Discourse As an Electoral Campaigning Tool: Exploiting the Emotions of Voters
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Lebanon: Managing the Gathering Storm
LEBANON: MANAGING THE GATHERING STORM Middle East Report N°48 – 5 December 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. A SYSTEM BETWEEN OLD AND NEW.................................................................. 1 A. SETTING THE STAGE: THE ELECTORAL CONTEST..................................................................1 B. THE MEHLIS EFFECT.............................................................................................................5 II. SECTARIANISM AND INTERNATIONALISATION ............................................. 8 A. FROM SYRIAN TUTELAGE TO WESTERN UMBRELLA?............................................................8 B. SHIFTING ALLIANCES..........................................................................................................12 III. THE HIZBOLLAH QUESTION ................................................................................ 16 A. “A NEW PHASE OF CONFRONTATION” ................................................................................17 B. HIZBOLLAH AS THE SHIITE GUARDIAN?..............................................................................19 C. THE PARTY OF GOD TURNS PARTY OF GOVERNMENT.........................................................20 IV. CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................. 22 A. A BROAD INTERNATIONAL COALITION FOR A NARROW AGENDA .......................................22 B. A LEBANESE COURT ON FOREIGN -
Lebanon: a Revolution Against Sectarianism Chronicling the First Month of the Uprising
The Anarchist Library (Mirror) Anti-Copyright Lebanon: A Revolution against Sectarianism Chronicling the First Month of the Uprising CrimethInc. CrimethInc. Lebanon: A Revolution against Sectarianism Chronicling the First Month of the Uprising November 13, 2019 Retrieved on 17th June 2021 from crimethinc.com Report courtesy of Joey Ayoub, writer. usa.anarchistlibraries.net November 13, 2019 Contents How It All Began ....................... 5 The Dual Nature of the Uprising .............. 7 Reclaiming Our Streets ................... 9 Tripoli, Light of the Revolution . 10 The South and East Rise ................... 13 The Establishment Fights Back . 16 Creative Energy ....................... 18 Subterranean Shockwaves . 20 The Revolution Is Feminine . 21 What Comes Next? ..................... 22 3 and, especially, Generation Zs—those who have lived their entire Since October 17, Lebanon has experienced countrywide lives hearing their parents complain “Where is the government?” demonstrations that have toppled the prime minister and trans- when they have to pay two separate bills for electricity (private formed Lebanese society. These demonstrations are part ofa and public) and three separate bills for water (private and public global wave of uprisings including Ecuador, Chile, Honduras, running water, private bottled drinking water). As the warlords Haiti, Sudan, Iraq, Hong Kong, and Catalunya, in which the get older—two of the most powerful ones, Aoun and Berri, are 84 exploited and oppressed are challenging the legitimacy of their and 81 respectively—we will see the inevitable decline of the sec- rulers. In Lebanon, a sectarian power-sharing arrangement dating tarianism of the civil war era. from the end of the civil war has created a permanent ruling But while this might be inevitable, the question is whether anti- class of warlords who use patronage networks to maintain power sectarian progressives will succeed in building sustainable alterna- by winning elections—confirming our thesis that politics iswar tives that can challenge the old order. -
The Economics of the Syrian Refugee Crisis in Neighboring Countries. The
DT/2016/11 DOCUMENT DE TRAVAIL DT/2018-14 The economics of the Syrian Health Shocks and Permanent Income refugee crisis in neighboring Loss: the Household Business Channel countries. The case of Lebanon Anda DAVID Mohamed Ali MAROUANI Charbel NAHAS Björn NILSSON Axel Demenet UMR DIAL 225 Place du Maréchal de Lattre de Tassigny 75775 • Paris •Tél. (33) 01 44 05 45 42 • Fax (33) 01 44 05 45 45 • 4, rue d’Enghien • 75010 Paris • Tél. (33) 01 53 24 14 50 • Fax (33) 01 53 24 14 51 E-mail : [email protected] • Site : www.dial.ird The economics of the Syrian refugee crisis in neighboring countries. The case of Lebanon Anda DAVIDi Mohamed Ali MAROUANIii Charbel NAHASiii Björn NILSSONiv Abstract In this article, we investigate the effects of a massive displacement of workers from a war-torn economy on the economy of a neighboring country. Applying a general equilibrium approach to the Lebanese economy, we explore effects from various components of the crisis on the labor market, the production apparatus, and macroeconomic indicators. Along with previous literature, our findings suggest limited or no adverse effects on high-skilled native workers, but a negative impact on the most vulnerable Lebanese workers is found. When aid takes the form of investment subsidies, significantly better growth and labor market prospects arise, recalling the necessity of complementing humanitarian aid with development aid to succeed in achieving long-term objectives. This may however not be politically viable in a context where refugees are considered as temporary. JEL: E17, F22, J15 Keywords: labor markets, macroeconomic impacts of refugees, Syrian crisis, Lebanon. -
Les Mariages Islamo-Chrétiens Au Liban
