National Reconciliation in Iraq

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

National Reconciliation in Iraq National Reconciliation in Iraq Reality & Horizon DISCLAIMER: The opinions and views expressed in the researches solely reflect the perspectives of their respective contributors, and do not necessarily represent the opinions of the NGO Coordination Committee in Iraq (NCCI) or Iraqi al-Amal Association (IAA). Prelude National reconciliation in Iraq represents the second non-Western Arab application of a reconciliation endeavor following Morocco’s Justice and Reconciliation effort. Due to its relative recent application and the problems it has faced and is still facing, it was necessary to examine this effort in analytical detail, the NGO Coordination Committee in Iraq (NCCI) and Iraqi Al- Amal Association (IAA), supported by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), assigned a number of scholars to conduct an extensive study that spans several central issues, the study addresses the roles official and unofficial political and civil institutions play in the process of reconciliation, their positions toward reconciliation and their accomplishments within its framework. This book is a complete content of those studies, which we hope to have met their desired objectives in the most objective and precise manner possible in an attempt to attain the desired benefit in serving Iraq and Iraqis. Reaching common ground in perceiving reconciliation is one of the most important factors that sustain the efforts to build and maintain peace. The objective of studying reconciliation in Iraq is to get a comprehensive understanding of the peace-building and reconciliation process in Iraq, its achievements, the problems it faces, and outlining a future perspective based on a precise diagnosis of its achievements, objectives and planned efforts of governmental blocs and Iraqi parties under reconciliation and peace building processes. Foreword “If we say that the past is gone and forgotten, then we embarrass ourselves. The past is still there, and if we hadn’t done what we’ve done in the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, then it can return. Our past is a monster, and we must confront that monster face to face, or it will come back to haunt us.” -Desmond Tutu Archbishop, Head of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa National Reconciliation efforts helped draft the outlines for many nations’ futures, and Iraq is not an exception to this rule. Reconciliation is a large- scale, essential process in a nation’s history, and is a historic milestone that must be prepared for meticulously. Many parties must be involved, including governmental, judicial and legislative institutions, media, and non- governmental organizations, national reconciliation necessitates the presence of efficient patriotic personalities that can run negotiations and build confidence amongst the rivals. In many parts of the world, reconciliation came to mean, more or less, boldness in confronting the past, this is especially evident in states which experienced racial discrimination regimes, violent totalitarian regimes or civil wars, examples of such states include South Africa, Chile, Uruguay, Argentina, Cambodia and Yugoslavia. A close-up examination of those experiences would give us an idea for the presence of several important common characteristics, in spite of the different approaches adopted which is the natural consequence of different cultures and customs. Many of the states which witnessed terrible human rights violations formed truth committees during their respective phases of transitional justice, those committees aimed to help society confront unpleasant memories while marching towards a better future. The eagerness of peoples to discover what happened to them is expressed in the desire to learn the truth and to set the record straight, it is the right of victims to express respect for them, to have their suffering recognized, and to compensate them and their families. Facts must be established to prevent the reemergence of terror regimes. The moments of confession in South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Committee was described by St. Tutu as nightmares, while the bitter moments of regret and apology eventually led the National Party which led the racist rule of the white minority to permanently dissolve itself, in an attempt to escape the blemishes of its dishonorable legacy. Nevertheless, it is a courageous moment of sincere apology that many political groups and parties all around the world should aspire to have so as to be able to draw a firm line between a shaky present and a bloody past. True reconciliation is a complex intertwined process with many elements and factors to consider. Reconciliation does not mean the imposition of an artificial environment that forces victims to forgive and forget and finds suitable pretexts for criminals and convicts to escape their liability. It is a pressing need to enable societies to transcend tribal and personal vendettas and to attain results superior to those of criminal courts which often tends to punish the criminal and ignore the victim. The experiences of several peoples have shown the benefits of the application of a transitional justice phase. In essence, it is a process which adopts a forward-thinking perspective that is concerned with the restoration of convicts as productive members of society following their reformation and admittance to full responsibility to their actions, and compensating the victims of those wrongdoers. Sincere efforts must focus on tackling issues left over from the past, with defined