DOCSLIB.ORG

Democratic Republic of Congo: Union for the Congolese Nation (Union Pour La Nation Congolaise, UNC), Including Origins, Structure, Political Platf

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Democratic Republic of Congo: Union for the Congolese Nation (Union Pour La Nation Congolaise, UNC), Including Origins, Structure, Political Platf Refworld | Democratic Republic of Congo: Union for the Congolese Nation (Union pour la nation congolaise, UNC), including origins, structure, political platf... Democratic Republic of Congo: Union for the Congolese Nation (Union pour la nation congolaise, UNC), including origins, structure, political platform, and leadership; information on membership cards and fees; treatment of UNC members by authorities (2011 - September 2015) Publisher Canada: Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada Publication Date 25 September 2015 Citation / Document Symbol COD105316.E République démocratique du Congo : information sur l'Union pour la nation congolaise (UNC), y compris sur ses origines, sa structure, son Related Document programme politique et ses dirigeants; les cartes de membre du parti et les droits d'adhésion; le traitement réservé aux membres de l'UNC par les autorités (2011-septembre 2015) Canada: Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Democratic Republic of Congo: Union for the Congolese Nation (Union pour la nation congolaise, UNC), including origins, structure, political platform, and leadership; information on membership cards and fees; Cite as treatment of UNC members by authorities (2011 - September 2015), 25 September 2015, COD105316.E, available at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/563c64324.html [accessed 9 November 2015] This is not a UNHCR publication. UNHCR is not responsible for, nor does it necessarily endorse, its content. Any views expressed are Disclaimer solely those of the author or publisher and do not necessarily reflect those of UNHCR, the United Nations or its Member States. 1. Origins UNC is a political opposition party that was formed in 2010 by Vital Kamerhe (UNC 25 July 2013; PHW 2015). Vital Kamerhe was formerly part of the ruling People's Party for Reconciliation and Development (Parti du peuple pour la réconciliation et le développement [Parti du peuple pour la reconstruction et la démocratie], PPRD) (ibid.; UNC 25 July 2013), as the Secretary General of that party and the speaker of the National Assembly from 2004-2007 (ibid.). According to the UNC's website, he was seen by many as being the [translation] "architect" of Joseph Kabila's electoral victory in 2006 (ibid.). Sources report that Kamerhe was forced out of his position within the PPRD and as http://www.refworld.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/rwmain?page=printdoc&docid=563c64324[2015-11-09 07:37:53] Refworld | Democratic Republic of Congo: Union for the Congolese Nation (Union pour la nation congolaise, UNC), including origins, structure, political platf... speaker of the assembly in 2009 after he criticized Kabila's joint military operations with Rwanda against armed militants in eastern DRC (PHW 2015; Radio Okapi 14 Dec. 2010). Kamerhe then formed the UNC in 2010 as a new political party, drawing defectors from the PPRD (ibid.; PHW 2015). Sources report that Vital Kamerhe was a presidential candidate in the 2011 presidential elections, and finished third with about 7.7 percent of the vote (ibid.; UNC 25 July 2013). Sources report that the UNC won 16 seats (UNC n.d.a; PHW 2015) in the concurrent 2011 legislative elections [out of 493 seats in the National Assembly (US 25 June 2015, 21)] (PHW 2015). According to the UNC website, those elected were: Jean- Marie Bomporiki, Arome Bigabwa, Aimé Boji, Sam Bokolombe, Jean-Bertrand Ewanga, Eric Katolo, Edouard Kiove Kola, Claudel André Lubaya, Jason Luneno, Jean-Baudouin Mayo Mambeke, Crispin Mbindule, Grégoire Mirindi, Roger Mpanano, Juvenal Munubo, Kizito Mushizi, and Martin Ntenda (UNC n.d.a). The International Crisis Group reports that, in interviews conducted with members of the UNC, the "party claims 150,000 supporters [in South Kivu] and a further 90,000 in North Kivu, which would make it the leading opposition party in these two provinces" (International Crisis Group 5 Sept. 2011, 8). The same source describes the party's support in South Kivu, Kamerhe's birth place, as being strongest in the territories of Fizi, Uvira, Walungu, Bukavu, and Idjwi (ibid., 9). 2. Party Leaders (2010-2015) Sources report that Vital Kamerhe is the national President of the UNC (UNC 25 July 2013; Agence Belga 13 Mar. 2015). Sources also report that Jean-Bertrand Ewanga is the Secretary General of the UNC (PHW 2015; US 25 June 2015, 9). Lists of party leaders identified on the UNC website dated 23 August 2011 (Attachment 1) and 19 April 2014 (Attachment 2) are attached to this Response.An undated list of provincial UNC leaders, and UNC representatives by electoral district in the RDC, as provided on the website of Vital Kamerhe, is attached to this Response (Attachment 3). 3. Party Structure The Statutes (Statuts, Attachment 4), Internal Regulations (Règlement intérieur, , Attachment 5), and a diagram of the organizational structure of the UNC (Attachment 6) are attached to this Response. 