Foreign Aid and the Recurrence of Violence in Post-Conflict Countries

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Foreign Aid and the Recurrence of Violence in Post-Conflict Countries FOREIGN AID AND THE RECURRENCE OF VIOLENCE IN POST-CONFLICT COUNTRIES A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Public Policy in Public Policy By Lesley Diane Hsu, B.A. Washington, DC April 12, 2019 Copyright 2019 by Lesley Diane Hsu All Rights Reserved ii FOREIGN AID AND THE RECURRENCE OF VIOLENCE IN POST-CONFLICT COUNTRIES Lesley Diane Hsu, B.A. Thesis Advisor: Andreas T. Kern, Ph.D. ABSTRACT There has been increasing attention and research focused on the sustainability of peace in post-conflict countries. Countries that emerge from civil war become highly dependent on foreign aid to provide basic services and help rebuild institutions and infrastructure. However, research has shown that in post-conflict countries, there is a fifty percent chance that a country will re-engage in conflict, or otherwise become highly aid dependent. This statistic is concerning as foreign assistance is often necessary to help reconstruction efforts, and counterproductive aid can have devastating consequences in a fragile country. As a result, the following paper will investigate what kind of role foreign aid may have in deterring renewed conflict. Using data on the aid share of GDP following dyadic peace agreements in the time span between 1975 and 2005, the analysis looks at the probability of the recurrence of violence within five years in countries just emerging from conflict. My main findings hint that an increased share of aid is associated with more lasting peace; however, this relationship is not significant. From a policy perspective, these results suggest that while foreign aid may provide a welcome economic boost to a country emerging from conflict, the effectiveness of the aid in helping maintain peace is more highly influenced by the environment in which it is disbursed. As a result, donors should be mindful of the context of the conflict when making decisions on how foreign aid is distributed. iii I would like to acknowledge my advisor, Dr. Andreas Kern, for his guidance and support throughout this process. Many thanks, Lesley Diane Hsu iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 Background ...................................................................................................................................... 4 Literature Review ............................................................................................................................ 7 Conceptual Framework ................................................................................................................... 9 Empirical Analysis ........................................................................................................................ 13 Data Description ......................................................................................................................... 13 Kaplan-Meier Survival Model .................................................................................................... 18 Regression Results ...................................................................................................................... 20 Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................... 24 Appendix ....................................................................................................................................... 26 References ..................................................................................................................................... 33 v LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Post-conflict Countries and Number of Failed Peace Agreements ................................ 15 Figure 2. Duration of Peace Agreements by Year ......................................................................... 17 Figure 3. Kaplan-Meier Survival Curves ...................................................................................... 19 LIST OF TABLES Table 1. Logit Results .................................................................................................................... 22 Table 2. Post-Cold War Logit Results ........................................................................................... 23 Table A1. Definition of Variables ................................................................................................. 26 Table A2. Descriptive Statistics .................................................................................................... 28 Table A3. Post-Cold War Descriptive Statistics ........................................................................... 