victims, culprits and reparations, and procedures that seek to fully disclose facts and state what really took place. All can look towards a new beginning, through which we can begin to restore civil peace. In 2004, the United Nations considered “justice, peace and democracy” as mutually dependent concepts, with “peace” needing firm confidence in the future. Some advocate the application of Restorative Justice, which takes an alternative approach towards offense that is primarily concerned with tending to mistakes and to compensate the victims for their damages, while lessening future potential for tragedy in the future through preventing new crimes from being committed, restorative justice is evidence-based, and it aims to achieve healing by letting both the victim and the culprit overcome their mutual incident, this objective maybe accomplished through a suitable reparation, monetary or otherwise, the wrongdoer is hereby reconciled and is assimilated into society, restoring social cohesion. Restorative Justice emerged as a reaction to Punitive Justice which is based on punishment and retribution, according to which the state must pinpoint the culprit and then impose punishment. In this system, punishment is the only method for the victim to overcome its catastrophe; it also inflicts damage upon the wrongdoer in a classical eye-for-an-eye system. Punitive justice considers the state as the victim, but Restorative justice considers the person who has been assaulted as the primary victim. Punitive Justice focuses upon the assault (the past) while Restorative seeks to repair what has been done (the future). Punitive justice is unconcerned with the true needs of the victim and the wrongdoer, viewing the issue as largely a violation of law, while Restorative Justice regards it as a breakdown in humanitarian relationship between those involved. In regards to reconciliation in Iraq, which is the topic of the studies and articles presented in this book, important issues were noted by observers tracking the progress of reconciliation. Those include the emergence of several factors that prevent the realization of a comprehensive national reconciliation, some of which are related to the definition of reconciliation itself, disagreement over which parts should be allowed participation and which are not, stating the reasons behind the selection, whether it’s necessary to form truth committees and listen to the testimonies of victims and culprits simultaneously, the impact of broadcasting truth committee sessions on the public, and whether it’s possible to practically skip the phase of transitional justice while achieving a comprehensive form of national reconciliation that satisfies all sides. The esteemed contributors of those studies and articles attempted to highlight the concept of reconciliation from a variety of perspectives, their efforts have added considerably to the topic of national reconciliation which is still in need of more detailed studies and research, especially through studying the experiences of countries that have endured what we’re going through and have successfully came out of its dark clutches in a healthy and organized fashion. National Reconciliation An Analytical Approach from a Sociopolitical Perspective Dr. Abdul-Salam Ibrahim Baghdadi Foreword The entire intellectual, let alone the political, cultural, social and philosophical spectrum appears to be preoccupied with the concepts of national reconciliation nowadays. Such concepts include civil peace and harmony, national unity, social integration and several other synonymous terminologies that imply the principles of forgiveness, amnesty and justice. This preoccupation is not limited to a particular country, but it covers an wide range of countries that have witnessed or are still currently witnessing a form of conflict or a variety of civil war amongst its ethno-political components (due to ancestral or cultural antagonism.) Some argue that those reconciliation concepts can be the basis for a phase termed ‘transitional
Recommended publications
  • Overall Security in Iraq
    HOW DOES THIS END? Strategic Failures Overshadow Tactical Gains in Iraq Lawrence Korb, Brian Katulis, Sean Duggan, and Peter Juul Center for American Progress April 2008 “Strategy without tactics is the slowest route to victory. Tactics without strategy is the noise before defeat.” Sun Tzu, The Art of War “No one” in the U.S. and Iraqi governments “feels that there has been sufficient progress by any means in the area of national reconciliation.” General David Petraeus, March 13, 2008.1 www.americanprogress.org Center for American Progress Introduction and Summary .S. Army General David Petraeus understood the situation perfectly five years ago. As an indigenous insurgency began to form in the weeks following the U.S. Uinvasion of Iraq in 2003, then-Major Gen. Petraeus asked Washington Post report- er Rick Atkinson the fundamental question of the war: “Tell me, how does this end?” After spending nearly three-quarters of a trillion dollars, after more than 4,000 lost American lives alongside hundreds of thousands of Iraqis, this remains the central question of this war. Yet the answer to Gen. Petraeus’ question—a unified, independent, and stable Iraq that is an ally in the global war on terrorism—is more elusive today than it was when President Bush’s military escalation began in early 2007. Since the administration’s escalation began 15 months ago, the president and his con- servative allies in Congress have entangled the United States ever more deeply in Iraq’s multiple ethnic and sectarian conflicts. Some short-term security progress has been achieved in certain areas of Iraq.
