August 7, 2016. 24 "Little Kurdistan 2." Interview by author. August 6, 2016.

Torrens 12

Finally, emphasizing the role of nationality over religion in unifying the Kurdish community in Nashville aids in the creation of an insular community based around a common vision of a united Kurdistan. The persecution and oppression of the Kurds back in Kurdistan,25 in conjunction with the international community’s tendency to marginalize and exclude the Kurdish narrative from mass media creates an environment in which members of Little Kurdistan are looking both forward and backward, both towards a future in America but also towards the

“homeland”26 left behind. Many of those interviewed had gone back to visit family in Kurdistan since moving to America, and held high hopes of moving permanently to Kurdistan eventually.

Members of different waves of migration and generations each remarked that most of the newspapers, books, and media they consumed were produced in Kurdistan or related to

Kurdistan. The community of Little Kurdistan itself developed and grew due to the residence of the original migration wave in 1976. In one interview, the Kurds in American diaspora were likened to sheep, as “if sheep see one sheep go into one direction, and they notice that, everybody going behind him. So we, as the Kurdish, we call ourselves a white sheep, we are like this. So you can imagine probably there’s 25 to 35 thousand Kurdish here, and that’s because we are sheep. We all go together.”27 The desire to create a home for the Kurdish people, even in diaspora, is an influential element in the formation of identity in Little Kurdistan. Members of the community stated that if given the option, under improving circumstances, there was no doubt they would go home to Kurdistan, and most were sure that a majority of the Little

Kurdistan community felt the same. Throughout every interview, the language used in relation to

25 Bengio, Ofra. "The “Kurdish Spring” in Turkey and Its Impact on Turkish Foreign Relations in the Middle East." Turkish Studies 12, no. 4 (2011): 619-32. doi:10.1080/14683849.2011.622509. 26 "Little Kurdistan 2." Interview by author. August 6, 2016. 27 "Little Kurdistan 4." Interview by author. August 7, 2016.

Torrens 13

Kurdistan was possessive: “our country,”28 “my country,”29 “our home.”30 There is an understanding in the Kurdish community in Nashville that everyone is on roughly the same page when it comes to the politics surrounding Kurdistan and Kurdish liberation, allowing the community to unite around a common theme of overcoming oppression. Community organizers often run fundraisers and political activism campaigns,31 rallying the community to send thousands of pounds of supplies back in support of Kurdish forces in Kurdistan. This common cause allows the community to bring together support from every source, tying together members from different countries of origin, backgrounds, generations, and religious beliefs.

The Role of Marriage in Diasporic Cultural Maintenance

Marriage in a diasporic community can serve as an important element of cultural continuation. Marrying within the community allows for the promotion and propagation of the factors of religion, nationalism, and tradition between generations. In an opinion editorial on

Pashtun marriages in diaspora, Samira Sayed-Rahman wrote that “in most diasporic communities, marriage is a central pillar in the preservation of a community’s cultural and social identity.”32 Even within the community, marriages allow members of the community from varying ethnic or religious backgrounds to unite, further bringing together the community as a whole. One interviewee discussed the role of marriage in lessening community divisions, saying that older generations may tend to divide more on the basis of national origin, but that these differences are overcome in situations where “someone’s son marries someone’s daughter and

28 Ibid. 29 "Little Kurdistan 2." Interview by author. August 6, 2016. 30 "Little Kurdistan 1." Interview by author. August 6, 2016. 31 Campbell, Monica. "Touring a Kurdish Capital in the US." BBC News. August 29, 2014. Accessed December 11, 2016. http://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-28891241. 32 Sayed-Rahman, Samira. "The Changing Face Of Marriage For Pashtun Diaspora Women." April 7, 2015. Accessed December 11, 2016. http://gandhara.rferl.org/a/marriage-pashtun-diaspora-women/26942128.html.