LES MARIAGES ISLAMO-CHRÉTIENS AU LIBAN : UNE ÉTUDE EMPIRIQUE ET THÉORIQUE TANNOUS Marie-Rose Thèse soumise à la Faculté de théologie de l’Université Saint-Paul dans le cadre des exigences du programme de Doctorat en théologie Ottawa, Canada Le 31 juillet 2014 © TANNOUS Marie-Rose, Ottawa, Canada, 2014 1 INTRODUCTION GÉNÉRALE ............................................................................................ 9 La passion comme source d’inspiration ................................................................................. 9 Énoncé du problème ............................................................................................................. 10 État de la question ................................................................................................................ 12 Hypothèse de recherche ........................................................................................................ 14 Méthodologie ........................................................................................................................ 14 A. La description des cas .................................................................................................15 B. Les étapes suivies dans notre analyse de cas ..............................................................19 PARTIE I .............................................................................................................................. 26 Chapitre I ............................................................................................................................. -
Lebanon's Uprising
Lebanon’s Uprising Human Rights Violations Throughout a Year of Demonstrations 25 November 2020 Centre Libanais des Droits Humains THIS STUDY IS SUPPORTED BY THE EMBASSY OF THE KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS IN BEIRUT AS PART OF THE RIGHTS-BASED APPROACH TO ADDRESS THE SYRIAN CRISIS AS WELL AS TORTURE IN LEBANON PROJECT. This document has been produced with the support and financial assistance of the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Beirut. The contents of this document are the sole responsibility of The Lebanese Center for Human Rights and can under no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands in Beirut. 1 Table of Contents List of Acronyms 4 List of Tables and Charts 5 Introduction 6 About CLDH 6 1. Section One: Objectives and Background 8 1.1 Objectives of the report 8 1.2 International and Domestic Legal Framework 8 1.2.1 The UDHR and ICCPR 8 1.2.2 Human Rights Obligations 9 1.3 The Lebanese Political Uprising 15 1.3.1 October 17, 2019 15 1.3.2 Timeline of Protests, Harms, and Political Events 15 2. Section Two: Methodology 16 2.1 Literature Review 16 2.2 Survey 16 2.3 Key Informant Interviews 17 2.4 Mini Group Discussions 18 2.5 Limitations 18 3. Section Three: Findings 19 3.1 Human Rights Violations 19 3.1.1 Individual Case Examples of Rights Violations 19 3.1.2 General Human Rights Violations 22 Arbitrary Arrest and Detention 22 Enforced Disappearance 22 Equal Application of the Law/Non-discrimination 23 Excessive Use of Force 23 Freedom of Assembly, Opinion and Expression 24 Torture 26 Right to Life 27 Right to a Remedy 27 3.1.3 Legal Responsibilities of Police Forces 27 2 3.2 Violent Events and Political Factors 29 3.2.1 How Civil Society Organizations Can Address Violent Events 29 3.2.2 Opinions and Perceptions of Violent Events 29 3.3 Public knowledge and understanding of human rights 31 3.4 Perceptions of the Uprising 38 3.4.1 Perception of Survey Respondents 38 3.4.2 Perception of Key informants and MGD Participants 39 3.5 Human Rights Abuses After the Port of Beirut Explosion 41 4. -
This Is Not a Revolution: the Sectarian Subject's Alternative In
This is Not a Revolution: The Sectarian Subject’s Alternative in Postwar Lebanon Diana El Richani Under the Supervision of Dr. Meg Stalcup Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the Master’s of Arts in Anthropology School of Sociological and Anthropological Studies Faculty of Social Science University of Ottawa ©Diana El Richani, Ottawa, Canada, 2017 Design by William El Khoury Photography by Diana El Richani ii Acknowledgment This work would not have been possible without the support and encouragement of the many people in my life, both in Canada and across the ocean, in Lebanon. Foremost, I thank my supervisor Meg Stalcup for her continuous support, guidance, and encouragement through the countless deadlines and panic-driven days, even weeks. I thank my committee members, Vincent Mirza and Thushara Hewage, for their advice, support, and interest in my work. I also thank my cohort for their support and encouragement throughout the storms. Without the sacrifices and support of my parents, Kamal and Maya, none of this would have been possible. I offer my thanks and love to them, whom I’ve deeply missed over the course of the last few years. And of course, I send love to my brothers, Jamil and Sammy. I thank my friends – William, Ely, Omar, and Zein - for the endless support, the painful laughs, and good company. The heavenly home cooked food definitely did help in those gloomy days. I love these people. I thank Kareem for his constant support and insight. I thank the amazing people that I have had the honor to meet because of this work. -