    [Show full text]
  • Weekly Iraq .Xplored Report 11 January 2020
    Weekly Iraq .Xplored report 11 January 2020 Prepared by Risk Analysis Team, Iraq garda.com Confidential and proprietary © GardaWorld Weekly Iraq .Xplored Report 11 January 2020 TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS .......................................................................................................................................... 2 ACTIVITY MAP .................................................................................................................................................... 3 OUTLOOK ............................................................................................................................................................. 4 Short term outlook ............................................................................................................................................. 4 Medium to long term outlook ............................................................................................................................ 5 SIGNIFICANT EVENTS ...................................................................................................................................... 6 Iran launches ballistic missiles at Al Assad Airbase and Erbil International Airport ................................. 6 US Embassy targeted by multiple IDF attacks during current US / Iranian tensions ................................. 6 THREAT MATRIX ................................................................................................................................................ 6 OVERVIEW...........................................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq: Buttressing Peace with the Iraqi Inter-Religious Congress
    Religion and Conflict Case Study Series Iraq: Buttressing Peace with the Iraqi Inter-Religious Congress August 2013 © Berkley Center for Religion, Peace, and World Affairs http://berkleycenter.georgetown.edu/resources/classroom 4 Abstract 5 This case study shines a light on the sectarian violence that overtook Iraq after the 2003 US-led invasion that overthrew Saddam Hussein, and how religious 9 leaders gradually gained recognition as resources for the promotion of peace. This overview of the conflict addresses five main questions: What religious 11 factors contributed to insecurity in post-2003 Iraq? How did Coalition forces approach religious actors prior to 2006? How did governments interface with faith-based NGOs in pursuit of peace? What role did socioeconomic factors 14 play in exacerbating conflict? How did religious engagement intersect with the Sunni Awakening and the surge of Coalition troops in 2007? The case study includes a core text, a timeline of key events, a guide to relevant religious orga- nizations, and a list of further readings. 15 About this Case Study 17 This case study was crafted under the editorial direction of Eric Patterson, visiting assistant professor in the Department of Government and associate di- rector of the Berkley Center for Religion, Peace, and World Affairs at George- town University. This case study was made possible through the support of the Henry Luce Foundation and the Luce/SFS Program on Religion and International Affairs. 2 BERKLEY CENTER FOR RELIGION, PEACE & WORLD AFFAIRS AT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY CASE STUDY — IRAQ Contents Introduction 4 Historical Background 5 Domestic Factors 9 International Factors 11 Religion and Socioeconomic Factors 12 Conclusion 14 Resources Key Events 15 Religious Organizations 17 Further Reading 19 Discussion Questions 21 BERKLEY CENTER FOR RELIGION, PEACE & WORLD AFFAIRS AT GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY CASE STUDY — IRAQ 3 Introduction While the US invasion of Iraq—and the insurgency that a shaky relationship with the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • Post-Islamism a New Phase Or Ideological
    Post-Islamism A New Phase or Ideological Delusions? 2 Post - Islamism The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan The Deposit Number at The National Library (2018/12/6029) 324.2182 AbuRumman, Mohammad Suliman Post Islamism: A New Phase or Ideological Delusions?/ Mohammad Sulima- nAbuRumman; translated by William Joseph Ward. – Amman: Friedrich- Ebert-Stiftung, 2018 (232) p. Deposit No.: 2018/12/6029 Descriptors: /Religious Parties//Political Parties// Arab Countries/ ﻳﺘﺤﻤﻞ اﳌﺆﻟﻒ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ اﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﳏﺘﻮ￯ ﻣﺼﻨﻔﻪ ﻭﻻ ﹼﻳﻌﱪ ﻫﺬا اﳌﺼﻨﻒ ﻋﻦ رأﻱ داﺋﺮة اﳌﻜﺘﺒﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ أﻭ أﻱ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ أﺧﺮ￯. Published in 2018 by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Jordan & Iraq FES Jordan & Iraq P.O. Box 941876 Amman11194 Jordan Email:[email protected] Website:www.fes-jordan.org Not for Sale © FES Jordan & Iraq All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reprinted, reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means without prior written permission from the publishers. The views and opinions expressed in this publication are solely those of the original author. They do not necessarily represent those of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung or the editor. Translation: Industry Arabic Cover design: Yousef Saraireh Lay-out: Eman Khattab Printing: Economic Press ISBN: 978-9957-484-91-0 Foreword 3 Post-Islamism A New Phase or Ideological Delusions? Editor: Dr. Mohammed Abu Rumman 4 Post - Islamism Foreword 5 TABLE OF CONTENTS Foreword 7 Introduction 9 Chapter 1 — Post-Islamism: Problems of the Term and Concept 21 Study 1: From Islamism to Post-Islamism: An Examination of Concepts and Theses, Hassan Abu Hanieh 23 Study 2: “Post-Islamism”: Lessons from Arab Revolutions, Luz Gómez 57 Study 3: The Failure of Political Islam: Ideological Delusions and Socio- logical Realities, Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of The