Torrens 14 they have a talk.”33 Marriage symbolically unites factions within the community while simultaneously allowing Kurdish culture in diaspora to flourish. When referencing motivations behind marriage in Little Kurdistan, one member described how people are “afraid of losing their identity”34 or of their children losing Kurdish identity through marriage, a fear countered by a heavy emphasis on marrying within the community.

The tendency of the community to prioritize endogenous relationships and marriages while discouraging exogenous ones creates a close-knit community seemingly impervious to those outside the Kurdish diaspora. Marriage is an integral ceremony and institution in Kurdish culture. Kurdish traditions surrounding marriage have been maintained in the Nashville diaspora as closely as possible. Many marriages are performed ceremonially at the Salahadeen Center and then followed by a trip to a local government office to obtain proper licenses. Through interview questions relating to the topic of marriage in Little Kurdistan, the role of marriage in uniting the community and the prioritization of endogenous over exogenous marriages became evident.

Endogenous marriages are heavily prioritized in Little Kurdistan. Each interview participant cited pressures from family and friends to date and marry within the Kurdish community, and many suggested that significant others from outside the community would never be accepted. In discussing the societal pressures to marry endogenously, many referenced an undefined “they” as the propagators of these pressures: “they want Kurdish, [with] Kurdish,”35

“they don’t want the culture to die out,”36 marrying someone not Kurdish will cause “all hell to break loose. I swear, they will gossip until they can’t gossip anymore.”37 This reliance on an unspecified “they” in reference to the Kurdish community as a whole speaks to the unity of

33 "Little Kurdistan 3." Interview by author. August 7, 2016 34 "Little Kurdistan 2." Interview by author. August 6, 2016. 35 "Little Kurdistan 4." Interview by author. August 7, 2016. 36 "Little Kurdistan 3." Interview by author. August 7, 2016. 37 Ibid.

Torrens 15 opinion believed to tie the population together. For those who do marry into the community from outside, they “are not that welcome, even inside the family. For the boys, they are not that welcome. For the girls, [shakes head], out.”38 For many within the community, this is seen as a way of protecting Kurdish culture even in diaspora, and ties into the common experiences of and opinions on Kurdistan held by most of the community. As one interviewee put it, this is “because

Kurds just stick with Kurds,”39 reflecting the matter-of-fact manner in which all participants referenced the commonly held distaste for exogenous marriages. A similar study on the experiences of a Kurdish diaspora in Finland, conducted by Östen Wahlbeck in Diaspora

Studies, found similar tendencies to prioritize marriage within the Kurdish community, though younger generations in Finland were more likely than previous generations to date outside the

Kurdish group.40 The focus on endogenous marriages in diaspora links to the emphasis on

Kurdish nationality that is so central to the community in Little Kurdistan, as that Kurdish nationality isn’t seen as something that can be shared or fully understood by outsiders.

I also had the opportunity to interview a woman who had converted to Islam and married into the Kurdish community, one of the few non-Kurdish residents of Little Kurdistan. Her experiences are unique in that they both corroborate and conflict with the narrative of Kurdish marriages in diaspora presented by interviews with Kurdish members of the community. An interview with Sarah Hassan (name changed to protect privacy) provided an interesting case study for the experiences of an ethnic outsider seemingly accepted into the Little Kurdistan community. Sarah converted to Islam and married a Kurdish immigrant over 20 years ago, moving to Nashville shortly after. Her descriptions of 20 years in Little Kurdistan seem to

38 "Little Kurdistan 4." Interview by author. August 7, 2016. 39 "Little Kurdistan 3." Interview by author. August 7, 2016. 40Wahlbeck, Östen. "The Kurdish Refugee Diaspora in Finland." Diaspora Studies 5, no. 1 (2012): 44-57. doi:10.1080/09739572.2013.764124.

