Namibia 1979 : Another Angola?
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The Immediate and Long-Term Effects of Namibia's Colonization Process
The Immediate and Long-Term Effects of Namibia’s Colonization Process By: Jonathan Baker Honors Capstone Through Professor Taylor Politics of Sub-Saharan Africa Baker, 2 Table of Contents I. Authors Note II. Introduction III. Pre-Colonization IV. Colonization by Germany V. Colonization by South Africa VI. The Struggle for Independence VII. The Decolonization Process VIII. Political Changes- A Reaction to Colonization IX. Immediate Economic Changes Brought on by Independence X. Long Term Political Effects (of Colonization) XI. Long Term Cultural Effects XII. Long Term Economic Effects XIII. Prospects for the Future XIV. Conclusion XV. Bibliography XVI. Appendices Baker, 3 I. Author’s Note I learned such a great deal from this entire honors capstone project, that all the knowledge I have acquired can hardly be covered by what I wrote in these 50 pages. I learned so much more that I was not able to share both about Namibia and myself. I can now claim that I am knowledgeable about nearly all areas of Namibian history and life. I certainly am no expert, but after all of this research I can certainly consider myself reliable. I have never had such an extensive knowledge before of one academic area as a result of a school project. I also learned a lot about myself through this project. I learned how I can motivate myself to work, and I learned how I perform when I have to organize such a long and complicated paper, just to name a couple of things. The strange inability to be able to include everything I learned from doing this project is the reason for some of the more random appendices at the end, as I have a passion for both numbers and trivia. -
Special Report No
SPECIAL REPORT NO. 490 | FEBRUARY 2021 UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE w w w .usip.org North Korea in Africa: Historical Solidarity, China’s Role, and Sanctions Evasion By Benjamin R. Young Contents Introduction ...................................3 Historical Solidarity ......................4 The Role of China in North Korea’s Africa Policy .........7 Mutually Beneficial Relations and Shared Anti-Imperialism..... 10 Policy Recommendations .......... 13 The Unknown Soldier statue, constructed by North Korea, at the Heroes’ Acre memorial near Windhoek, Namibia. (Photo by Oliver Gerhard/Shutterstock) Summary • North Korea’s Africa policy is based African arms trade, construction of owing to African governments’ lax on historical linkages and mutually munitions factories, and illicit traf- sanctions enforcement and the beneficial relationships with African ficking of rhino horns and ivory. Kim family regime’s need for hard countries. Historical solidarity re- • China has been complicit in North currency. volving around anticolonialism and Korea’s illicit activities in Africa, es- • To curtail North Korea’s illicit activ- national self-reliance is an under- pecially in the construction and de- ity in Africa, Western governments emphasized facet of North Korea– velopment of Uganda’s largest arms should take into account the histor- Africa partnerships. manufacturer and in allowing the il- ical solidarity between North Korea • As a result, many African countries legal trade of ivory and rhino horns and Africa, work closely with the Af- continue to have close ties with to pass through Chinese networks. rican Union, seek cooperation with Pyongyang despite United Nations • For its part, North Korea looks to China, and undercut North Korean sanctions on North Korea. -
Civil Supremacy of the Military in Namibia: an Evolutionary Perspective
~f Civil Supremacy of the Military in Namibia: An Evolutionary Perspective By Guy Lamb Department of Political Studies University of Cape Town December 1998 Town Cape of . ·-~\,1.~ l ~ -._/ I /- -....,,._,.,---, University r/ / ~ This dissertation is for the partial fulfillment for a Master of Social Sciences (International and Comparative Politics). The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgementTown of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Cape Published by the University ofof Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University Town Cape of University Table of Contents Page Abstract i Maps ii Acknowledgements VI List of Acronyms viI Introduction 1 Civil Supremacy in Namibia: An Evolution? 1 Civil Supremacy and its Importance 2 Focus on Namibia 4 · Why Namibia? 5 Chapter 1: The Historical Evolution of Civil Supremacy: A 6 Conceptual Approach Town 1.1 Introducing the Problem 6 1.2 Civil-Military Relations: Survey of the Discipline and 7 Review of the Literature Cape 1.2.1 Civil-Military Relations as a Field of Study 7 1.2.2 Review of Civil Military Relationsof Literature 8 1.2.3 Focus on Civil Supremacy 11 1.3 What is Civil Supremacy? 12 1.3.1 An Overview of Civil Supremacy 12 1.3.2 A Question of Bias 13 1.4 Civil Military Traditions 14 1.4.1 Colonial 14 1.4.2 Revolutionary/Insurgent 15 1.4.2.1 The InfluenceUniversity of Mao Tse-tung -