4. Political Platform Sources indicate that the UNC is part of an opposition coalition against the revision of the country's electoral law (UNC 10 Jan. 2015; PHW 2015), with the Union for Democracy and Social Progress (Union pour la démocratie et le progrès social, UDPS) (ibid.). For information on the UDPS, see Response to Information Request COD105112. Congolese newspaper Le Potentiel reports that the UNC is among opposition parties that have publicly called for a [translation] "'peaceful alternation of power in 2016, respecting the Constitution and constitutional deadlines, and democratic elections'" (16 Sept. 2015). The Political Handbook of the World (PHW) 2015 indicates that the UNC was among the opposition parties that called on the Congolese people to participate in civil disobedience and refuse to pay taxes to protest attempts by the government to change the constitution allowing Kabila to seek a third term (PHW 2015). Sources report that the UNC remains opposed to any modification of the Constitution that would permit Kabila to remain President and has refused to enter into a "national dialogue" process (AFP 14 Sept. 2015; RFI 31 July 2015; UN 26 June 2015, para. 3) initiated by the government (ibid.). According to the UN Security Council, the "national dialogue" was a consultation process initiated in May 2015 at the request of President Kabila, which aimed to consolidate "national unity during the [2016] election period" (ibid.). http://www.refworld.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/rwmain?page=printdoc&docid=563c64324[2015-11-09 07:37:53] Refworld | Democratic Republic of Congo: Union for the Congolese Nation (Union pour la nation congolaise, UNC), including origins, structure, political platf... 5. Membership Cards Article 9 of the UNC's Statutes, published on the party's website, indicates that there are four categories of members: founding members (membres fondateurs), full members (membres effectifs), honorary members (membres d'honneur), and supporting members (membres sympathisants) (UNC July 2011a, Art. 9). According to Article 12 of the party's Statutes, any person of Congolese nationality who is over 18, registers with the party and buys a membership card, can join the UNC (ibid., Art. 12). Article 18 of the Statutes states that all members of the party have the right to obtain and hold a party membership card (ibid., Art.18). The official website of Vital Kamerhe states that membership cards cost: [translation] approximately 1$ (1.000 Fc) for a full member, $100 for an elite member (performing a function within the party) and $500 for an honorary member. (Kamerhe n.d.) Article 4 of the UNC's Internal Regulations published on the party's website, provides a description of the membership card: the front of the card displays the name of the party, with a UNC emblem and a serial number (UNC July 2011b, Art. 4). On the back of the card are the cardholder's name, date of birth, date of issuance of the card, and a passport photo (ibid.). The card is signed by the national UNC president, or his representative (ibid.). The UNC membership application form, found on the party's website, can be filled out and submitted electronically on the website (UNC n.d.b). Further information on UNC membership cards could not be found among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate within the time constraints of this Response. 6. Treatment of UNC Members by the Authorities 6.1 2011-2014 According to the US Department of State's Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2011, a TV station owned by Vital Kamerhe was shut down by authorities in 2011, due to allegations that the station "defamed one of Kamerhe's political adversaries" (US 24 May 2012, 19). Amnesty International (AI) reported in 2015 that the station remained closed (25 Feb. 2015). Sources reported in 2011 that the wife of a UNC coordinator was [translation] "assassinated" by men in uniform (VSV May 2011, 4; Congo News 29 Apr. 2011) in Bukavu (ibid.). According to a news bulletin released by la Voix des sans-voix pour les droits de l'homme (VSV), a non-profit, non-governmental human rights organization based in Kinshasa-Ngaliema, the woman's children ran to a police station nearby where they were reportedly told that the police is [translation] "not there to protect UNC members" (VSV May 2011, 4). Reporters Without Borders (RSF) reported in 2011 that a former journalist, who was also the director of a local community radio show and the provincial press spokesman for the UNC, obtained information about an alleged plot by ruling party members and soldiers to kill him out of fear that his popularity would mobilize public support for the UNC (RSF 26 Aug. 2011). Similarly, International Crisis Group reported in 2011 that a UNC spokesperson and famous broadcaster "wrote to the head of state to denounce death threats made on 11 August" (International Crisis Group 5 Sept. 2011, 8). International Crisis Group reports that other incidents of intimidation of the UNC in 2011 include the arrest of a UNC supporter in Uvira for saying Kabila would lose the election; the imprisonment of "the person responsible for mobilising voters" in Goma for the same reason; and the murder of a shopkeeper, killed in his home by armed men for reportedly funding the UNC (5 Sept.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Of the United Nations Mission in the DRC / MONUC – MONUSCO