    A Framework for Application Specific Knowledge Engines Item Type text; Electronic Dissertation Authors Lai, Guanpi Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 25/09/2021 03:58:57 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/204290 A FRAMEWORK FOR APPLICATION SPECIFIC KNOWLEDGE ENGINES by Guanpi Lai _____________________ A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the DEPARTMENT OF SYSTEMS AND INDUSTRIAL ENGINEERING In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 2010 2 THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA GRADUATE COLLEGE As members of the Dissertation Committee, we certify that we have read the dissertation prepared by Guanpi Lai entitled A Framework for Application Specific Knowledge Engines and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy _______________________________________________________________________ Date: 4/28/2010 Fei-Yue Wang _______________________________________________________________________ Date: 4/28/2010 Ferenc Szidarovszky _______________________________________________________________________ Date: 4/28/2010 Jian Liu Final approval and acceptance of this dissertation is contingent
    [Show full text]
  • Sectarianism in the MENA Region
    DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT WORKSHOP Sectarianism in the Middle East ABSTRACT Sectarian conflict and polarisation has become a key feature of Middle East politics in the aftermath of the Arab uprisings of 2011. This workshop looked at some of the key drivers of this, such as the troubled legacy of foreign intervention, state failure, regional rivalries between Saudi Arabia, Iran and others, ruling strategies of authoritarian regimes as well as the spread of identity and sect-based political movements. With in-depth analysis of the two key arenas of sectarian conflict in the contemporary Middle East, Syria and Iraq, and a paper on the consequences of state collapse, this paper also makes recommendations on how the EU could help reduce sectarian tensions. EP/EXPO/B/AFET/2016/01 EN July 2017 - PE 603.843 © European Union, 2017 Policy Department, Directorate-General for External Policies This paper was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Foreign Affairs. English-language manuscript was completed on 14/07/2017. Printed in Belgium. Authors: Dr Toby MATTHIESEN, Senior Research Fellow in the International Relations of the Middle East, St. Antony’s College, University of Oxford, UK Dr Simon MABON, Lecturer in International Relations, Director of the Richardson Institute, University of Lancaster, UK. Dr Raphaël LEFÈVRE, Rank-Manning Research Fellow in Social Sciences, University of Oxford, UK. Dr Renad MANSOUR, Academy Fellow, Chatham House, London, UK. Official Responsible: Kirsten JONGBERG Editorial Assistant: Györgyi MÁCSAI Feedback of all kind is welcome. Please write to: [email protected]. To obtain copies, please send a request to: [email protected] This paper will be published on the European Parliament's online database, 'Think tank'.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran's Expanding Military Role in Iraq | the Washington Institute
    MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 2312 Iran's Expanding Military Role in Iraq by Farzin Nadimi Sep 8, 2014 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Farzin Nadimi Farzin Nadimi, an associate fellow with The Washington Institute, is a Washington-based analyst specializing in the security and defense affairs of Iran and the Persian Gulf region. Brief Analysis Despite the loss of a close ally in outgoing prime minister Nouri al-Maliki, Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) appears ready to move on by offering substantial military support to his successor in Baghdad. s incoming Iraqi prime minister Haider al-Abadi goes about the business of forming a new government, Iran A seems intent on expanding direct military assistance to its neighbor. Tehran made a major military commitment to Baghdad while Maliki was still clinging to power, and the political and military steps it has reportedly taken since then indicate determined support for a nascent government that remains dominated by Maliki's Shiite faction, the Islamic Dawa Party. MALIKI'S FALL I ran was deeply suspicious when the Obama administration threw its whole weight behind widespread calls for Maliki to step down this summer, and while Washington did not push for any particular candidate to succeed him, its quick endorsement of Abadi's nomination nevertheless raised eyebrows in Tehran. Once it became clear that Abadi would be the new prime minister, Iran switched sides and began to support him -- but only after the Dawa Party leadership voted ten to one for a change, a move that was itself spurred by a letter from Iraqi Shiite leader Ayatollah Ali Sistani insisting that they pick a consensus figure to lead the country.
