Productivity and Competitiveness: Where Does France Stand in the Euro Zone?
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In the Early 2000S, the Music Industry Was Shocked When Internet Users Started Sharing Copyrighted Works Through Peer-To-Peer Networks Such As Napster
In the early 2000s, the music industry was shocked when Internet users started sharing copyrighted works through peer-to-peer networks such as Napster. Software such as Napster made it very easy for people with digital copies of recorded music to share these digital copies with other users. The industry reacted by suing Napster and users of the software that allowed the digital sharing. While the industry’s lawsuits seemed like a reasonable reaction to this epidemic, it should have immediately established an online marketplace for digital music. Eventually, Apple did address the issue by releasing iTunes. Since the introduction of iTunes, the recording industry has seen a rise in profits. Users are willing to pay for digital music as long as the access to it is simple. However, these digital downloads from legal marketplaces are not actually sales; the purchases are actually licenses to the music. This means that a user who purchases a song cannot resale the song in a secondary marketplace because the first sale exception does not apply to licensed material. Courts have given the software and recording industry great power to control their copyrighted work, but it seems ridiculous that a user who purchases a song cannot sell their song when they no longer care to listen to it. The problem for the recording industry lies in the fact that the digital recording of the work is very easy to copy and transfer. If sales in the secondary market were allowed, one could easily make a digital copy then make then resale the original. It is very hard to track whether a copy of the work is still located on a hard drive, cloud, or other storage device. -
In What Way Is the Rhetoric Used in Youtube Videos Altering the Perception of the LGBTQ+ Community for Both Its Members and Non-Members?
In What Way Is the Rhetoric Used in YouTube Videos Altering the Perception of the LGBTQ+ Community for Both Its Members and Non-Members? NATALIE MAURER Produced in Thomas Wright’s Spring 2018 ENC 1102 Introduction The LBGTQ community has become a much more prevalent part of today's society. Over the past several years, the LGBTQ community has been recognized more equally in comparison to other groups in society. June 2015 was a huge turning point for the community due to the legalization of same sex marriage. The legalization of same sex marriage in June 2015 had a great impact on the LBGTQ community, as well as non-members. With an increase in new media platforms like YouTube, content on the LGBTQ community has become more accessible and more prevalent than decades ago. LGBTQ media has been represented in movies, television shows, short videos, and even books. The exposure of LQBTQ characters in a popular 2000s sitcom called Will & Grace paved the way for LGBTQ representation in media. A study conducted by Edward Schiappa and others concluded that exposure to LGBTQ communities through TV helped educate Americans, therefore reducing sexual prejudice. Unfortunately, the way the LBGTQ community is portrayed through online media such as YouTube has an effect on LGBTQ members and non-members, and it has yet to be studied. Most “young people's experiences are affected by the present context characterized by the rapidly increasing prevalence of new (online) media” because of their exposure to several media outlets (McInroy and Craig 32). This gap has led to the research question does the LGBTQ representation on YouTube negatively or positively represent this community to its members, and in what way is the community impacted by this representation as well as non- members? One positive way the LGBTQ community was represented through media was on the popular TV show Will & Grace. -
Air Transport Industry Analysis Report
Annual Analyses of the EU Air Transport Market 2016 Final Report March 2017 European Commission Annual Analyses related to the EU Air Transport Market 2016 328131 ITD ITA 1 F Annual Analyses of the EU Air Transport Market 2013 Final Report March 2015 Annual Analyses of the EU Air Transport Market 2013 MarchFinal Report 201 7 European Commission European Commission Disclaimer and copyright: This report has been carried out for the Directorate General for Mobility and Transport in the European Commission and expresses the opinion of the organisation undertaking the contract MOVE/E1/5-2010/SI2.579402. These views have not been adopted or in any way approved by the European Commission and should not be relied upon as a statement of the European Commission's or the Mobility and Transport DG's views. The European Commission does not guarantee the accuracy of the information given in the report, nor does it accept responsibility for any use made thereof. Copyright in this report is held by the European Communities. Persons wishing to use the contents of this report (in whole or in part) for purposes other than their personal use are invited to submit a written request to the following address: European Commission - DG MOVE - Library (DM28, 0/36) - B-1049 Brussels e-mail (http://ec.europa.eu/transport/contact/index_en.htm) Mott MacDonald, Mott MacDonald House, 8-10 Sydenham Road, Croydon CR0 2EE, United Kingdom T +44 (0)20 8774 2000 F +44 (0)20 8681 5706 W www.mottmac.com Issue and revision record StandardSta Revision Date Originator Checker Approver Description ndard A 28.03.17 Various K. -
The Four Health Systems of the United Kingdom: How Do They Compare?