    Assessing the of the United Nations Mission in the DRC / MONUC – MONUSCO REPORT 3/2019 Publisher: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs Copyright: © Norwegian Institute of International Affairs 2019 ISBN: 978-82-7002-346-2 Any views expressed in this publication are those of the author. Tey should not be interpreted as reflecting the views of the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs. Te text may not be re-published in part or in full without the permission of NUPI and the authors. Visiting address: C.J. Hambros plass 2d Address: P.O. Box 8159 Dep. NO-0033 Oslo, Norway Internet: effectivepeaceops.net | www.nupi.no E-mail: [email protected] Fax: [+ 47] 22 99 40 50 Tel: [+ 47] 22 99 40 00 Assessing the Efectiveness of the UN Missions in the DRC (MONUC-MONUSCO) Lead Author Dr Alexandra Novosseloff, International Peace Institute (IPI), New York and Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI), Oslo Co-authors Dr Adriana Erthal Abdenur, Igarapé Institute, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil Prof. Tomas Mandrup, Stellenbosch University, South Africa, and Royal Danish Defence College, Copenhagen Aaron Pangburn, Social Science Research Council (SSRC), New York Data Contributors Ryan Rappa and Paul von Chamier, Center on International Cooperation (CIC), New York University, New York EPON Series Editor Dr Cedric de Coning, NUPI External Reference Group Dr Tatiana Carayannis, SSRC, New York Lisa Sharland, Australian Strategic Policy Institute, Canberra Dr Charles Hunt, Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology (RMIT) University, Australia Adam Day, Centre for Policy Research, UN University, New York Cover photo: UN Photo/Sylvain Liechti UN Photo/ Abel Kavanagh Contents Acknowledgements 5 Acronyms 7 Executive Summary 13 Te effectiveness of the UN Missions in the DRC across eight critical dimensions 14 Strategic and Operational Impact of the UN Missions in the DRC 18 Constraints and Challenges of the UN Missions in the DRC 18 Current Dilemmas 19 Introduction 21 Section 1.
    [Show full text]
  • “We Will Crush You”
    “We Will Crush You” The Restriction of Political Space in the Democratic Republic of Congo Copyright © 2008 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-405-2 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org November 2008 1-56432-405-2 “We Will Crush You” The Restriction of Political Space in the Democratic Republic of Congo Map of the Democratic Republic of Congo ................................................................ 1 I. Summary ............................................................................................................... 2 Methodology ....................................................................................................... 7 II. Recommendations ............................................................................................... 9 To the Congolese Government ............................................................................. 9 To the Congolese National Assembly and Senate .............................................. 10 To International Donors ..................................................................................... 10 To MONUC and the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) 10 III.
    [Show full text]
  • Bulletin D'information De L'assistance Electorale Internationale
    U N I T E D N A T I O N S N A T I O N S U N I E S United Nations Organization Mission de l’Organisation des Nations Stabilization Mission in the Unies pour la stabilisation en Democratic Republic of the Congo MONUSCO République démocratique du Congo Division électorale BULLETIN D’INFORMATION DE L’ASSISTANCE ELECTORALE INTERNATIONALE NUMERO SPECIAL DU 27 SEPTEMBRE 2011 Activités de la CENI 8. Antipas MBUSA NYAMWISI (indépendant), Après les arrêts N° RCDC/PR/001 ; 9. François-Joseph MOBUTU NZANGA RCDC/PR/002 ; RCDC/PR/003 ; NGBANGAWE (Union des démocrates RCDC/PR/004 ; RCDC/PR/005 et Mobutistes), RCDC/PR/006 par lesquels la Cour Suprême de 10. Josué-Alex MUKENDI KAMAMA Justice a constaté, le 23 septembre 2011, (indépendant), l’irrecevabilité des recours formulés dans les 11. Etienne TSHISEKEDI WA délais aux termes de l’article 107 de la loi MULUMBA (Union pour la démocratie électorale introduits par les personnes et parti et le progrès social), suivants: Pour rappel, en 2006, les candidats étaient 1. Monsieur Kitenge Pungwe Ismael ; au nombre de 33, dont 4 femmes. Aucune 2. Monsieur Moka Jean-Paul ; femme n’est candidate en 2011. 3. Monsieur Lokongo Limbala Jean- Pierre ; 4. Révérend Vanga Kaniki Félix Bernard 5. Madame Léonard Lomami 6. Partis du Peuple pour le Progrès du Congo Conformément à son calendrier et aux prescrits de la loi électorale, la Commission électorale nationale indépendante (CENI) a, par la décision no 059/CENI/BUR/11, rendu publique la liste définitive des candidats à l’élection présidentielle du 28 novembre 2011.