    [Show full text]
  • IMG/Pdf/Jeffrey White If War Comes.Pdf> [Accessed 12 April 2012]
    This work is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights and duplication or sale of all or part is not permitted, except that material may be duplicated by you for research, private study, criticism/review or educational purposes. Electronic or print copies are for your own personal, non- commercial use and shall not be passed to any other individual. No quotation may be published without proper acknowledgement. For any other use, or to quote extensively from the work, permission must be obtained from the copyright holder/s. An Exploration of the Security Dilemma in the Middle East: The Impact of the Transformative Power of Iran’s Foreign Policy ABDULLAH S F AL-MARZOUQ A thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Keele University School of Politics, International Relations and Philosophy October 2016 In the Name of Allah, the Magnificent, the Merciful DEDICATION To those who taught me the true meaning of love, patience and sacrifice: My parents; Sultan and Ruqayyah (of blessed memory) with deepest gratitude and eternal love to all my teachers, colleagues and friends throughout this journey of knowledge also dedicated to anyone interested in the subject. ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The thesis is the result of several years of hard and intensive work on examining foreign policy, regional and global security systems. First and foremost, I would like to express my gratitude and sincere thanks to my supervisor Professor Bulent Gokay, for his heartfelt encouragement, thoughtful guidance and unstinting support during the course of my studies at Keele University. I am very fortunate to have been given the opportunity to study under such a brilliant scholar who has made an unforgettable imprint on my academic development.
    [Show full text]
  • IRAQ – WHERE THINGS STAND EMBARGOED for RELEASE AFTER 6:30 P.M., Monday, March 15, 2004
    ABC NEWS POLL: IRAQ – WHERE THINGS STAND EMBARGOED FOR RELEASE AFTER 6:30 P.M., Monday, March 15, 2004 While Ambivalent About the War, Most Iraqis Report a Better Life A year after the bombs began to fall, Iraqis express ambivalence about the U.S.-led invasion of their country, but not about its effect: Most say their lives are going well and have improved since before the war, and expectations for the future are very high. Worries exist – locally about joblessness, nationally about security – boosting desire for a “single strong leader,” at least in the short-term. Yet the first media-sponsored national public opinion poll in Iraq also finds a strikingly optimistic people, expressing growing interest in politics, broad rejection of political violence, rising trust in the Iraqi police and army and preference for an inclusive and ultimately a democratic government. More Iraqis say the United States was right than say it was wrong to lead the invasion, but by just 48 to 39 percent, with 13 percent expressing no opinion – hardly the unreserved welcome some U.S. policymakers had anticipated. 60% Iraqis' Views of the U.S.-Led Invasion ABC News poll 50% 48% 42% 41% 40% 39% 30% 20% 10% 0% Was right Was wrong Liberated Iraq Humiliated Iraq As many Iraqis say the war “humiliated” Iraq as say it “liberated” the country; more oppose than support the presence of coalition forces there now (although most also say they should stay for the time being); and relatively few express confidence in those forces, in the U.S.-led Coalition Provisional Authority, or in the Iraqi Governing Council.
