DOCSLIB.ORG

Petrocaribe Integration in Motion a Newsletter About Venezuelan National Oil Industry

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Petrocaribe Integration in Motion a Newsletter About Venezuelan National Oil Industry Caracas, july 2005 • # 1 Petrocaribe integration in motion A Newsletter about Venezuelan National Oil Industry 14 countries executed Petrocaribe Energy Cooperation Agreement last June 29 in Puerto La Cruz, on the north-eastern coast of Venezuela Full Oil Sovereignty A revolutionary national oil policy 3 8 CompaniesCompanies awaitawait Venezuelan Ministry of Venezuelan gas 4 Energy and Petroleum 2 licenses The Oil to take over control Sovereignty Plan of export prices Mission PDVSA Cuba: Ribas: Inaugural Office Empowering PDVSA´s 9 of Petrocaribe 1111 Venezuelans 1122 Plan Europa Solidarity and integration in motion 14 countries endorse the Petrocaribe Energy Cooperation Agreement Caribbean high offi cials met » The governments of the ms with contributions from fi nancial last 29th June in Puerto La Cruz, a city region hailed this initiative and non-fi nancial entities, from funds on Venezuela’s northeastern coast, put forward by Venezuelan allocated from the fi nanced portion to decide on the immediate crea- of the oil invoice, as well as from President Hugo Chávez tion of Petrocaribe, and towards this savings generated by direct trade. end signed the Energy Cooperation Frías, which seeks to To activate the Fund, the Bolivarian Agreement which sets guidelines for guarantee energy security Republic of Venezuela will contribute the implementation of this initiative. and promote social and an initial capital of US$ 50 million. economic development, as The document in question defi nes well as the integration of Petrocaribe as an instrument that PDV Caribe Caribbean countries through enables the development of energy In order to begin operations within the policies and plans aimed at achieving the sovereign use of energy Petrocaribe framework, Petróleos de the integration of Caribbean natio- resources, sustained by the Venezuela (PDVSA) has set up a spe- ns through the sovereign use of the guiding principles of the cial purpose subsidiary under the name region’s natural energy resources, Bolivarian Alternative for the of PDV Caribe, which will begin opera- for the direct benefi t of its peoples. tions immediately by providing shipping Americas (ALBA) required to meet supply commitments. To achieve these aims, Petrocaribe is to be headed by a Ministerial Council, Freights resulting from these opera- which will meet at least once per year, will include the direct administration tions will be billed at cost, thereby made up of the Energy Ministers of the and management of Petrocaribe´s producing savings for the signa- respective countries. The responsibi- affairs, ensure the implementation and tory countries of the Petrocaribe lities of the Ministerial Council include monitoring of the decisions taken by Energy Cooperation Agreement. the coordination of policies, strategies, the Ministerial Council in conference, and long-range plans, along with the and submit to it the corresponding PDV Caribe guarantees a direct overseeing and holding accountable reports and recommendations. supply relationship, without third-party the Executive Secretariat’s manage- intermediaries, which will translate into ment, and approving the addition of further savings for consumer countries new members or eventual separations. ALBA-Caribe Fund in the area. The company will also be For the purpose of contributing to the responsible for organizing a logistics The Executive Secretariat will be economic and social development of network of ships, marine terminals, and headed by the Minister of Energy and the Caribbean community countries, storage facilities, including, whene- Petroleum of the Bolivarian Repu- the ALBA-Caribe fund will be created to ver possible, refi ning and distribution blic of Venezuela, and its functions fi nance social and economic progra- capacities with regard to fuels and 2 The New PDVSA Contact • J u l y 2 0 0 5 Investment other products, assigning priorities to the countries with the greatest needs. The Rafael Urdaneta Project encompasses 29 areas in all, in which PDVSA estimates 26 TCF of potential gas reserves. Compensation and fi nancing mechanisms In addition to the benefi ts already established in the San José Accord and the Caracas Energy Cooperation Accord, Venezuela will extend fi nancing facilities to Caribbean countries with a lower relative development, based on quotas to be established bilaterally. Long-term fi nancing of 30% of the oil invoice is being contemplated when the price is greater than or equal to $40 per barrel, of 40% if it 29 companies await to be is $50 per barrel, and of 50% is the price reaches $100 per barrel. granted 6 Venezuelan gas Energy effi ciency licenses next September An essential aspect of the work to be undertaken by Petrocaribe will be to include energy savings programs in future supply agreements. It can for A total of 29 Licenses to be awarded by the this purpose negotiate credits and national and inter- Ministry of