    [Show full text]
  • Mapping Conflict Motives: M23
    Mapping Conflict Motives: M23 1 Front Cover image: M23 combatants marching into Goma wearing RDF uniforms Antwerp, November 2012 2 Table of Contents Introduction 4 1. Background 5 2. The rebels with grievances hypothesis: unconvincing 9 3. The ethnic agenda: division within ranks 11 4. Control over minerals: Not a priority 14 5. Power motives: geopolitics and Rwandan involvement 16 Conclusion 18 3 Introduction Since 2004, IPIS has published various reports on the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Between 2007 and 2010 IPIS focussed predominantly on the motives of the most significant remaining armed groups in the DRC in the aftermath of the Congo wars of 1996 and 1998.1 Since 2010 many of these groups have demobilised and several have integrated into the Congolese army (FARDC) and the security situation in the DRC has been slowly stabilising. However, following the November 2011 elections, a chain of events led to the creation of a ‘new’ armed group that called itself “M23”. At first, after being cornered by the FARDC near the Rwandan border, it seemed that the movement would be short-lived. However, over the following two months M23 made a remarkable recovery, took Rutshuru and Goma, and started to show national ambitions. In light of these developments and the renewed risk of large-scale armed conflict in the DRC, the European Network for Central Africa (EURAC) assessed that an accurate understanding of M23’s motives among stakeholders will be crucial for dealing with the current escalation. IPIS volunteered to provide such analysis as a brief update to its ‘mapping conflict motives’ report series.
    [Show full text]
  • Country Fact Sheet, Democratic Republic of the Congo
    Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/Country Fact... Français Home Contact Us Help Search canada.gc.ca Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets Home Country Fact Sheet DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO April 2007 Disclaimer This document was prepared by the Research Directorate of the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. All sources are cited. This document is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed or conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. For further information on current developments, please contact the Research Directorate. Table of Contents 1. GENERAL INFORMATION 2. POLITICAL BACKGROUND 3. POLITICAL PARTIES 4. ARMED GROUPS AND OTHER NON-STATE ACTORS 5. FUTURE CONSIDERATIONS ENDNOTES REFERENCES 1. GENERAL INFORMATION Official name Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) Geography The Democratic Republic of the Congo is located in Central Africa. It borders the Central African Republic and Sudan to the north; Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda and Tanzania to the east; Zambia and Angola to the south; and the Republic of the Congo to the northwest. The country has access to the 1 of 26 9/16/2013 4:16 PM Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/Country Fact... Atlantic Ocean through the mouth of the Congo River in the west. The total area of the DRC is 2,345,410 km².
    [Show full text]
  • Democratic Republic of Congo
    2011_CIC_2.qxd:Peacekeeping_FM_qxd.qxd 1/16/12 1:44 PM Page 45 2.3 Democratic Republic of Congo As 2011 came to a close, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) faced serious threats to its stability. Presidential and leg- islative elections, held on 28 November, were rejected by the political opposition and criti- cized by many observers for lacking credibil- ity. Etienne Tshisekedi, veteran politician and main rival of President Joseph Kabila in the elections, declared himself “elected presi- dent” after official reports of Kabila’s victory, with 49 percent of the vote versus 32 percent for Tshisekedi. Election-related tensions in urban cen- ters, far from the conflict in the east, have stretched the strained resources of the UN Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUSCO) even thinner. And while regional relations in the east continued to improve, relations be- tween the DRC and its western neighbors, the Republic of Congo and Angola, wavered. Meanwhile, MONUSCO continued to strug- UN Organization Stabilization Mission gle with its mandate to reform the security in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUSCO) sector, extend state authority, combat armed groups, and protect civilians in the east. •Authorization Date 28 May 2010 (UNSC Res. 1925) • Start Date 1 July 2010 • SRSG Roger Meece (United States) Background • Force Commander Lieutenant-General Chander Prakash The DRC’s conflict can be seen as three in- (India) • Police Commissioner Abdallah Wafy (Niger) terrelated wars, the first two of which were • Budget $1,419.9 million fought with heavy influence by neighboring (1 July 2011–30 June 2012) states seeking to oust Congo’s contentious •Strengthasof Troops:16,823 leaders in 1996 and 1999 respectively.