    [Show full text]
  • Iraq Ten Years On’ Conference and at the Suleimani Forum at the American University of Suleimaniya, Both in March 2013
    Iraq on the International Stage Iraq on the International Stage Foreign Policy and National Jane Kinninmont, Gareth Stansfield and Omar Sirri Identity in Transition Jane Kinninmont, Gareth Stansfield and Omar Sirri July 2013 Chatham House, 10 St James’s Square, London SW1Y 4LE T: +44 (0)20 7957 5700 E: [email protected] F: +44 (0)20 7957 5710 www.chathamhouse.org Charity Registration Number: 208223 Iraq on the International Stage Foreign Policy and National Identity in Transition Jane Kinninmont, Gareth Stansfield and Omar Sirri July 2013 © The Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2013 Chatham House (The Royal Institute of International Affairs) is an independent body which promotes the rigorous study of international questions and does not express opinions of its own. The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the authors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording or any information storage or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of the copyright holder. Please direct all enquiries to the publishers. Chatham House 10 St James’s Square London SW1Y 4LE T: +44 (0) 20 7957 5700 F: + 44 (0) 20 7957 5710 www.chathamhouse.org Charity Registration No. 208223 ISBN 978 1 86203 292 7 A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library. Cover image: © Getty Images/AFP Designed and typeset by Soapbox Communications Limited www.soapbox.co.uk Printed
    [Show full text]
  • Threats in Southern Iraq Ahead of a US
    SMALL WARS JOURNAL smallwarsjournal.com Threats in Southern Iraq Ahead of a U.S. Withdrawal John Johnson In November 2008, the U.S. and Iraq signed a bilateral security agreement, which set two major deadlines leading up to the withdrawal of U.S. forces from Iraq: the withdrawal of all U.S. combat forces from Iraqi cities by June 30, 2009 and the withdrawal of all U.S. forces from Iraq by December 31, 2011.1 Additionally, in February 2009, President Obama announced that all U.S. combat forces would be withdrawn from Iraq by August 31, 2010, leaving several advisory and assistance units and headquarters elements in Iraq and setting the force ceiling at 50,000 for those remaining at the end of August 2010.2 As was the case during the deployment of U.S. forces into Iraq in 2003, the majority of U.S. forces will likely exit Iraq through the south, moving equipment to Iraqi and Kuwaiti ports in the northern Arabian Gulf for loading onto ships and subsequent return to U.S. bases or to other theaters of operation. There are three primary threats to the combat forces drawdown in southern Iraq including: Shia militant groups opposed to the presence of U.S. forces; Iranian influence that ranges from helpful to disruptive and deadly to U.S. and Iraqi Security Forces (ISF); and intra- Shia violence, where Shia political groups compete for power and resources. This paper focuses on Shia militant groups and malign Iranian influence, and also briefly addresses the potential threat of intra-Shia politically motivated violence.
    [Show full text]
  • Switching Sides: Political Power, Alignment, and Alliances in Post-Saddam Iraq
    SWITCHING SIDES: POLITICAL POWER, ALIGNMENT, AND ALLIANCES IN POST-SADDAM IRAQ by Diane L. Maye A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of George Mason University in Partial Fulfillment of The Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Political Science Committee: _________________________________________ Mark N. Katz, Chair _________________________________________ Colin Dueck _________________________________________ T. Aric Thrall _________________________________________ Ming Wan, Program Director _________________________________________ Mark J. Rozell, Dean Date: ____________________________________ Fall Semester 2015 George Mason University Fairfax, VA Switching Sides: Political Power, Alignment, and Alliances in post-Saddam Iraq A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at George Mason University. by Diane L. Maye Master of Arts Naval Postgraduate School, 2006 Bachelor of Science United States Air Force Academy, 2001 Director: Mark N. Katz, Professor School of Policy, Government, and International Affairs Fall Semester 2015 George Mason University Fairfax, VA Copyright 2015 Diane L. Maye All Rights Reserved ii DEDICATION This is dedicated to my wonderful husband, without whose love and support this dissertation would have not been completed. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to acknowledge those who assisted me throughout my doctoral studies over the years. I would first like to acknowledge my chairman, Dr. Mark N. Katz, for agreeing to serve as my advisor and mentor during this process. Additionally, I would like to thank Dr. Colin Dueck, and Dr. T. Aric Thrall for serving as committee members. A very special thanks to my dear friend Sa’ad Ghaffoori for our countless meetings, emails, and conversations. I would also like to thank Governor Ahmed al Dulaymi, Thamir Hamdani, Waleed Mashhadani, Colonel Dale Kuehl, Colonel William Wyman, Colonel Richard Welch, Colonel Simon Gardner, as well as, Michael Pregent, Michael Sweeney, Paul D.
    [Show full text]