Energy and Petroleum exchange technologies, so that the national compa- will have a duration of 25 years. The benefi ciary countries can develop nies ratifi ed their Venezuelan State may participate programs and systems that are highly interest in investing in Venezuelan through Petróleos de Venezuela with effi cient in terms of energy con- gas in April 2005. These companies up to a maximum share of 35%, once sumption, as well as other means which signed confi dentiality and participa- marketability has been declared. The will allow these countries to reduce their tion letters for Phase A of the Rafael gas produced will be mainly devoted oil consumption and expand coverage. Urdaneta Project, providing them with to meet domestic demand, while the project’s data pack, as part of the any surplus can be exported, as set It is worth noting that, for the purpo- company selection process for bid- forth in the Organic Law on Gaseous se of undertaking energy operations, ding on non-associated gas licenses Hydrocarbons. License awards are the Petrocaribe framework requires of over six offshore blocks in the Gulf to be issued in September, 2005. the existence of state oil entities in of Venezuela and off of Northeast the member countries. In this sen- Falcon, in the Northwest of Venezuela. The Rafael Urdaneta Project is made se, Venezuela is offering technical up of a total of 29 blocks, 18 located cooperation for the setting up of the This level of participation is seen appropriate state entities in countries as quite a success for a process where they do not already exist. that began last March 31st , in Venezuelan Los Taques, in the state of Falcon, Gas Reserves The Petrocaribe Energy Cooperation because these 29 companies are Agreement was signed by Antigua ratifying their confi dence in the and Barbuda, Bahamas, Belize, Cuba, actions the Ministry of Energy and Venezuela has the world’s 8th largest gas Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Jamai- Petroleum has been undertaking. reserves. In an offshore area of 500 km2 ca, Dominican Republic, St. Kitts and it has an estimated potential of 100 TCF Nevis, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and the These oil companies are from 15 (trillion cubic feet) of natural gas, of which Grenadines, Suriname, and Venezuela. countries: Australia, Argentina, 65 TCF are estimated to be located in the United States of America, China, east coast and 35 TCF in the west coast. England, Russia, Japan, France, 165 Km2 of the above mentioned area is in Brazil, Spain, Norway, Netherlands, water that is less than 1,000 meters deep. Additional information may be obtained at: www.mre.gov.ve Italy, Canada, and Venezuela. The New PDVSA Contact • J u l y 2 0 0 5 3 Oil Regulation in the Gulf of Venezuela and 11 in Agreements caused $260 million in losses for 2004 alone Northeast Falcon. Together, they cover an area of ap- proximately 30,000 square kilometers, The Oil Sovereignty Plan where probable gas reserves are estimated at moves forward with the revision 26 trillion cubic The Rafael Urdaneta feet (TCF). of operating agreements Project is a plan to develop the offshore Gulf The blocks that of Venezuela area and make up the Rafael the Northeast region of Urdaneta Project One of the values prized by From now on, the the State of Falcon, for » are in low explor- the workers of the New PDVSA is the exploration and production accumulated total amount of atory risk areas and achievement of having restored to of non-associated payments owed to contractors their geologic char- the Venezuelan people the natu- gaseous hydrocarbons. during the calendar year will It is part of the Bolivarian acteristics make ral rights they possess over their not exceed 66.67% of the government’s strategic them potentially hydrocarbons; rights which had plans aimed at promoting prolific in gaseous been taken away from them for many hydrocarbons produced in the the development of the hydrocarbons, in years. This task continues, which is corresponding area because country’s gas potential in addition to being why the National Executive, com- it is inconceivable that the order to improve the quality close to currently plying with the sovereign mandate of life of Venezuelans, production of hydrocarbons productive reser- conferred to it by the Constitution, increase its gas exports to under this mode, would continue voirs. The blocks continues to take steps aimed at the international market, to generate losses to PDVSA. and leverage industrial have been located dismantling the industry’s exist- park development, all in shallow waters ing contractual structures, which in accordance with and in areas where threaten our national sovereignty.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Threats to Academic Freedom in Venezuela: Legislative Im- Positions and Patterns of Discrimination Towards University Teachers and Students