    [Show full text]
  • H.E. President Joseph Kabila Kabange Gombe, Kinshasa
    HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH 2nd Floor, 2-12 Pentonville Road London N1 9HF UK Tel: +44 (0)20 7713 1995 Fax: +44 (0)20 7713 1800 Email: [email protected] H.E. President Joseph Kabila Kabange Gombe, Kinshasa Kenneth Roth, Executive Director Democratic Republic of Congo Michele Alexander, Development & Outreach Director Carroll Bogert, Associate Director Emma Daly, Communications Director Barbara Guglielmo, Finance & Administration Director New York, February 1, 2009 Peggy Hicks, Global Advocacy Director Iain Levine, Program Director Andrew Mawson, Deputy Program Director Your Excellency, Suzanne Nossel, Chief of Operations Dinah PoKempner, General Counsel James Ross, Legal & Policy Director Joe Saunders, Deputy Program Director Human Rights Watch writes to express its deep concern that your Program Directors government is considering appointing Bosco Ntaganda to a senior position Brad Adams, Asia in the military operations in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Holly Cartner, Europe & Central Asia David Fathi, United States rather than arresting him. Ntaganda, formerly military chief of staff for the Peter Takirambudde, Africa José Miguel Vivanco, Americas National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP), is currently playing Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East & North Africa Joseph Amon, HIV/AIDS a key role in the integration process of CNDP troops into the FARDC. He was John Biaggi , International Film Festival Peter Bouckaert, Emergencies granted the rank of general in the Congolese armed forces in January 2005, Richard Dicker, International
    [Show full text]
  • Writenet Democratic Republic of The
    writenet is a network of researchers and writers on human rights, forced migration, ethnic and political conflict WRITENET writenet is the resource base of practical management (uk) e-mail: [email protected] independent analysis DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO: PROSPECTS FOR PEACE AND NORMALITY A Writenet Report by François Misser commissioned by United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Emergency and Security Services March 2006 Caveat: Writenet papers are prepared mainly on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. The papers are not, and do not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed, or conclusive as to the merits of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. The views expressed in the paper are those of the author and are not necessarily those of Writenet or Practical Management. TABLE OF CONTENTS Acronyms ................................................................................................... i Executive Summary ................................................................................. ii 1 Introduction........................................................................................1 2 Recent Developments.........................................................................1 2.1 Political Developments.................................................................................1 2.2 Humanitarian and Security Developments ...............................................2 3 Overview of Political and Security Risk Factors
    [Show full text]
  • The 2011 DRC Election Polls and Beyond
    S i t u a t i O N r EPO r t • 2 1 J u ne 2 0 1 2 institute for Security Studies SituatioN report imilar to the pre-electoral period, the polls were fraught with logistical delays and electoral S irregularities. The outcome of the presidential polls was officially announced on 9 December 2011 and of the polls for the National Assembly on 1 February THE 2011 DRC 2012. Protests, a petition and electoral observers’ reports citing major irregularities greeted the announcement of ELECTION POLLS the presidential poll results. On 16 December 2011 the Supreme Court rejected a petition by the opposition querying the results of the presidential elections, thereby AND BEYOND validating the existing results. Consequently, President Joseph Kabila was inaugurated on 20 December 2011 to serve his second term in addition to his term of transitional In November 2011 the Democratic Republic of Congo rule from 2001. (DRC) held its second post-war presidential and Controversy surrounding the presidential results overshadowed the outcome of the National Assembly National Assembly elections. These elections, which polls, and as the results trickled in they indicated a majority took place in a context of significant challenges, win by the coalition of parties supporting Kabila. Initially united in their rejection of the presidential poll outcome, were marred by allegations of electoral fraud and all but three opposition candidates took up their seats in the National Assembly. In a process led by Charles mismanagement. The pre-electoral climate was Mwando Simba to identify a parliamentary majority, some characterised by persistent insecurity in parts of the members of the opposition expressed a need for dialogue between the government and opposition to resolve what country, pervasive socioeconomic adversity and they described as a political crisis of legitimacy.