Torrens 16 disprove the accounts of prejudice against outsiders described in other interviews with Kurdish residents. Instead, Sarah claims that in her experience, “they really are very welcoming” and that if she went “anywhere right now, any city in the US, any city in Europe, if I know there’s a

Kurdish person, they would give me a place to stay, they would give me a dinner, just cause they’re a fellow Kurd.”41 On surface, Sarah’s positive experience in the Little Kurdistan community contradicts the exclusion and hostility described by others. Yet her story is intriguing due to its uniqueness. I would argue that Sarah’s acceptance into the Kurdish-American community in Nashville was heavily dependent on her language acquisition, religious conversion, and her move to Nashville after already having married her Kurdish husband. Sarah speaks fluent Kurmanji at home with her children and out in the community, making a point to speak with Kurdish community members in their own language, because “if you know their language they kind of consider you one of their own, almost.”42 Her emphasis on language acquisition and conversion to Islam allows Sarah to participate in community life in the area and at the Salahadeen Center, where several programs are conducted in Kurdish. In addition, Sarah’s husband and his family were among a group of Kurdish refugees settled originally in North

Dakota from northern Iraq, and moved down to Nashville together in 1996 as part of a “caravan of cars”43 of Kurdish people settling down in Nashville to join the preexisting Kurdish community there. Sarah’s case provides an interesting counterexample to traditional assimilation theory. Through this lens, Sarah felt compelled to fit in with the community through lingual and cultural shifts towards the norms of Little Kurdistan, though the diasporic community is a minority in Nashville. Sarah’s positive experience in joining the Little Kurdistan community,

41 "Little Kurdistan 2." Interview by author. August 6, 2016. 42 Ibid. 43 Ibid.

Torrens 17 therefore, may not be entirely indicative of perceptions of outsiders in the community, though it serves as an interesting point of comparison.

Hospitality Culture in Little Kurdistan

A spirit and tradition of hospitality between waves of migration to Nashville unifies the community despite generational differences between those who came first and later waves of immigration. Hospitality is a central value for the Kurdish community both in diaspora and back in Kurdistan. Stories of hospitality and kindness even to strangers littered each and every interview, with countless positive descriptions of the community’s ability to rally in support of one another no matter the struggle or cost. In addition to the aforementioned fundraising and donation campaigns to send supplies back to Kurdistan, philanthropy and service are heavily emphasized within Little Kurdistan. This spirit of hospitality is most prevalently seen individually within the community, structurally through the Salahadeen Center and its programming, and also between waves of migration to Nashville, creating a community defined by its willingness to sacrifice everything for one another. The hospitality culture in Little

Kurdistan serves as a point of pride, an element of the community that everyone can support.

On an individual to individual level, the value placed on hospitality in Little Kurdistan closely matches descriptions of hospitality culture in Kurdistan. Interview participants claimed that hospitality is “in our blood,” defining “a different culture” 44 from Nashville for Little

Kurdistan. Visitors are treated with the highest respect, friends are treated like family, and the needs of others are met no matter the cost. Interviews brought out stories of helping those in need in the community regardless of one’s financial situation. One man mentioned in his interview that for him, having guests over means providing an abundance of food and drink, no matter his

44 "Little Kurdistan 4." Interview by author. August 7, 2016.

Torrens 18 own financial situation.45 This emphasis on helping others before yourself serves to bring together the community through feelings of empathy and sacrifice.

In terms of structured philanthropy in the community, the Salahadeen Center runs events and charitable drives to support those in need. In one interview, the participant described a recent push by the center to raise support for a family that had recently migrated from Syria during

Ramadan. Within a day, the community had rallied to raise over $1200 and hundreds of donations of furniture, clothing, and toys for the family. The Salahadeen Center plays an important role in raising awareness for causes in the community, serving as a vessel through which those in need can find support and those willing to help can benefit others. Local restaurants and groceries also pitch in to support not only those in need, but also often cater community events and festivals for free.