Institute of Commonwealth Studies
University of London INSTITUTE OF COMMONWEALTH STUDIES COHP Transcript Mr RF ‘Pik’ Botha: APPENDIX ONE Content: Interview with Mr RF ‘Pik’ Botha conducted by Dr Sue Onslow in Akasia, Pretoria, South Africa on 15th July 2008. Collected as part of research for the Africa International Affairs Programme at the London School of Economics Centre for International Affairs, Diplomacy and Strategy (LSE IDEAS). Key: SO: Sue Onslow (Interviewer) RB: Mr RF ‘Pik’ Botha (Respondent) SO: How far did South Africa find itself isolated and beleaguered in the international community because of SA intervention in Angola in 1975? RB: Under the Alvor Agreement, the three signatories – MPLA, FNLA and UNITA – were to govern Angola together until 11 November 1975. This meant that virtually every ministry and department would have had 3 officials for every post. However, the Portuguese governor gave in – he was pro-communist and favoured the MPLA. This caused disruption inside Angola and brought Cuban intervention, as the MPLA position in the central part of the country was strengthened by large numbers of Cuban troops. Against that background, UNITA requested South African assistance. In the case of Mozambique, the Portuguese handed over power to FRELIMO, the only nationalist movement, in accordance with international law. Hence South Africa immediately recognised the new government and power was transferred regularly. However, we never recognised the new government in Angola because the MPLA had seized power. I was then Ambassador in Washington. The South African view was a fear: where would the Cubans stop? Would they cross into Ovamboland, in northern South West Africa/Namibia? Then there would be a war there, too. -
The US Brokered Settlement of the Namibian Dispute, 1988
THE US It ROKERIED SETTLEMENT OF THE NAMIBIAN DISPUTE, 1988 It Y RAVEI,E I RAMAIMANA A SHORT DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MAS'ER ®-4 AR S IN HISTORY IN THE Y AR S AT THE RAND A -.4RIKAANS JNIVERSITY SUPERVISOR o PROFESSOR H. J. VAN ASWEGEN 15 FEBRUARY 1999 TABLE OF CONTENTS DEDICATION (i) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS (ii)-(iii) LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS (iv)-(v) SUMMARY 1 - 2 CHAPTER. 1 3 INTRODUCTION 3 - 8 1.1 NOTES 9 CHAPTER 2 10 BACKGROUND 10 - 14 2.1 NOTES 15 - 16 CHAPTER. 3 17 WHY THE US TOOK THE INITIATIVE TO MEDIATE THE ANGOLA - NAMIBIA CONFLICT IN 1988 17 3.1 INTRODUCTION 17 3.2 END OF REAGAN 'S PRESIDENCY 18 3.3 SOVIET UNION - UNITED STATES RELATIONS 18 - 20 3.4 SANCTIONS FRACAS 20 - 21 3.5 ECONOMIC INVESTMENTS 21 - 22 3.6 DESTABILIZATION 22 - 23 3.7 ANTI - APARTHEID ACTIVISM 23 - 25 Page 3.8 CONCLUSION 25 3.9 NOTES 26 - 28 CHAPTER. 4 29 WHY THE ACTORS IN THE ANGOLA - NAMIBIA CONFLICT ACCEDED TO US MEDIATION 29 4.1 INTRODUCTION 29 - 30 4.2 THE SOVIET UNION 30 - 33 4.3 CUBA 33 - 36 4.4 THE SOUTH AFRICAN GOVERNMENT 37 - 42 4.5 THE ANGOLAN GOVERNMENT 42 - 44 4.6 NOTES 45 - 49 CHAPTER. 5 50 THE EXCLUSION OF SWAPO FROM THE QUADRIPARTITE TALKS 50 - 54 5.1 CONCLUSION 54 5.2 NOTES 55 - 56 CHAPTER. 6 57 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF US MEDIATED TALKS 57 - 62 6.1 NOTES 63 - 64 CHAPTER 7 65 7.1 CONCLUSION 65 - 67 SOURCE MST 68 - 78 (1) DEDICATION Mailman!, Shonisani, Sedzesani, Dakalo and Zwonaka, this is yours. -
Distr. GENERAL S/L3120 26 February 1979 ORIGINAL: Englisii
Distr. GENERAL S/l3120 26 February 1979 ORIGINAL: ENGLISIi F&PORT OF THE SECRETARY-GENERALCONCERNING THR IMPLEp~m:rITATION OF SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTIONS 435 (1978) and 439 (1978) ON THE QUESTION OF N&VIBIA 1. Pursuant to paragraph 7 of Security Council resolution 439 (1978) concerning the situation in Namibia, I held meetings in New York with the Secretary for Foreign Affairs of South Africa and the Foreign Minister of South Africa from 23 to 24 November (S/12938) and from 27 to 29 November, respectively (S/12950). The meetings focused on paragraph 5 of Security council resolution 435 (19781, by which the Security Council called on South Africa forthwith to co-operate with the Secretary-General in the implementation of that resolution; as well as on paragraphs 4 and 5 of Security Council resolution 439 (1978) by which the Security Council called upon South Africa immediately to cancel the elections it had planned in Namibia in December 1978; and demanded once again that South Africa co-operate with the Security Council and the Secretary-General in the implementation of its resolutions 385 (1976), 431 (1978) and 435 (1978). 2. In a letter dated 22 December 1978 (S/12983, Annex I), the Minister of Foreign Affairs of South Africa informed me that the Government of South Africa had decided to co-operate in the expeditious implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (19781, and invited me to arrange for my Special Representative to "proceed to South Africa and South West Africa" as soon as possible for the purpose of completing consultations on outstanding issues. -
Biography-Sam-Nujoma-332D79.Pdf