28 Table A4. List of Peace Agreements ............................................................................................. 29 vi Introduction With the growing prevalence of civil war over any other type of conflict in the past few decades, much research has been dedicated to investigating the conditions and motivations that foster intrastate violence. One recurring theme that studies have found is that economic performance or the presence of an economic shock has been a significant factor in predicting the onset of conflict. For example, countries with lower levels of GDP per capita income, slower growth rates of per capita income, and more increased dependence on a primary commodity export have displayed higher risks of entering into conflict (Collier and Hoeffler 2002; Fearon and Laitin 2003). Given that foreign aid becomes an important source of revenue for post- conflict countries, especially in the years following conflict when inflows are substantially enlarged from humanitarian and state aid appeals, the distribution and application of aid plays an important role in creating and sustaining an environment that discourages and prevents conflict. Low economic development in the years following conflict can increase the risk of conflict relapse, as individuals are more likely to enlist with rebel groups in these conditions (Walter 2004). Therefore, this paper will be exploring the following question, what is the relationship between foreign aid and the likelihood of recurring civil violence in post-conflict countries? The difficulty of ending civil conflict has been complicated over the years with changes in the dynamics and technology of organized violence, and varying levels of international intervention. For example, Howard and Stark (2018) argue that the international political environment has played a large a role in the sharp decrease in number of civil wars that have ended in a decisive victory after the Cold War, pushed along by the “absence of major threats and the quest for democratization” by the US and their allies (2018, 130). In Doyle and Sambanis’ (2000) dataset covering civil wars from 1944 to 1997, 20% (13 of 61) of conflicts 1 during the Cold War ended in a “tie” (truce or settlement) while 70% (38 of 54) of conflicts after the Cold War ended in a “tie” (Fortna 2009). This has placed more pressure on the cooperation and voluntary demobilization of all participating groups to maintain peace. Outside interventions have consistently played a role in initiating, negotiating, and ending conflict. While civil conflicts are limited within one country’s borders, neighboring countries often have an interest in the outcomes of conflict as they are impacted as well through the migration of refugees fleeing violence, disruptions in trade, and possible overflow of violence into their own borders. For example, because of shared ethnic backgrounds, states may intervene indirectly through covert support, allowing arms transactions, or allowing rebel operations on their territory (Gleditsch 2007). In the post-conflict period, outside intervention has often continued in forms such as support of peacekeeping forces, implementation of development programs, and involvement in institutional reforms, for which foreign aid has been a primary source of funding. Once a conclusion to a civil war has been reached, the costs of long-running violence and destruction are even more difficult to overcome. Even in countries such as Sierra Leone and Liberia that have deliberately included disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) processes in their peace agreements, the implementation of these mechanisms has not always been successful. Countries that have experienced war “have a two to four times higher risk of subsequent war,” which becomes substantially decreased after maintaining post-conflict peace for 10 years, but still remains higher than in pre-war conditions (Collier et al. 2003, 104). In fact, a 2011 World Development Report found that “90 percent of the civil wars since 2000 occurred in countries that had experienced a civil war in the previous 30 years.” (von Einsiedel et al. 2014, 3). Collier et al. (2003) have referred to this cycle of violence as a conflict trap. 2 As a result, my research attempts to build on this growing area of research and focuses on how the international community has attempted to maintain peace and security, specifically through the distribution of foreign aid to post-conflict countries. My key hypothesis is that countries with higher aid shares of GDP are less likely to revert back to conflict, which is tested using a replication dataset that contains a compilation on dyadic peace agreements from 1975
Recommended publications
  • Civil Supremacy of the Military in Namibia: an Evolutionary Perspective