The four health systems of the United Kingdom: how do they compare? Gwyn Bevan, Marina Karanikolos, Jo Exley, Ellen Nolte, Sheelah Connolly and Nicholas Mays Source report April 2014 About this research This report is the fourth in a series dating back to 1999 which looks at how the publicly financed health care systems in the four countries of the UK have fared before and after devolution. The report was commissioned jointly by The Health Foundation and the Nuffield Trust. The research team was led by Nicholas Mays at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine. The research looks at how the four national health systems compare and how they have performed in terms of quality and productivity before and after devolution. The research also examines performance in North East England, which is acknowledged to be the region that is most comparable to Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland in terms of socioeconomic and other indicators. This report, along with an accompanying summary report, data appendices, digital outputs and a short report on the history of devolution (to be published later in 2014), are available to download free of charge at www.nuffieldtrust.org.uk/compare-uk-health www.health.org.uk/compareUKhealth. Acknowledgements We are grateful: to government statisticians in the four countries for guidance on sources of data, highlighting problems of comparability and for checking the data we have used; for comments on the draft report from anonymous referees and from Vernon Bogdanor, Alec Morton and Laura Schang; and for guidance on national clinical audits from Nick Black and on nursing data from Jim Buchan. -
Import Competition and the Great US Employment Sag of the 2000S Author(S): Daron Acemoglu, David Autor, David Dorn, Gordon H
NORC at the University of Chicago The University of Chicago Import Competition and the Great US Employment Sag of the 2000s Author(s): Daron Acemoglu, David Autor, David Dorn, Gordon H. Hanson, and Brendan Price Source: Journal of Labor Economics, Vol. 34, No. S1 (Part 2, January 2016), pp. S141-S198 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Society of Labor Economists and the NORC at the University of Chicago Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/682384 . Accessed: 18/12/2015 07:23 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The University of Chicago Press, Society of Labor Economists, NORC at the University of Chicago, The University of Chicago are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Labor Economics. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 23.235.32.0 on Fri, 18 Dec 2015 07:23:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Import Competition and the Great US Employment Sag of the 2000s Daron Acemoglu, Massachusetts Institute of Technology and National Bureau of Economic Research David Autor, Massachusetts Institute of Technology and National Bureau of Economic Research David Dorn, University of Zurich and Centre for Economic Policy Research Gordon H. -
The Closing of the Radical Right Gender Gap in France?
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by SPIRE - Sciences Po Institutional REpository Original Article The closing of the radical right gender gap in France? Nonna Mayer Centre d’études européennes de Sciences Po (CEESP), 28 rue des Saints-Pères, Paris 75007, France. Abstract One of the earliest and best-established finding about electoral support for populist radical right-wing parties is that they attract more men than women. Yet this finding might no longer apply to France. In the 2012, presidential election, contrary to her father, Marine Le Pen, the new leader of the Front National (FN), realized almost the same score among female and male voters. After controlling for other sociodemographic and attitudinal variables that explain electoral support for the FN, there is no difference between male and female voters’ support for the party. This article examines the closing of this gender gap in radical right-wing voting, drawing on post-electoral surveys con- ducted in 2002, 2012 and 2014. After a brief outline of the literature dealing with the emergence of the ‘Radical Right Gender Gap (RRGG)’, it ascertains the disappearance of a RRGG gender in 2012, tests possible explanations for this phenomenon and debates whether this is a temporary or a lasting one. French Politics (2015) 13, 391–414. doi:10.1057/fp.2015.18 Keywords: France; Front National; Marine Le Pen; gender; radical right gender gap One of the earliest and best-established findings about electoral support for populist radical right-wing parties1 is that they attract proportionately more men than women (Betz, 1994, p. -
Strategy, Grand Strategy, and the Enduring War on Terror 3