The Kurdish emphasis on hospitality culture has also been instrumental in the development of Little Kurdistan itself. Defined by major waves of migration, the experiences of each successive group of migrants were eased by the hospitality of those who came before. Each person I interviewed had a story of someone who had helped them or their family in the early days in Nashville, spending time and money to help new migrants find jobs, complete paperwork, and learn English. Memories of initial aid often drive current philanthropy as well, as one member of the community recalled, “in ‘93 we didn’t have nothing, and now we have everything, so we have to [help others] … you know, we were in their shoes too, we help each other.”46 The experiences of hospitality between successive waves of migration to Little

Kurdistan serve to bring together the community despite different origins or dialects. For new

45 Ibid. 46 "Little Kurdistan 1." Interview by author. August 6, 2016.

Torrens 19 migrants, Kurdish hospitality culture can serve as “a safety blanket at first,”47 an element of comfort in what is often a stressful migration experience. The community is stronger and closer through this emphasis on hospitality.

Conclusion

As the Kurdish population in Nashville increases, the community in Little Kurdistan will continue to grow and develop. What began with a small community centered around the

Salahadeen Center has grown to a population estimated to be over 13,000. As the community grows and evolves, it is certain that the factors bringing it together will evolve as well. Little

Kurdistan has achieved its goal of keeping together a minority community in diaspora through emphasis on national identity, endogenous relationships, and the spirit of hospitality.

Yet as the community grows in size and becomes more known to outsiders, the narratives used to describe its formation become increasingly important. In current literature surrounding migration and immigrant experiences in the United States, measurements involving assimilation, or movements to and from a designated sense of “American-ness,” are used in attempts to typify the immigrant experiences. What we miss when we emphasize assimilation in our research, however, is the diversity of culture and thought that exist within diasporic communities. Through the interviews conducted in Little Kurdistan, this research celebrates diasporic culture without imposing judgment as to how the culture compares to any monolithic definition of “American” culture. In addition, the experiences described in Little Kurdistan allow for research into a predominantly Muslim community without depending upon the lens of Islamophobia present in much of the current literature on the subject. Those who were interviewed made it clear that discrimination on the basis of religion played little to no role in their everyday lives in Nashville,

47 "Little Kurdistan 2." Interview by author. August 6, 2016.

Torrens 20 implying that evaluation of the community on the basis of Islamophobia would not serve as an effective form of analysis.

This research into Little Kurdistan provides an example of a community that continuously resists definition through these lenses of assimilation and Islamophobia. Through the maintenance of norms and traditions, the community on Nolensville Pike has created a space for Kurdish culture in diaspora. The Salahadeen Center has become the literal and metaphorical center of the community, allowing members from all different generations and backgrounds to come together in celebration of a common national identity.