    Interdisciplinary Political Studies http://siba-ese.unisalento.it/index.php/idps ISSN: 2039 -8573 (electronic version) IdPS, Issue 3(1) 2017: 145-169 DOI: 10.1285/ i20398573v3n1p145 Published in December 11, 2017 RESEARCH ARTICLE 145 Threats to Academic Freedom in Venezuela: Legislative Im- positions and Patterns of Discrimination Towards University Teachers and Students Mayda Hocevar Nelson Rivas University of Los Andes – Venezuela University of Los Andes – Venezuela David Gómez University of Zulia – Venezuela ABSTRACT As democracy is weakened and economic and social conditions deteriorate, there are increasing threats to academic freedom and autonomy in Venezuelan universities. Although academic freedom and university autonomy are legally and constitutionally recognized, public policies and ‘new legisla- tion’ undermine them. Military and paramilitary forces violently repress student protests. Frequent- ly, students are arbitrarily detained, physically attacked, and psychologically pressured through in- terrogations about their political views and their supposed "plans to destabilize the government". A parallel system of non-autonomous universities has been created under a pensée unique established by the Socialist Plans of the Nation. Discrimination has increased, both in autonomous and non- autonomous universities. This paper will expose the legal and political policies undermining aca- demic freedom in Venezuela under the governments of former president Hugo Chávez and current president Nicolás Maduro. Patterns of attacks against
    [Show full text]
  • An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and Its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution James A
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Digital Commons Cedarville University DigitalCommons@Cedarville International Studies Capstone Research Papers Senior Capstone Papers 4-24-2015 Venecuba: An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution James A. Cohrs Cedarville University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.cedarville.edu/ international_studies_capstones Part of the International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Cohrs, James A., "Venecuba: An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution" (2015). International Studies Capstone Research Papers. 1. http://digitalcommons.cedarville.edu/international_studies_capstones/1 This Capstone Project is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@Cedarville, a service of the Centennial Library. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Studies Capstone Research Papers by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Cedarville. For more information, please contact [email protected]. VENECUBA AN ANALYSIS OF CUBAN INFLUENCE IN VENEZUELA AND ITS SUPPORT FOR THE BOLÍVARIAN REVOLUTION __________________ A Paper Presented to Dr. Jenista Cedarville University __________________ In Fulfillment of the Requirements for INTL 4850-01 __________________ By James Cohrs April 24th, 2015 Cohrs 1 Introduction "I swear before you, I swear by the God of my fathers; by my forefathers themselves, by my honor and my country, that I shall never allow my hands to be idle or my soul to rest until I have broken the shackles which bind us to Spain!" (Roberts, 1949, p. 5). Standing on a hill in Rome, this was the oath pledged by Simón Bolívar, “El Libertador”, as he began his quest to liberate the Spanish-American colonies from Spanish rule.
    [Show full text]
  • Misión Madres Del Barrio: a Bolivarian Social Program Recognizing Housework and Creating a Caring Economy in Venezuela
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by KU ScholarWorks MISIÓN MADRES DEL BARRIO: A BOLIVARIAN SOCIAL PROGRAM RECOGNIZING HOUSEWORK AND CREATING A CARING ECONOMY IN VENEZUELA BY Cory Fischer-Hoffman Submitted to the graduate degree program in Latin American Studies and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master’s of Arts. Committee members Elizabeth Anne Kuznesof, Phd. ____________________ Chairperson Tamara Falicov, Phd. ____________________ Mehrangiz Najafizadeh, Phd. ____________________ Date defended: May 8, 2008 The Thesis Committee for Cory Fischer-Hoffman certifies that this is the approved Version of the following thesis: MISIÓN MADRES DEL BARRIO: A BOLIVARIAN SOCIAL PROGRAM RECOGNIZING HOUSEWORK AND CREATING A CARING ECONOMY IN VENEZUELA Elizabeth Anne Kuznesof, Phd. ________________________________ Chairperson Date approved:_______________________ ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis is a product of years of activism in the welfare rights, Latin American solidarity, and global justice movements. Thank you to all of those who I have worked and struggled with. I would especially like to acknowledge Monica Peabody, community organizer with Parents Organizing for Welfare and Economic Rights (formerly WROC) and all of the welfare mamas who demand that their caring work be truly valued. Gracias to my compas, Greg, Wiley, Simón, Kaya, Tessa and Caro who keep me grounded and connected to movements for justice, and struggle along side me. Thanks to my thesis committee for helping me navigate through the bureaucracy of academia while asking thoughtful questions and providing valuable guidance. I am especially grateful to the feedback and editing support that my dear friends offered just at the moment when I needed it.