A HOOVER INSTITUTION ESSAY ON A US STRATEGIC VISION IN A CHANGING WORLD Strategy, Grand Strategy, and the Enduring War on Terror HAL BRANDS Strategy, in national security as in other fields, consists of using the available means to accomplish some important end. Grand strategy requires, among other things, incorporating a nation’s various strategies into a coherent—and solvent—whole. There can be, then, an inherent tension between the demands of successful strategy and those of sustainable grand strategy, for the requirements of maintaining solvency across the range of national programs may limit the amount of resources made available to accomplish some particular objective or meet some pressing threat. This is precisely the challenge the United States faces today in dealing with the problem of jihadist terrorism: the demands of strategy and the demands of grand strategy are Islamism and the International Order International the and Islamism becoming progressively harder to reconcile. The United States has now been fighting a global war on terror (GWOT) for nearly two decades, but the threat posed by extremist groups—particularly those capable of creating geographic safe havens and mounting significant external attacks— remains. The confrontation with al-Qaeda’s “core” after 9/11 led to a struggle against the al-Qaeda “affiliates” in Iraq and elsewhere. That struggle continues, even as the campaign against the Islamic State in Iraq and al-Sham (often referred to as ISIS) has taken pride of place in American counterterrorism strategy since 2014. No sooner has the United States suppressed or even defeated one terrorist organization, it often seems, than a new and dangerous successor or group of successors takes its place. -
Policy Analysis in French Local Government Alain Faure, Emmanuel Négrier
Policy analysis in French local government Alain Faure, Emmanuel Négrier To cite this version: Alain Faure, Emmanuel Négrier. Policy analysis in French local government. Charlotte Halpern; Patrick Hassenteufel; Philippe Zittoun. Policy Analysis in France, The Policy press, pp.119-135, 2017, 9781447324218. 10.1332/policypress/9781447324218.003.0007. halshs-01667336 HAL Id: halshs-01667336 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01667336 Submitted on 3 Jan 2018 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. SEVEN Policy analysis in French local government Alain Faure and Emmanuel Négrier The subject of the present chapter attempts to ‘deconstruct’ the French territorial question and demonstrate that territorial policy analysis can break free from the limitations imposed by the primarily ‘statist’ conceptual framework in which it has hitherto been viewed. In the first section of the chapter, we indicate the scale and nature of the present political and administrative territorial structures and comment also on the paucity of academic research work on this subject. In the second section, we highlight the main changes in the territorial framework of policy building, through an evolution from vertical to horizontal dialectic of powers and capacities. -
University of Oklahoma Graduate College Legacies of Empire: Greater France from Colonialism to Terrorism a Thesis Submitted To
UNIVERSITY OF OKLAHOMA GRADUATE COLLEGE LEGACIES OF EMPIRE: GREATER FRANCE FROM COLONIALISM TO TERRORISM A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS IN INTERNATIONAL STUDIES By MONICA GOODWIN Norman, Oklahoma 2016 LEGACIES OF EMPIRE: GREATER FRANCE FROM COLONIALISM TO TERRORISM A THESIS APPROVED FOR THE COLLEGE OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES BY __________________________ Dr. Jessica Pearson-Patel, Chair __________________________ Dr. Emily Rook-Koepsel __________________________ Dr. Michael Winston © Copyright by MONICA GOODWIN 2016 All Rights Reserved. Table of Contents Abstract………………………………………………… v Introduction……………………………………………. 1 Chapter 1……………………………………………….. 8 Chapter 2……………………………………………….. 37 Chapter 3……………………………………………….. 57 Conclusion……………………………………………... 72 Bibliography……………………………………………. 73 iv Abstract Legacies of empire: Greater France from colonialism to terrorism Author: Monica Goodwin (University of Oklahoma 2016) In this thesis, I argue that the legacies of empire and colonization are influencing the development of French identity and are challenging notions of contemporary French society. I argue that these colonial legacies reached a watershed moment in 1989 with the headscarf affair and further provoked violent and socially divisive events such as the 2005 riots and the 2015 terrorist attacks. Furthermore, I argue that the effects of France’s colonial past have created a psychological empire that is negatively affecting many of France’s youths of immigrant -
Burkina Faso and Around the World