Selected Bibliography

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"Little Kurdistan 3." Interview by author. August 7, 2016. "Little Kurdistan 4." Interview by author. August 7, 2016. "Little Kurdistan 5." Interview by author. August 8, 2016. "Nashville's Growing Community of Kurdish Americans." Thekurdishproject.org. June 8, 2015. Accessed December 11, 2016. http://thekurdishproject.org/latest-news/us-kurdish- relations/nashville-growing-community-of-kurdish-americans/. "The Kurdish Diaspora." Institutkurde.org. Accessed December 11, 2016. http://www.institutkurde.org/en/kurdorama/. "Timeline: Saddam Hussein's Iraq." Almanac of Policy Issues. October 2002. Accessed December 11, 2016. http://www.policyalmanac.org/world/archive/iraq_timeline.shtml. "Who Are the Kurds?" BBC News. March 14, 2016. Accessed December 12, 2016. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-29702440. Bengio, Ofra. "The “Kurdish Spring” in Turkey and Its Impact on Turkish Foreign Relations in the Middle East." Turkish Studies 12, no. 4 (2011): 619-32. doi:10.1080/14683849.2011.622509. Benvenuto, Jeff. "Al-Anfal and the Genocide of Iraqi Kurds, 1988." Accessed December 11, 2016. https://www.ncas.rutgers.edu/center-study-genocide-conflict-resolution-and- human-rights/al-anfal-and-genocide-iraqi-kurds-1988. Campbell, Monica. "Touring a Kurdish Capital in the US." BBC News. August 29, 2014. Accessed December 11, 2016. http://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-28891241. Fletcher, Holly. "Idea 'blossomed' into Tour of Nashville's Little Kurdistan." The Tennessean. April 18, 2016. Accessed December 11, 2016. http://www.tennessean.com/story/news/local/2016/04/17/tour-of-little-kurdistan-just- blossomed/83097060/. Gilbert, Alia. "Little Kurdistan, USA." BROWNBOOK. July/August 2015. Accessed December 11, 2016. http://brownbook.me/little-kurdistan-usa/. Greenman, Emily, and Yu Xie. "Is Assimilation Theory Dead? The Effect of Assimilation on Adolescent Well-being." Social Science Research 37, no. 1 (2008): 109-37. doi:10.1016/j.ssresearch.2007.07.003. Hanes, Stephanie. "Immigration: Assimilation and the Measure of an American." July 07, 2013. Accessed December 11, 2016. http://www.csmonitor.com/USA/Society/2013/0707/Immigration-Assimilation-and-the- measure-of-an-American. Hermansen, M.K. “The Muslims of San Diego.” In Muslim Communities in North America, edited by Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and Jane Idleman Smith, 176-190. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1994. Jubera, Drew. "Nashville Proud to Be Home of Little Kurdistan." Ekurd.net. January 30, 2005. Accessed December 11, 2016. http://ekurd.net/mismas/articles/misc2005/1/vote127.htm. Karimi, Hero. "The Kurdish Immigrant Experience and a Growing American Community." The

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Independent Gateway to Kurdish News and Analyses. February 2010. Accessed December 11, 2016. http://www.kurdishherald.com/issue/v002/001/article04.php. Karimi, Hero. "The Kurdish Immigrant Experience and a Growing American Community." Ekurd.net. February 19, 2010. Accessed December 11, 2016. http://ekurd.net/mismas/articles/misc2010/2/kurdsworldwide436.htm. Lowrey, Ava. "Exploring Little Kurdistan in Music City." February 12, 2016. Accessed December 11, 2016. https://www.southernfoodways.org/exploring-little-kurdistan-in- music-city/. Majid, Anouar. Islam and America: Building a Future without Prejudice. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2015. Piven, Ben. "Immigrants Thrive in US Country Music Capital." Al Jazeera English. October 15, 2012. Accessed December 11, 2016. http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2012/10/2012101562146831853.html. Rogg, Inga, and Hans Rimscha. "The Kurds as Parties to and Victims of Conflicts in Iraq." International Review of the Red Cross 89, no. 868 (December 2007). doi:10.1017/s1816383108000143. Saktanber, Ayşe. Living Islam: Women, Religion and the Politicization of Culture in Turkey. London: I.B. Tauris, 2002. Sayed-Rahman, Samira. "The Changing Face Of Marriage For Pashtun Diaspora Women." April 7, 2015. Accessed December 11, 2016. http://gandhara.rferl.org/a/marriage-pashtun- diaspora-women/26942128.html. Swicord, Jeff. "Kurds from Iraq Seek Asylum in the US." Voanews.com. October 31, 2009. Accessed December 11, 2016. http://www.voanews.com/a/a-13-2005-05-04- voa53/396385.html. Wahlbeck, Östen. "The Kurdish Refugee Diaspora in Finland." Diaspora Studies 5, no. 1 (2012): 44-57. doi:10.1080/09739572.2013.764124. Wnptvideos. Little Kurdistan | Next Door Neighbors | NPT. June 02, 2009. Accessed December 11, 2016. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rWS0TqtpVSc&t=1s.