    [Show full text]
  • Alba and Free Trade in the Americas
    CUBA AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF ALTERNATIVE GLOBAL TRADE SYSTEMS: ALBA AND FREE TRADE IN THE AMERICAS LARRY CATÁ BACKER* & AUGUSTO MOLINA** ABSTRACT The ALBA (Alternativa Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América) (Bolivarian Alternative for The People of Our America), the command economy alternative to the free trade model of globalization, is one of the greatest and least understood contributions of Cuba to the current conversation about globalization and economic harmonization. Originally conceived as a means for forging a unified front against the United States by Cuba and Venezuela, the organization now includes Nicaragua, Honduras, Dominica, and Bolivia. ALBA is grounded in the notion that globalization cannot be left to the private sector but must be overseen by the state in order to maximize the welfare of its citizens. The purpose of this Article is to carefully examine ALBA as both a system of free trade and as a nexus point for legal and political resistance to economic globalization and legal internationalism sponsored by developed states. The Article starts with an examination of ALBA’s ideology and institutionalization. It then examines ALBA as both a trade organization and as a political vehicle for confronting the power of developed states in the trade context within which it operates. ALBA remains * W. Richard and Mary Eshelman Faculty Scholar and Professor of Law, Dickinson Law School; Affiliate Professor, School of International Affairs, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, Pennsylvania; and Director, Coalition for Peace & Ethics, Washington, D.C. The author may be contacted at [email protected]. An earlier version of this article was presented at the Conference, The Measure of a Revolution: Cuba 1959-2009, held May 7–9, 2009 at Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada.
    [Show full text]
  • The Transformational Potential of Higher Education Inclusion
    n the fi eld of higher education research, one of the most fascinating observations is the consistent and permanent expansion of higher education systems worldwide since theI end of the Second World War. Undoubtedly, the predominant approach to address Jesús Humberto Pineda Olivieri these developments has been through quantitative analysis, as well as international comparisons. The following work examines the particularities of the Venezuelan context with the aim of identifying specifi c features of this worldwide phenomenon in this South The Transformational Potential American case. Through a combination of qualitative methods, the author proposes a of Higher Education Inclusion biographical approach for the study of higher education inclusion processes, which takes into account the perspectives and experiences of those who have been targeted by an ambitious higher education expansion process. The most distinctive feature of this work Biographical Trajectories of Students would be its methodological contribution to the fi eld of higher education research. One from Disadvantaged Environments could also argue that the ethnographic account of the Bolivarian Missions of education in Venezuela in Chavez’s Venezuela is both original and unprecedented. Furthermore, the writing approach bridges the interests of both academics, practitioners of the fi eld and members of the general public. Jesús Humberto Pineda Olivieri The Transformational Potential of Higher Education Inclusion ISBN: 978-3-86395-310-2 Universitätsverlag Göttingen Universitätsverlag
    [Show full text]
  • Exploring Hugo Chávez's Use of Mimetisation to Build a Populist
    Exploring Hugo Chávez’s use of mimetisation to build a populist hegemony in Venezuela Elena Block Rincones MSc, BA A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The University of Queensland in 2013 School of Journalism and Communication Abstract “You too are Chávez”… (Hugo Chávez, 2012i) This thesis examines the political communication style developed by Hugo Chávez in his hegemonic construction of power and collective identity during the 14 years he governed Venezuela. This thesis is located in the field of political communication. A culturalist approach is used for the case, which prioritises issues of culture and power and acknowledges the role of human agency. Thus, it specifically focuses on the way the late President appears to have incrementally built an emotional, mimetic bond with his publics in a process that culminated in the mimetisation of the leader and his followers in a new collective, but top-down, identity called Chávez. This process expresses a hegemonic dynamic that involved the displacement of former dominant groups and rearrangement of power relations in Venezuela. The logic of mimetisation proposes an incremental logic of articulation whereby I tried to make sense of Chávez’s political communication style and success. It involves the study of the thread that joined together key elements in Chávez’s political communication style: hegemony and identity construction, political culture, populism, mediatisation, and communicational government. It is a style that appears to have exceeded classic populist forms of communication based on exerting an appeal to the people, towards more inclusive, participatory, symbolic-pragmatic forms of practising political communication that may have constituted the key to Chávez’s political success for 14 years.