BIOGRAPHY Name: Sam Nujoma Date of Birth: 12 May 1929 Place of Birth: Etunda-village, Ongandjera district, North- Western Namibia – (Present Omusati Region) Parents: Father: Daniel Uutoni Nujoma - (subsistence farmer) Mother: Helvi Mpingana Kondombolo- (subsistence farmer) Children: 6 boys and 4 girls. From Childhood: Like all boys of those days, looked after his parents’ cattle, as well as assisting them at home in general work, including in the cultivation of land. Qualifications: Attended Primary School at Okahao Finnish Mission School 1937-1945; In the year 1946, Dr. Nujoma moved to the coastal town of Walvisbay to live with his aunt Gebhart Nandjule, where in 1947 at the age of 17 he began his first employment at a general store for a monthly salary of 10 Shillings. It was in Walvis Bay that he got exposed to modern world politics by meeting soldiers from Argentina, Norway and other parts of Europe who had been brought there during World War II. Soon after, at the beginning of 1949 Dr. Nujoma went to live in Windhoek with his uncle Hiskia Kondombolo. In Windhoek he started working for the South African Railways and attended adult night school at St. Barnabas in the Windhoek Old Location. He further studied for his Junior Certificate through correspondence at the Trans-Africa Correspondence College in South Africa. Marital Status: On 6 May 1956, Dr Nujoma got married to Kovambo Theopoldine Katjimune. They were blessed with 4 children: Utoni Daniel (1952), John Ndeshipanda (1955), Sakaria Nefungo (1957) and Nelago (1959), who sadly passed away at the age of 18 months, while Dr. -
The Pan African Movement Since 1900 ‒ Present (Pam)
THE PAN AFRICAN MOVEMENT SINCE 1900 – PRESENT (PAM) This refers to the black intellectual movement that was intended to jointly unite the blacks all over the world. It was founded in 1900 by men like William Svlvester, George Padmore from Trinidad and Tobago, WEB Dubois from the Caribbean Islands and many others who were renowned lawyers and professors. They were interested in the pride of African race. Pan Africanism is divided into two phases i.e. the 1st phase was in the Diaspora and conferences took place in Europe and America i.e. London Conference of 1900, 1919 Paris Conference, 1921 Conference held in the capitals of Paris, London and Brussels ,1927 New York Conference and the 1945 Manchester Conference (5th Pac). NB: The Manchester Conference was dominated by many African delegates from both African and the European countries and this compelled Marcus Garvey to comment that ‚if Europe is for Europeans, then the Negroes must claim Africa as their home.‛ 2nd Phase of Pan Africanism This phase was dominated by all Africans and it took place in Africa. This is because PAM had got a home base when Ghana got its independence in 1957 and it begun with the 1958 conference in Accra i.e. the April for African Independent Countries, December for all African People’s Conference (APPC). Aims and objectives of PAM It aimed at promoting and forging unity for all the blacks all over the world regardless of their education and economic levels. To restore the black man’s respect and dignity that had been white washed by slavery and colonial policies. -
TNE21 Bio Sheet
1 & 2 JUNE 2021 – VIRTUAL EVENT SPEAKER BIOGRAPHIES Brigadier general João António Campos Rocha Director of CIS, EMGFA, Portugal Brigadier general electrotechnical engineer João António Campos Rocha was born in Albufeira, Portugal, in February 1965. He belongs to the Air Force and became the Director of Communications and Information Systems of the General Staff of the Armed Forces since January of 2019. REAR-ADMIRAL MÁRIO DO CARMO DURÃO POR N (Ret.), President, AFCEA Portugal Chapter Rear-Admiral Mário Durão, graduated from Naval Academy in June 1971 and from Naval Postgraduate School, Monterey, USA, as Master of Science in Mechanical Engineering in June 1977. Between 1984 and 1994, was appointed Professor of Thermodynamics and Fluid Mechanics at the Naval Academy. From 1994 to 2005, assumed top management functions in the ICT areas in the Navy and the MoD, being CIO and Deputy Secretary General. He retired in December 2013. Since October 2014 he has been president of AFCEA Portugal. 1 KC CHOI B2B Global Lead, Samsung Electronics, USA Executive Vice President, Head of Global Mobile B2B/B2G Team, Mobile Communications Business, Samsung Electronics Co.,Ltd (Nov, 2019~present). 35 years working at several of America’s iconic technology companies such as IBM, NCR, HP and Dell and CTO for United Healthcare. B.A. in Economics and Electrical Engineering from UC Irvine, Guest lecturer at Loyola Marymount University and Stanford University. MGen Jorge Côrte-Real Andrade Deputy Director of National Defence Resources Directorate, Ministry of Defence, Portugal MGen Jorge Côrte-Real is Deputy Director of the Portuguese Defence Resources Directorate (MoD) and Deputy National Armament Director. -
The Portuguese Colonial War: Why the Military Overthrew Its Government