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Government (non-)formation in contemporary Lebanon: sectarianism, power-sharing, and economic immobilism. Catherine Batruni, Marcus Hallinan Abstract Four months after the parliamentary elections, the Lebanese state is still without a government. Politicians have been hindering the configuration of a new cabinet in order to maximise their own personal gains. This paper probes the positions of the most prominent political parties in the country, namely the Lebanese Forces, Free Patriotic Movement, Progressive Socialist Party, Lebanese Democratic Party, Future Movement, and Hezbollah, and examines the repercussions of this political vacuum on the economy. We raise the question: why does Lebanon continually find itself in this recurring situation where it is incapable of forming a timely government after elections? We argue that the political structure and sectarian arrangement of the Lebanese government allow such dysfunction to flourish through an absence of accountability measures in the constitution and a prioritizing of sectarian equilibrium as the primary factor in electing a government. Keywords: Lebanese Sectarian System, Power Dynamics, Lebanese Politics To cite this paper: Catherine Batruni, Marcus Hallinan, "Government (non-)formation in contemporary Lebanon: sectarianism, power-sharing, and economic immobilism. ", Civil Society Knowledge Center, Lebanon Support, September, 2018 . DOI: 10.28943/CSKC.002.60002. [ONLINE]: https://civilsociety-centre.org/paper/government-non-formation-contemporary-lebanon-sectarianism- power-sharing-and-economic Introduction Contemporary Lebanese political life has been one of maximal delays. Customarily, parliamentary [1] elections must transpire every 4 years, although this is not explicitly stated in the constitution. After 9 years of regular postponements and the fabrication of a new electoral law, Lebanon held its most recent parliamentary elections on May 6, 2018. -
Lebanon's Catalyst for Renewal
LEBANON’S CATALYST FOR RENEWAL BILAL Y. SAAB FEBRUARY 2021 Photo above: Lebanese President, Michel Aoun (C) meets Former Prime Minister of Lebanon, Saad Hariri (R), and Speaker of the Parliament Nabih Berri (L) in Beirut, Lebanon on October 22, 2020. Photo by Lebanese Presidency/Handout/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images. The Arab uprisings of the past decade have produced some of the most glorious and memorable phrases. From al-shaab yurid isqat al-nizam (“the people want to topple the regime”) and irhal! (“leave!”) to thawra! (“revolution!”) and Killon yaani killon silmiya, silmiya (“peaceful, peaceful”), Arabs from various parts (“all of them means of the region and all walks of life have joined together in chant expressing their desire for justice, dignity, and opportunity. all of them”) is an incredibly heavy Though revolutionary slogans by definition are imbued with lift. Probably an idealism, one seemed to stand out from the rest for its boldness impossible one too. and rejection of compromise. Killon yaani killon (“all of them means all of them”)1 was heard across Lebanon in 2019 when thousands of Lebanese took to the streets demanding the removal of not just a political leader or a government but the entire political class for its systematic corruption and direct role in leading the country to financial ruin and humanitarian catastrophe. 2 “What might serve as a catalyst for change is civil society and reform- oriented political parties coming together to form a larger political force that can … gradually alter the political rules of the game.” Though this wasn’t the first time the Lebanese fought for their rights change in the country because on its own, it’s unlikely it will be — they did it in spectacular fashion on March 14, 2005 when they able to drastically reform what is a deeply entrenched sectarian and called for the ousting of Syrian troops from the country and again feudal system. -
Understanding the Dynamics of Lebanon's Protest Movementi
POLICY OUTLOOK POLICY OUTLOOK DISCUSSION PAPER Understanding the Dynamics of Lebanon’s Protest Movementi In the midst of a severe economic crisis, the protests that broke out in Lebanon on October 17th represent a potential monumental rupture in the country’s post-Civil War political and social order. Lebanon’s ruling class has been shaken and traditional political dynamics have been disrupted. Yet, in a state often characterised as weak, the political and social regime premised on sectarian and confessional divisions remains strong. Attempts to re-enforce sectarian divisions by traditional political parties are a clear demonstration of this dynamic. While the protest movement continues to press its demands for the removal of what they see as a corrupted political class, an independent cabinet and new a new electoral law, many challenges remain. Understanding both the dynamics of the protest movement and the lenses through which politics are viewed in the country represents an important piece of the puzzle in understanding where the country may be heading and determining long-term policy solutions to the country’s economic, political and social ills. The opinions expressed in this policy outlook represent the views of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the TRT World Research Centre. POLICY OUTLOOK Introduction Background: The On October 17th 2019, Lebanon witnessed an outburst of popular anger ostensibly in reaction to the declared Ta’if Accord and intention to institute a ‘WhatsApp’ tax in the midst of an ongoing economic crisis. Widespread and largely the cementing of a unprecedented protests have been taking place across the country ever since. -
Lebanon's Unstable Equilibrium