    ~f Civil Supremacy of the Military in Namibia: An Evolutionary Perspective By Guy Lamb Department of Political Studies University of Cape Town December 1998 Town Cape of . ·-~\,1.~ l ~ -._/ I /- -....,,._,.,---, University r/ / ~ This dissertation is for the partial fulfillment for a Master of Social Sciences (International and Comparative Politics). The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgementTown of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Cape Published by the University ofof Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University Town Cape of University Table of Contents Page Abstract i Maps ii Acknowledgements VI List of Acronyms viI Introduction 1 Civil Supremacy in Namibia: An Evolution? 1 Civil Supremacy and its Importance 2 Focus on Namibia 4 · Why Namibia? 5 Chapter 1: The Historical Evolution of Civil Supremacy: A 6 Conceptual Approach Town 1.1 Introducing the Problem 6 1.2 Civil-Military Relations: Survey of the Discipline and 7 Review of the Literature Cape 1.2.1 Civil-Military Relations as a Field of Study 7 1.2.2 Review of Civil Military Relationsof Literature 8 1.2.3 Focus on Civil Supremacy 11 1.3 What is Civil Supremacy? 12 1.3.1 An Overview of Civil Supremacy 12 1.3.2 A Question of Bias 13 1.4 Civil Military Traditions 14 1.4.1 Colonial 14 1.4.2 Revolutionary/Insurgent 15 1.4.2.1 The InfluenceUniversity of Mao Tse-tung
    [Show full text]
  • Institute of Commonwealth Studies
    University of London INSTITUTE OF COMMONWEALTH STUDIES COHP Transcript Mr RF ‘Pik’ Botha: APPENDIX ONE Content: Interview with Mr RF ‘Pik’ Botha conducted by Dr Sue Onslow in Akasia, Pretoria, South Africa on 15th July 2008. Collected as part of research for the Africa International Affairs Programme at the London School of Economics Centre for International Affairs, Diplomacy and Strategy (LSE IDEAS). Key: SO: Sue Onslow (Interviewer) RB: Mr RF ‘Pik’ Botha (Respondent) SO: How far did South Africa find itself isolated and beleaguered in the international community because of SA intervention in Angola in 1975? RB: Under the Alvor Agreement, the three signatories – MPLA, FNLA and UNITA – were to govern Angola together until 11 November 1975. This meant that virtually every ministry and department would have had 3 officials for every post. However, the Portuguese governor gave in – he was pro-communist and favoured the MPLA. This caused disruption inside Angola and brought Cuban intervention, as the MPLA position in the central part of the country was strengthened by large numbers of Cuban troops. Against that background, UNITA requested South African assistance. In the case of Mozambique, the Portuguese handed over power to FRELIMO, the only nationalist movement, in accordance with international law. Hence South Africa immediately recognised the new government and power was transferred regularly. However, we never recognised the new government in Angola because the MPLA had seized power. I was then Ambassador in Washington. The South African view was a fear: where would the Cubans stop? Would they cross into Ovamboland, in northern South West Africa/Namibia? Then there would be a war there, too.
    [Show full text]
  • The US Brokered Settlement of the Namibian Dispute, 1988
    THE US It ROKERIED SETTLEMENT OF THE NAMIBIAN DISPUTE, 1988 It Y RAVEI,E I RAMAIMANA A SHORT DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MAS'ER ®-4 AR S IN HISTORY IN THE Y AR S AT THE RAND A -.4RIKAANS JNIVERSITY SUPERVISOR o PROFESSOR H. J. VAN ASWEGEN 15 FEBRUARY 1999 TABLE OF CONTENTS DEDICATION (i) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS (ii)-(iii) LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS (iv)-(v) SUMMARY 1 - 2 CHAPTER. 1 3 INTRODUCTION 3 - 8 1.1 NOTES 9 CHAPTER 2 10 BACKGROUND 10 - 14 2.1 NOTES 15 - 16 CHAPTER. 3 17 WHY THE US TOOK THE INITIATIVE TO MEDIATE THE ANGOLA - NAMIBIA CONFLICT IN 1988 17 3.1 INTRODUCTION 17 3.2 END OF REAGAN 'S PRESIDENCY 18 3.3 SOVIET UNION - UNITED STATES RELATIONS 18 - 20 3.4 SANCTIONS FRACAS 20 - 21 3.5 ECONOMIC INVESTMENTS 21 - 22 3.6 DESTABILIZATION 22 - 23 3.7 ANTI - APARTHEID ACTIVISM 23 - 25 Page 3.8 CONCLUSION 25 3.9 NOTES 26 - 28 CHAPTER. 4 29 WHY THE ACTORS IN THE ANGOLA - NAMIBIA CONFLICT ACCEDED TO US MEDIATION 29 4.1 INTRODUCTION 29 - 30 4.2 THE SOVIET UNION 30 - 33 4.3 CUBA 33 - 36 4.4 THE SOUTH AFRICAN GOVERNMENT 37 - 42 4.5 THE ANGOLAN GOVERNMENT 42 - 44 4.6 NOTES 45 - 49 CHAPTER. 5 50 THE EXCLUSION OF SWAPO FROM THE QUADRIPARTITE TALKS 50 - 54 5.1 CONCLUSION 54 5.2 NOTES 55 - 56 CHAPTER. 6 57 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF US MEDIATED TALKS 57 - 62 6.1 NOTES 63 - 64 CHAPTER 7 65 7.1 CONCLUSION 65 - 67 SOURCE MST 68 - 78 (1) DEDICATION Mailman!, Shonisani, Sedzesani, Dakalo and Zwonaka, this is yours.