    [Show full text]
  • Cryptocurrency: the Economics of Money and Selected Policy Issues
    Cryptocurrency: The Economics of Money and Selected Policy Issues Updated April 9, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45427 SUMMARY R45427 Cryptocurrency: The Economics of Money and April 9, 2020 Selected Policy Issues David W. Perkins Cryptocurrencies are digital money in electronic payment systems that generally do not require Specialist in government backing or the involvement of an intermediary, such as a bank. Instead, users of the Macroeconomic Policy system validate payments using certain protocols. Since the 2008 invention of the first cryptocurrency, Bitcoin, cryptocurrencies have proliferated. In recent years, they experienced a rapid increase and subsequent decrease in value. One estimate found that, as of March 2020, there were more than 5,100 different cryptocurrencies worth about $231 billion. Given this rapid growth and volatility, cryptocurrencies have drawn the attention of the public and policymakers. A particularly notable feature of cryptocurrencies is their potential to act as an alternative form of money. Historically, money has either had intrinsic value or derived value from government decree. Using money electronically generally has involved using the private ledgers and systems of at least one trusted intermediary. Cryptocurrencies, by contrast, generally employ user agreement, a network of users, and cryptographic protocols to achieve valid transfers of value. Cryptocurrency users typically use a pseudonymous address to identify each other and a passcode or private key to make changes to a public ledger in order to transfer value between accounts. Other computers in the network validate these transfers. Through this use of blockchain technology, cryptocurrency systems protect their public ledgers of accounts against manipulation, so that users can only send cryptocurrency to which they have access, thus allowing users to make valid transfers without a centralized, trusted intermediary.
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela: Background and U.S
    Venezuela: Background and U.S. Policy (name redacted) Specialist in Latin American Affairs June 14, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44841 Venezuela: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Venezuela is in an acute political, economic, and social crisis. Following the March 2013 death of populist President Hugo Chávez, acting President Nicolás Maduro of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) narrowly defeated Henrique Capriles of the opposition Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD) to be elected to a six-year term in April 2013. President Maduro now has less than 20% public approval, and fissures have emerged within the PSUV about the means that he has used to maintain power, including an aborted attempt to have the Supreme Court dissolve the MUD-dominated legislature. Since March 2017, large-scale protests have called for President Maduro to release political prisoners, respect the separation of powers, and establish an electoral calendar. Instead, Maduro has scheduled July 30, 2017, elections to select delegates to a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution (the opposition is boycotting). Security forces have repressed protesters, with some 70 dead and thousands injured and jailed. Venezuela also faces crippling economic and social challenges. An economic crisis, triggered by mismanagement and low oil prices, is worsening. In 2016, the economy contracted by 18% and inflation averaged 254% according to the International Monetary Fund. Shortages of food and medicine have caused a humanitarian crisis. The Maduro government is struggling to raise the cash needed to make its debt payments and pay for imports. Some economists maintain that Venezuela is at risk of default in 2017.
    [Show full text]
  • Building" Nuestra América:" National Sovereignty and Regional
    Building “Nuestra América:” National Sovereignty and Regional Integration in the Americas* Renata Keller** “It is the hour of reckoning and of marching in unison, and we must move in lines as compact as the veins of silver that lie at the roots of the Andes.” José Martí, “Nuestra América,”1891 José Martí, the Cuban intellectual and independence hero, publis- hed one of his most important essays in a Mexican newspaper while representing Uruguay at the First International Conference of Ame- rican States in Washington DC in 1891. Titled “Nuestra América,” Martí’s call to action touched on a number of themes, including nati- onalism, imperialism, and racism. He urged his readers to discard * Article submitted on September 16th, 2013 and approved for publication in October 16th, 2013. ** Renata Keller is an assistant professor of International Relations at Boston University and holds a Ph.D. in History from the University of Texas at Austin. Her research and teaching interests focus on Latin American history, particularly the connections between foreign and domestic politics, the dynamics of the Cold War, and U.S. relations with Latin America. E-mail: [email protected]. CONTEXTO INTERNACIONAL Rio de Janeiro, vol. 35, no 2, julho/dezembro 2013, p. 537-564. 537 Contexto Internacional (PUC) Vol. 35 no 2 – jul/dez 2013 1ª Revisão: 29/12/2013 Renata Keller their provincial mindsets, insisting that “hometowns that are still strangers to one another XX must hurry to become acquainted, like men who are about to battle together” (MARTÍ, 1977, p. 26).