LEBANON'S UNSTABLE EQUILIBRIUM AUTHOR Mona Yacoubian November 2009 UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE 1200 17th Street NW, Suite 200 Washington, D.C. 20036-3011 www.usip.org USIP Peace Briefing: Lebanon's Unstable Equilibrium INTRODUCTION Lebanon's recently announced national unity government has eased fears that the country would once again be mired in a dangerous political stalemate. Yet, despite the recent breakthrough, Lebanon's unstable equilibrium -- marked by both internal and regional tensions - - could still devolve into serious violence. Deep seated sectarian animosities persist, raising the prospects for political instability and civil strife if unaddressed. Regionally, mounting tensions with Israel raise the worrisome possibility of isolated border incidents spiraling into more serious conflict. Taken together these two underlying challenges to stability -- internal civil unrest and regional conflict with Israel -- could undermine Lebanon’s fragile peace. This paper will examine internal challenges to Lebanon’s stability. Formed five months after the June 2009 parliamentary elections, Prime Minister-designate Saad Hariri's consensus cabinet, comprised of his March 14th coalition together with members of the opposition March 8th bloc, is an essential step toward ensuring that Lebanon gains more stable footing. 1 The new government follows a compromise formula allotting 15 cabinet seats to the majority, 10 to the opposition, and five to President Michel Suleiman. While power-sharing arrangements are by nature less effective and more prone to stalemate, they are crucial to Lebanon’s delicately balanced confessional system and provide an essential pathway to civil peace. Beyond the new consensus government, two critical developments would help to facilitate peace and stability in Lebanon: . -
A Lebanese Protester Holds up a Lebanese National Flag in Front
Al Arabiya Will Lebanon’s presidential election ever happen? A Lebanese protester holds up a Lebanese national flag in front Lebanese security forces as they stand guard during a protest against the on-going trash crisis and government corruption, in downtown Beirut, Lebanon (AP) By Tarek Ali Ahmad Al Arabiya EnglishSaturday, 6 February 2016 is set to meet on Monday in a bid to fill the vacant post of president, making it the 36th time MPs have gone through the process in the past 20 months. The two candidates, Sleiman Frangieh - leader of the Marada movement, a political party and former militia group based in the northern city of Zgharta - and Michel Aoun - founder of the Free Patriotic Movement, the largest Christian political party in Lebanon - have each garnered support from their own parties as well as others in the Lebanese political scene. In order for a quorum to be reached, each contender must acquire at least two thirds of the parliamentary vote, and until now, both candidates have failed to reached the minimum. “I came to the conclusion that there will not be a presidential election in Lebanon in the coming period until we get a clearer picture of what is going on in Syria,” said Amin Ammourieh, a journalist and political analyst in Lebanon. “Neither Aoun nor Frangieh will win; it’s very difficult for either of them to get elected because neither is even able to secure a majority alone.” Both camp’s backers have stirred controversy within the nation, where allegiances never before thought possible have been formed. -
Establishing a Lebanese Senate: Bicameralism and the Third Republic
CDDRL Number 125 August 2012 WORKING PAPERS Establishing a Lebanese Senate: Bicameralism and the Third Republic Elias I. Muhanna Brown University Center on Democracy, Development, and The Rule of Law Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies Additional working papers appear on CDDRL’s website: http://cddrl.stanford.edu. Working Paper of the Program on Arab Reform and Democracy at CDDRL. About the Program on Arab Reform and Democracy: The Program on Arab Reform and Democracy examines the different social and political dynamics within Arab countries and the evolution of their political systems, focusing on the prospects, conditions, and possible pathways for political reform in the region. This multidisciplinary program brings together both scholars and practitioners - from the policy making, civil society, NGO (non-government organization), media, and political communities - as well as other actors of diverse backgrounds from the Arab world, to consider how democratization and more responsive and accountable governance might be achieved, as a general challenge for the region and within specific Arab countries. The program aims to be a hub for intellectual capital about issues related to good governance and political reform in the Arab world and allowing diverse opinions and voices to be heard. It benefits from the rich input of the academic community at Stanford, from faculty to researchers to graduate students, as well as its partners in the Arab world and Europe. Visit our website: arabreform.stanford.edu Center on Democracy, Development, and The Rule of Law Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies Stanford University Encina Hall Stanford, CA 94305 Phone: 650-724-7197 Fax: 650-724-2996 http://cddrl.stanford.edu/ About the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law (CDDRL) CDDRL was founded by a generous grant from the Bill and Flora Hewlett Foundation in October in 2002 as part of the Stanford Institute for International Studies at Stanford University.