    [Show full text]
  • Distr. GENERAL S/L3120 26 February 1979 ORIGINAL: Englisii
    Distr. GENERAL S/l3120 26 February 1979 ORIGINAL: ENGLISIi F&PORT OF THE SECRETARY-GENERALCONCERNING THR IMPLEp~m:rITATION OF SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTIONS 435 (1978) and 439 (1978) ON THE QUESTION OF N&VIBIA 1. Pursuant to paragraph 7 of Security Council resolution 439 (1978) concerning the situation in Namibia, I held meetings in New York with the Secretary for Foreign Affairs of South Africa and the Foreign Minister of South Africa from 23 to 24 November (S/12938) and from 27 to 29 November, respectively (S/12950). The meetings focused on paragraph 5 of Security council resolution 435 (19781, by which the Security Council called on South Africa forthwith to co-operate with the Secretary-General in the implementation of that resolution; as well as on paragraphs 4 and 5 of Security Council resolution 439 (1978) by which the Security Council called upon South Africa immediately to cancel the elections it had planned in Namibia in December 1978; and demanded once again that South Africa co-operate with the Security Council and the Secretary-General in the implementation of its resolutions 385 (1976), 431 (1978) and 435 (1978). 2. In a letter dated 22 December 1978 (S/12983, Annex I), the Minister of Foreign Affairs of South Africa informed me that the Government of South Africa had decided to co-operate in the expeditious implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (19781, and invited me to arrange for my Special Representative to "proceed to South Africa and South West Africa" as soon as possible for the purpose of completing consultations on outstanding issues.
    [Show full text]
  • THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE of INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Witwatersrand National Headquarters: N?Tal Eastern Province JAN SMUTS HOUSE " ,,Prftoria P.O
    THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Witwatersrand National Headquarters: N?tal Eastern Province JAN SMUTS HOUSE " ,,Prftoria P.O. Box 315% •,,.,. Stellenbosch Braamfontein Border (Johannesburg) ? 2017 Transvaal Telephone (Oil) 39/2021 Brief Report No. 14 SETTLEMENT'OF THE NAMIBIAN DISPUTE A Question of Political Will Whether or not the Western-sponsored UN plan for Namibian independence is about to collapse finally, the recent problems which have held up im- plementation of the plan are symptomatic of the climate of intense mistrust and suspicion, which has pervaded these negotiations since they began two years ago. It is perhaps not surprising that the 33-year old international dispute has produced this mistrust on all sides, and in these circumstances the settlement proposal of the Western Five, which won general acceptance from the parties involved in the dispute, as well as Security Council endorsement, was a remarkable achievement. But the proposed settlement plan remained a fragile one, with a number of ambiguities in its terms and many possible stumbling blocks in the way of its successful implementation. Its success depended above all oh the degree of political will and determination that it should succeed, on the part of the contending parties. Only the necessary political will, based on a realistic calculation by each party that.a favour- able balance of advantage would be gained by a settlement, overcame the many problems along the road of negotiations, and the same political will is re- quired from all parties if the present plan (or any future one for a peaceful settlement) is to be implemented.