    [Show full text]
  • Participatory Democracy in Chávez's Bolivarian Revolution
    Who Mobilizes? Participatory Democracy in Chávez’s Bolivarian Revolution Kirk A. Hawkins ABSTRACT This article assesses popular mobilization under the Chávez gov- ernment’s participatory initiatives in Venezuela using data from the AmericasBarometer survey of 2007. This is the first study of the so- called Bolivarian initiatives using nationally representative, individ- ual-level data. The results provide a mixed assessment. Most of the government’s programs invite participation from less active seg- ments of society, such as women, the poor, and the less educated, and participation in some programs is quite high. However, much of this participation clusters within a narrow group of activists, and a disproportionate number of participants are Chávez supporters. This partisan bias probably reflects self-screening by Venezuelans who accept Chávez’s radical populist discourse and leftist ideology, rather than vote buying or other forms of open conditionality. Thus, the Venezuelan case suggests some optimism for proponents of par- ticipatory democracy, but also the need to be more attuned to its practical political limits. uring the past decade, leftist governments with participatory dem- Docratic agendas have come to power in many Latin American coun- tries, implementing institutional reforms at the local and, increasingly, the national level. This trend has generated a scholarly literature assess- ing the nature of participation in these initiatives; that is, whether they embody effective attempts at participatory forms of democracy that mobilize and empower inactive segments of society (Goldfrank 2007; Wampler 2007a). This article advances this discussion by studying popular mobiliza- tion under the government of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, referred to here as the Bolivarian Revolution or Chavismo.
    [Show full text]
  • Sucre Protocol
    SUCRE PROTOCOL THE GOVERNMENTS OF BOLIVIA, COLOMBIA, ECUADOR, PERU AND VENEZUELA; AGREE through their duly authorized plenipotentiary representatives to the following amendments to the Andean Subregional Integration Agreement (Cartagena Agreement): Article 1. – In Article 2 replace the term "gross national product" by "gross domestic product." Article 2.- Substitute the following text for Article 3: "Article 3.- The following mechanisms and measures, among others, shall be used to achieve the objectives of this Agreement: The intensification of integration with the other regional economic blocs and of political, social, economic, and commercial relations with extra-regional systems; The gradual harmonization of economic and social policies and dovetailing of national laws on pertinent matters; Joint programming, the intensification of subregional industrialization and the execution of industrial programs and other forms of industrial integration; A more advanced trade liberalization schedule than the commitments arising out of the 1980 Treaty of Montevideo; A Common External Tariff; Programs to accelerate the development of the agricultural and agribusiness sectors; The channeling of internal and external resources to the Subregion to finance the investments that are needed for the integration process; Programs in the field of services and of the deregulation of intra-subregional trade in services; Physical integration; and Preferential treatment for Bolivia and Ecuador. The following economic and social cooperation programs and actions shall be carried out in coordination to complement the above-cited mechanisms: Programs designed to expedite scientific and technological development; Actions in the field of border integration; Tourism programs; Actions for the use and conservation of natural resources and the environment; Social development programs; and Actions in the field of social communication Article 3.- Eliminate Article 26c).
    [Show full text]
  • The Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas: the Destabilizing Impact on Latin America
    St. John Fisher College Fisher Digital Publications International Studies Masters International Studies Department 1-2010 The Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas: The Destabilizing Impact on Latin America JoEllen Vassallo St. John Fisher College Follow this and additional works at: https://fisherpub.sjfc.edu/intlstudies_masters How has open access to Fisher Digital Publications benefited ou?y Recommended Citation Vassallo, JoEllen, "The Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas: The Destabilizing Impact on Latin America" (2010). International Studies Masters. Paper 2. Please note that the Recommended Citation provides general citation information and may not be appropriate for your discipline. To receive help in creating a citation based on your discipline, please visit http://libguides.sjfc.edu/citations. This document is posted at https://fisherpub.sjfc.edu/intlstudies_masters/2 and is brought to you for free and open access by Fisher Digital Publications at St. John Fisher College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas: The Destabilizing Impact on Latin America Abstract The Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas (ALBA) is an international cooperation organization based upon the idea of social, political, and economic integration between the countries of Latin American and the Caribbean. The ALBA Bloc was started by the Venezuelan President, Hugo Chavez, as an alternative to the proposed Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), in 2004. Its main objective is to counter United States hegemony in Latin America. It started off as a trade agreement between Cuba and Venezuela and has grown to include the following members: Antigua and Barbuda, Bolivia, Dominica, Ecuador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines.
    [Show full text]