The Portuguese Colonial War: Why the Military Overthrew its Government Samuel Gaspar Rodrigues Senior Honors History Thesis Professor Temma Kaplan April 20, 2012 Rodrigues 2 Table of Contents Introduction ..........................................................................................................................3 Before the War .....................................................................................................................9 The War .............................................................................................................................19 The April Captains .............................................................................................................33 Remembering the Past .......................................................................................................44 The Legacy of Colonial Portugal .......................................................................................53 Bibliography ......................................................................................................................60 Rodrigues 3 Introduction When the Portuguese people elected António Oliveira de Salazar to the office of Prime Minister in 1932, they believed they were electing the right man for the job. He appealed to the masses. He was a far-right conservative Christian, but he was less radical than the Portuguese Fascist Party of the time. His campaign speeches appeased the syndicalists as well as the wealthy landowners in Portugal. However, he never was -
THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE of INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Witwatersrand National Headquarters: N?Tal Eastern Province JAN SMUTS HOUSE " ,,Prftoria P.O
THE SOUTH AFRICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Witwatersrand National Headquarters: N?tal Eastern Province JAN SMUTS HOUSE " ,,Prftoria P.O. Box 315% •,,.,. Stellenbosch Braamfontein Border (Johannesburg) ? 2017 Transvaal Telephone (Oil) 39/2021 Brief Report No. 14 SETTLEMENT'OF THE NAMIBIAN DISPUTE A Question of Political Will Whether or not the Western-sponsored UN plan for Namibian independence is about to collapse finally, the recent problems which have held up im- plementation of the plan are symptomatic of the climate of intense mistrust and suspicion, which has pervaded these negotiations since they began two years ago. It is perhaps not surprising that the 33-year old international dispute has produced this mistrust on all sides, and in these circumstances the settlement proposal of the Western Five, which won general acceptance from the parties involved in the dispute, as well as Security Council endorsement, was a remarkable achievement. But the proposed settlement plan remained a fragile one, with a number of ambiguities in its terms and many possible stumbling blocks in the way of its successful implementation. Its success depended above all oh the degree of political will and determination that it should succeed, on the part of the contending parties. Only the necessary political will, based on a realistic calculation by each party that.a favour- able balance of advantage would be gained by a settlement, overcame the many problems along the road of negotiations, and the same political will is re- quired from all parties if the present plan (or any future one for a peaceful settlement) is to be implemented. -
Who's to Challenge the Party-State in Angola? Political Space & Opposition in Parties and Civil Society
Who’s to challenge the party‐state in Angola? Political space & opposition in parties and civil society Aslak Orre Chr. Michelsen Institute Bergen, Norway for the conference ‘Election processes, liberation movements and democratic change in Africa’ Maputo, 8‐11 April 2010 CMI and IESE Introduction 1 The case of the Lubango demolitions 2 Elections in Angola: 1992 and 2008 4 The 2008 parliamentary elections 8 New constitution, old presidency, entrenched party‐state 10 The 2010 constitution 12 Can “civil society” substitute opposition parties in a democratic party‐state? 14 References 18 Introduction Was it not for the unsolved though low-scale conflict in the Cabinda enclave north of the Congo river, Angola has been “at peace” since February 2002 when government troops killed insurgent leader Jonas Savimbi. The remaining guerrillas of Unita demobilised and its leadership was integrated into Unita the political party. Although Unita then was formally part of a Government of National Unity and Reconciliation (GURN), there was never any doubt as to who were the ruling party: The MPLA, under the supreme leadership of President José Eduardo dos Santos. The MPLA has been the governing party Angola since independence in 1975 and dos Santos the party leader and President since 1979. He has overseen the end of the one-party state in 1991, the end of the long war and the coming of age of the oil-boom and spectacular economic growth of the 2000’s – and in early 2010 a new constitution was in place which essentially solidifies dos Santos’ rule. This paper is a case study of one of the first-generation liberation movements which after independence converted itself into the ruling party.