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa's Amnesty Process: a Viable Route Toward Truth and Reconciliation
    Michigan Journal of Race and Law Volume 3 1997 South Africa's Amnesty Process: A Viable Route Toward Truth and Reconciliation Emily H. McCarthy United States District Court for the District of Columbia Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjrl Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, and the Rule of Law Commons Recommended Citation Emily H. McCarthy, South Africa's Amnesty Process: A Viable Route Toward Truth and Reconciliation, 3 MICH. J. RACE & L. 183 (1997). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjrl/vol3/iss1/4 This Symposium Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of Race and Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SOUTH AFRICA'S AMNESTY PROCESS: A VIABLE ROUTE TOWARD TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION? Emily H. McCarthy* The road to democracyfor South Africa was based on compromise. One of the most significant compromises made by the negotiators was the acceptance of an amnesty process culminating in the passage of the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act of 1995. The Act grants full indemnity from criminal and civil prosecution to anyone affiliated with a political organization who committed an "act associated with a political objective" and who fully discloses all relevant facts. The purpose of the Act is twofold: to establish the "truth" about the apartheid past and to promote "reconciliation" among South Africans.
    [Show full text]
  • Myth, Reality, and the Future in Southern Africa: Challenges for a New Administration
    Myth, Reality, and the Future in Southern Africa: Challenges for a New Administration The Carter Center March, 1988 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction Jimmy Carter 2. Introduction William Milliken 3. Conference Summary John Marcum 4. Regional Overview Andrew Young 5. Regional Overview S.T. Ketlogetswe 6. South Africa David Hauck The Potential U.S. Role in Bringing About Political Change in South Africa 7. Namibia James O. C. Jonah Reviving Namibian Negotiations 8. Angola John Marcum Civil War and Superpower Confrontation in Angola: The Search For A Way Out 9. Mozambique Michael Clough United States Policy Toward Mozambique 10. Participants When one examines all the foreign policy issues likely to face the next U.S. administration, southern Africa, while inherently difficult, may be the most promising of all in terms of actually influencing positive developments and obtaining measurable results in a short time span. Current policies have begun to capitalize on a tentative movement among nations in the region to address certain situations which are prohibiting stabilization. However, with the existence of an international consensus concerning the illegality of the occupation of Namibia and the dehumanization of the policy of apartheid more could be done to advance a multilateral approach toward southern Africa. In short, a real opportunity to bring peace to a troubled region is being missed. Part of the problem is lack of accurate information and understanding of what is happening in the region. Advocacy and passion have often clouded or distorted reality. This past March, former Governor William Milliken and I were co-chairmen of "Myth, Reality, and the Future in Southern Africa: Challenges for a New Administration," a policy briefing sponsored by The Carter Center of Emory University and the Ford Foundation.
    [Show full text]
  • Southern Africa, Vol. 13, No. 7
    Southern Africa, Vol. 13, No. 7 http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.nusa198009 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org Southern Africa, Vol. 13, No. 7 Alternative title Southern AfricaSouthern Africa News BulletinRhodesia News Summary Author/Creator Southern Africa Committee Publisher Southern Africa Committee Date 1980-09-00 - 1980-10-00 Resource type Magazines (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Zimbabwe, South Africa, Namibia, Southern Africa (region), United States, Mozambique, Botswana Coverage (temporal) 1980-00-00 Source Northwestern University Libraries Rights By kind permission of the Southern Africa Committee. The article entitled "Borrowing in Times of Plenty" is used by kind permission of Beate Klein Becker.