The Costs of United States’ Post-9/11 “Security Assistance”: How Counterterrorism Intensified Conflict in Burkina Faso and Around the World Stephanie Savell1 March 4, 2021 Summary Since 9/11, President George W. Bush’s “GloBal War on Terror” has morphed into many United States military operations and other government programs run out of civilian offices for military purposes around the world. The U.S. conducts a significant portion of the post-9/11 war effort in the name of offering “training and assistance in counterterrorism” to over 79 countries.2 Many governments use the U.S. narrative of terrorism and counterterrorism, along with the accompanying financial, political, and institutional resources given them by the U.S., to repress minority groups, justify authoritarianism, and facilitate illicit profiteering, all while failing to address poverty and other structural proBlems that lead to widespread frustration with the state. Thus, in a vicious cycle, what the U.S. calls security assistance actually accomplishes the opposite. Around the world, it has fed insecurity, bolstering the militants that react against the government injustices exacerBated by this aid. This paper examines the effects of U.S. security assistance and the profound costs of “helping” other nations wage their own “wars on terror.” The paper draws on the case of Burkina Faso, a landlocked country in the West African Sahel, to which the U.S. has been providing counterterrorism funding and training since 2009. It was only several years later, starting in 2016, that Burkina Faso Began to confront militant violence linked to what local people call “jihadism.” Today’s conflict is rooted in complex regional dynamics, and several parties are responsiBle for committing violence, but the focus here is on the role of the U.S. -
21St Century Town Hall Meetings in the 1990S and 2000S: Deliberative Demonstrations and the Commodification of Oliticalp Authenticity in an Era of Austerity
Journal of Public Deliberation Volume 15 Issue 2 Town Meeting Politics in the United States: The Idea and Practice of an American Article 2 Myth 2019 21st Century Town Hall Meetings in the 1990s and 2000s: Deliberative Demonstrations and the Commodification of oliticalP Authenticity in an Era of Austerity Caroline W. Lee Lafayette College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://www.publicdeliberation.net/jpd Recommended Citation Lee, Caroline W. (2019) "21st Century Town Hall Meetings in the 1990s and 2000s: Deliberative Demonstrations and the Commodification of oliticalP Authenticity in an Era of Austerity," Journal of Public Deliberation: Vol. 15 : Iss. 2 , Article 2. Available at: https://www.publicdeliberation.net/jpd/vol15/iss2/art2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Public Deliberation. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Public Deliberation by an authorized editor of Public Deliberation. 21st Century Town Hall Meetings in the 1990s and 2000s: Deliberative Demonstrations and the Commodification of oliticalP Authenticity in an Era of Austerity Abstract The public participation field grew dramatically in the United States during the 1990s and 2000s, in part due to the flagship dialogue and deliberation organization AmericaSpeaks and its trademarked 21st Century Town Hall Meeting method for large group decision-making. Drawing on participant observation of three such meetings and a multi-method ethnography of the larger field, I place these meetings in context as experimental deliberative demonstrations during a time of ferment regarding declining citizen capacity in the United States. AmericaSpeaks’ town meetings were branded as politically authentic alternatives to ordinary politics, but as participatory methods and empowerment discourses became popular with a wide variety of public and private actors, the organization failed to find a sustainable business model. -
Military Service and Political Behavior: Evidence from France
European Economic Review 122 (2020) 103364 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect European Economic Review journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/euroecorev Military service and political behavior: Evidence from France ∗ Etienne Fize a,b, Charles Louis-Sidois a,c, a Sciences Po, Department of Economics, 28 rue des Saints-Pères, Paris 75007, France b French Council of Economic Analysis, 20 avenue de Ségur, Paris 75007, France c University of Mannheim, Collaborative Research Center 884 “Political Economy of Reforms”, B6, 30-32, Mannheim 68131, Germany a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t Article history: We investigate the impact of compulsory military service on turnout and political prefer- Received 17 December 2018 ences. Exploiting the suspension of mandatory conscription for French men, we observe a Accepted 12 December 2019 significant and positive impact of military service on turnout. We estimate that the service Available online 24 December 2019 increases turnout by approximately 7 percentage points. We also investigate the impact of conscription on political preferences. When we control for selection into the military JEL classification: D72 service, we observe no support for a change in preferences of former conscripts. F52 ©2019 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved. Keywords: Voting Turnout Political behavior Military service 1. Introduction “[...] re-establishing a compulsory national service is absolutely necessary, not only to teach citizens how to adapt to the [terrorist] threat, but also to strengthen national cohesion.” Emmanuel Macron, April 18, 2017 A renewed interest in national services has been observed the past few years.