    [Show full text]
  • Presidential and Legislative Elections in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
    Presidential and Legislative Elections in the Democratic Republic of the Congo November 28, 2011 Final Report Waging Peace. Fighting Disease. Building Hope. The Carter Center strives to relieve suffering by advancing peace and health worldwide; it seeks to prevent and resolve conflicts, enhance freedom and democracy, and protect and promote human rights worldwide. Presidential and Legislative Elections in the Democratic Republic of the Congo November 28, 2011 Final Report One Copenhill 453 Freedom Parkway Atlanta, GA 30307 (404) 420-5188 Fax (404) 420-5196 www.cartercenter.org The Carter Center Contents Foreword ..................................2 Postelection Developments ..................55 Executive Summary .........................4 Tabulation ..............................55 Presidential Election Results ................60 Historical and Political Background ...........13 Legislative Results .........................61 Electoral Institutions and Legal Framework for Electoral Dispute Resolution .................63 the Presidential and Legislative Elections ......16 Legal Framework .........................16 Conclusions and Recommendations . .66 Electoral System ..........................18 Appendix A: Acknowledgments . 73 Election Management ......................21 Appendix B: Terms and Abbreviations ........75 Boundary Delimitation .....................26 Appendix C: Letters of Invitation ............76 Pre-Election Developments ..................28 Appendix D: The Carter Center Observation Voter Registration .........................28
    [Show full text]
  • An Okapi Consulting Brief 1 BRIEFING Elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo November 2011 Stephanie Wolters Introduction
    BRIEFING Elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo November 2011 Stephanie Wolters Published by the Institute for Security Studies Introduction On November 28, 2011 the Democratic Republic of Congo is holding its second election since the end of a decade-long civil war in 2003. At stake is the credibility of the country’s fledgling democracy. The electoral process is a significant test of how robust the country’s new institutions are, and how much independence they have managed to establish for themselves over the last five years. The participation of significant opposition figures such as Etienne Tshisekedi and Vital Kamerhe means that the electorate has the choice between three viable presidential candidates. This places significant pressure on the ruling party, and incumbent candidate Joseph Kabila, whose track record for the first five year mandate is relatively poor. The constitutional amendment Following through on an initiative mooted in 2010 by a non-executive advisory structure controlled by the Presidency, in early 2001 the Senate and the National Assembly passed a constitutional amendment which modifies the electoral system for presidential and legislative elections. The presidential contest was changed from a two-round voting system to a plurality voting system. There is little doubt that the constitutional change was made in order to boost President Kabila’s chances. It is unlikely that Kabila would have received the 51% of votes necessary to win in the first round. This would have motivated the opposition parties to unite for a second round, making the contest significantly more difficult for Kabila. The Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) The Commission Electorale Nationale Indépendante (CENI) is a Congolese institution, established in March 2011 as a successor body to the Commission Electorale Indépendante (CEI)1, which oversaw the organisation of the 2006 elections.
    [Show full text]
  • A View from North Kivu
    Why a Certification Process for Conflict Minerals is Urgent A View from North Kivu John Prendergast, Fidel Bafilemba and Ashley Benner February 2011 Editor’s note: The growing movement to bring a long overdue end to the crisis in eastern Congo is ap- proaching a make-or-break decision point. The international architecture needed to bring transparency and accountability to the minerals trade in the Great Lakes region of Africa is taking shape in the form of U.S. legislation, a U.N. Security Council resolution, and an emerging norm for due diligence on purchasing minerals. These are enormous accomplishments, but unless these standards are accompanied by an inter- national certification process with independent monitoring and enforceable penalties on the ground, as well as comprehensive reform of the Congolese Army, they will do little to end the conflict minerals trade in Congo or bring a measure of security and genuine economic opportunity to the lives of Congolese civilians. This report, based on interviews conducted by John Prendergast and Fidel Bafilemba in North Kivu in November 2010, provides an overview of the extent to which the minerals trade from eastern Congo today remains dominated by a mafia network of military, political, and business interests in Congo, its neighbors, and within the supply chains that connect the mines to international markets. These actors have benefitted enormously from Congo’s protracted, violent status quo and they are deeply threatened by the possibility of a shrinking market for their minerals. So it should come as no surprise that some of the fastest-moving efforts to trace and audit mineral supply chains are actually being driven by many of the same commercial actors and regional governments that have been indiscriminately purchasing Congolese minerals for years, as documented by U.N.
    [Show full text]