    [Show full text]
  • 184 Chapter Four Namibia's Experience of DDRRR 4.1 Introduction Namibia Experienced DDRRR414 in a UN Peace Operations Context
    Chapter Four Namibia’s Experience of DDRRR 4.1 Introduction Namibia experienced DDRRR414 in a UN peace operations context at the end of the Cold War. This followed extended involvement by the UN (preceded by the League of Nations) and a prolonged anti-colonial struggle dating back to the 1960s. The New York Accords of 22 December 1988 facilitated the implementation of Namibia’s (formerly South West Africa) independence plan as outlined under UN Security Council Resolution 435(1978).415 UN Resolution 435 provided for the establishment of the multidimensional UN Transitional Assistance Group (UNTAG). UNTAG was essentially a political and policing operation tasked with creating and managing conditions for Namibia’s democratic transition to independence. Central components of the plan included the disarmament and demobilization of South Africa’s colonial forces and liberation forces as well as the UNHCR voluntary repatriation operation. This meant that UNTAG provided the institutional framework for 414 UNTAG’s mandate specifically covered disarmament, demobilization and repatriation. In this study these are grouped under the broader DDRRR terminology. 415 For detailed historical analyses see L. Cliffe, et al…The Transition to Independence in Namibia, (Boulder and London, Lynne Rienner, 1994); C. Crocker, High Noon in Southern Africa, (New York, Norton, 1992);Groth S, Namibia, The Wall of Silence, The Dark Days of the Liberation Struggle, (Germany, Peter Hammer Verlag, 1995); C. Leys and J.S. Saul, Namibia's Liberation Struggle, (London, James Currey, 1995); United Nations, The Blue Helmets: A Review of United Nations Peacekeeping, (New York, United Nations Department of Information, 1996); C.J.
    [Show full text]
  • Namibia 1979 : Another Angola?
    NAMIBIA 1979 : ANOTHER ANGOLA? David Malcolm Stone HONIIMEK.GA nM* NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL Monterey, California THESIS NAiMIBIA 1979 : ANOTHER ANGOLA? by David Malcolm Stone March 1979 Thesis Advisor: J. Valenta Approved for public release; distribution unlimited T188660 "UOLEV KNOX LIBRARY -: WAL POSTGRADU/' "'^UHG l aSSifled .MONTERFYifift qi" SECUNITY CLASSIFICATION OF THIS PACE (Whun Dmm ent*r«<f> READ INSTRUCTIONS REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE BEFORE COMPLETING FORM I. nCPOMT NUMBCM 2. OOVT ACCESSION NO, 1. MECI^lENT'S CATALOG NUMaCn 4. TITLE rand 5u*»rf«) 5. TY^E OF REPORT k PERIOD COVERED Master's Thesis; Namibia 1979 : Another Angola? March 1979 «. PCHFORMING ORG. REPORT NUMBER 7. AUTMORf*; a. CONTRACT OR GRANT NUMSERfa) David Malcolm Stone • PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME AND AOORBSS 10. PROGRAM ELEMENT, PROJECT, TASK AREA * WORK UNIT NUMBERS Naval Postgraduate School Monterey, CA 93940 1 I. CONTROLLING OFFICE NAME AND ADDRESS 12. REPORT DATE Naval Postgraduate School March 1979 Monterey, CA 93940 19. NUMBER OF PAGES 168 14. MONITORING AGENCY NAME * AOORESSCff (tlttmtmtt from ControlUnt Ottle*) IS. SECURITY CLASS, (el thia rifiert) Unclassified ts«. oeclassification/oowncraoinc SCHEDULE l«. DISTRIBUTION STATEMENT (ot ihia X*p«rO Approved for public release; distribution unlimited 17. DISTRIBUTION STATEMENT (ol th» •kacrael tnlfd In Blaek 20. II dllltmnt Iram Rmporii IS. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES IS. KEY WORDS (ContttuM on tmwmtw aldm II ntcmammir and ZdMiXfr *r UocM numhmr) Namibia Liberation Movements Angola South Africa USSR - Africa Colonialism USA - Africa Majority Rule Apartheid Soviet Expansionism 20. ABSTRACT (CoittltnM an rmvmrmm •<«• II n«e«««arr «id IdmnUIr br *loeit mim^t) The struggle for majority rule in southern Africa is today a sub- ject of great concern.
    [Show full text]
  • Security Council . .
    UNITED Security.. Council-- ,.4 PRCVISIONAL VERBATIM RECORDOF THE TWO THOUSAND ' ,' SEVEN HUNDRED AND FIFTY-NINTH MEETING \-* : I , Held at Headquarters, New York, a*: , -- on Friday, 30 October 1987, at 3 p.m. ' ' _._ .~.._. _. .: -.. ..-. ..._._.*.._ --k :i . / i. ) .-. L-j c? President: Mr. BUCCI (Italy>-+ ' '* :i: ,?.._ . \ , . ----is-‘a ! '., Members: Argentina Mr. DELPECH i ."i) <!* :\ Bulgaria Mr. GARVALOV China Mr. YU Mengjia Congo Mr. ADOUKX France Mr. BROCHAND Germany, Federal Republic of Count YORK von NARTENBURG Ghana Mr. .GBEH6 Japan Mr. KIKUCHI Union of Soviet Socialist Republics Mr. BELONOGOV United Arab Emirates Mr. AL-SHAALI United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern IreTand Sir Crfspfn TICKELL United States of America Mr. OKUN Venezuela Mr. AGUILAR Zambia Mr. ZUZE This record contain6 the origin*1 text of%pBeches.delivered in English and interpretations of speeches in the other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of-the Security Council..~ ~rreC:tfOnS should be submitted to original s~peeches only. They should be sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned, within one week, to the Chief, Offlc$al. Records Editing Section, Department of Conference Services, room DC20750, 2 United Nations Plaza, and incorporated in a copy of the record. 87-60679/A 8629V iE) EB/tg s/w.2759 2 The meeting was called to order at 3.30 p.m. ADOPTION OF TBE AGENDA . : , The agenda was adopted. TBE SITUATION IN NAMIBIA " LETTER DATED 23 OCTOBER 1987 FROM TBE PERMANENTREPRESENTATIVE OF MADAGASCAR TO'THE UNITED NATIONS ADDRESSED TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE SECURITY COUNCIL (S/19230) .,, I :i: .
    [Show full text]
  • Crp 3 B 1 0 0
    Special flights: Special flights: The GDR and liberation movements in Southern Africa Hans Georg Schleicher and Illona Schleicher Special Flights to Southern Africa Special Flights to Southern Africa Hans-Georg Schleicher & Ilona Schleicher // SAPES BOOKS HARARE AFRICA z SOUTHERN AFRICA REGIONAL INSTITUTE FOR POLICY STUDIES (SARIPS) SAPES TRUST SOUTHERN AFRICA SPECIALISED STUDIES SERIES Series Editor: Ibbo Mandaza Titles in the Series The Land Question in Zimbabwe, 1995, Sam Moyo The Political Economy of Botswana in SADC, 1995, Balefi Tsie Women Teachers Under Apartheid, 1997, Shirley Sebakwane (Mahlase) Labour and Migration in Southern Africa, 1998, Lloyd M. Sach ikonye (ed.) Special Flights to Southern Africa, 1998, Hans-Georg and Ilona Schleicher First Published 1998 by SAPPHO P.O. Box MP 1005 Mount Pleasant Harare Zimbabwe ©SAPES Trust 1998 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, including electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. Typesetting by Southern Africa Printing and Publishing House (SAPPHO) (Pvt.) Ltd., ISBN 1-77905-071-2 Cover design: J.P. Studio CONTENTS Acknowledgements Foreword List of abbreviations INT RO D UC T IO N ............................................................................................. I PART O NE: South Africa ................................................................... 7 Solidarity in difficult times: The GDR and the ANC in the 1960s The sanctions discussion in the GDR ................................................. 10 Conflict between foreign policy and foreign trade aims Trade unions, the cold war and the boycott movement Criticism by ANC and SACP The international sanctions debate heats up The boycott decision 1963, problems of its implementation The GDR's trading interests in South Africa The boycott of South African sports Solidarity during the Rivonia trial and for Abram Fischer .............
    [Show full text]