28 June 1986 Marxism Today

ARTAlliances between pop anYd politics ar e noMUSIt new. The formation of Red C Wedge, however, is distinctive in its close identification with the Labour party. Simon Frith and John Street

THERE IS a long-established argument from the start. The party put up the initial that pop and organised politics have little money for a tour and provided MPs to talk Pin common, and that each suffers by being to the audience in the foyer; Billy Bragg linked. The most notorious moment of the brought together the performers. Woodstock Festival, ultimate celebration Their motives for joining varied. Even of 1960s counter-culture, was when Pete now, Red Wedge seems to have no agreed Townshend of The Who knocked Abbey political line except anti-Thatcherism and Hoffman off stage as he tried to make a vaguely expressed support for the Labour political speech, and even now, after Live party and for the need to involve young Aid has revealed the practical possibilities people in politics. The Redskins, the of an organised rock campaign, media SWP's house band and supporters of many cynics like Julie Burchill suggest that left benefits, refused to be involved, on the 'there's no safer way to castrate (sic) a grounds that Red Wedge was simply political view than to express it to a geared to the support of a 'right wing' throbbing back-beat'. party leadership. Black musician Junior But such scepticism is matched by the Giscombe ceded that while Labour was the National Front, and while the SWP was increasingly dogged claims of those who best of the main political groups, 'if you instrumental in sustaining it, RAR was not insist on uniting pop and politics, who hear asked me to get up on a stage and recruit used as a way of mobilising support for the in that same back-beat the sound of a for them, I would say no, because I still SWP. The successful emphasis was on democratic populism. don't believe in a lot of the things that the local initiatives and grassroots organisation Are they right? The best way to answer Labour party are doing, especially for (something the highly centralised Red the question is to examine Red Wedge, the black kids'. He, like the rest of the Red Wedge should note). organisation of entertainers for the Labour Wedge touring troupe, seemed to be there What really distinguishes Red Wedge party. In both its claims and its activities to change the party as much as to support it from RAR, though, and what makes it Red Wedge focuses the issues. Is pop just a - Paul Weller's stage rhetoric, in particu- such an important development, is the way distraction from the real struggle? Can lar, had a distinctly militant flavour: 'we're it brings political judgements into play. politicians learn anything from rock stars? going to take the party back into our Musicians are not simply supporting a hands!' single cause, they are involved in linking Roots and branches Involvement with a particular party is issues into a political programme. They are Red Wedge certainly seems to symbolise a Red Wedge's most distinctive feature. part of a process in which alliances are new attitude among pop musicians to There are many precedents for the pop- being forged as part of an electoral political parties. In 1974, the Musicians political alliance, most obviously Rock strategy. Union tried to recruit rock stars to These changes are a result of a number Labour's electoral cause. They got two of different musical and political factors. replies: Alan Price said he would help; Ray with Red Wedge the Red Wedge traded on the well-established Davies of the Kinks (and now Red Wedge) musicians and the politicians tradition within popular music for benefit said he was voting Tory. The attempt to are involved in messy performances and, in particular, many of recruit musicians through their union questions of policy and Red Wedge's stars had given such support failed. In comparison, Red Wedge (laun- during the miners' strike, which had ched at the end of last year) is a remarkable strategy brought them into direct contact with the success. This time the musicians (who organised labour movement. Their in- cover the pop world from Sade to The Against Racism in the late 1970s, which volvement led to their increasing politi- Smiths) were persuaded to join by the drew on the power and commitment of cisation, not just in terms of the content of party, not the union, and the impresario punk and reggae in its attempt to build a their songs, but also in terms of their was not a union official but a rock star, political movement around a concert plat- actions, their understanding that support- Billy Bragg. With Red Wedge, the party form. The point of RAR, though, was not ing Labour (or, at least, opposing Thatch- and musicians have worked together to change a party but to destroy one, the er) meant more than cash donations. RED WEDGE: their concerts were intended to unite audiences in a common cause. Paul Welter, Jimmy From rebellion to responsibility questions about musicians' responsibili- Sommerville, Sarah-Jane Morris, Billy Bragg and Junior (above) are all well-known musicians with a There is something touching about the ties, and it was Bob Geldof s achievement particular stage approach. Keith Vaz(left)Labour's picture of pop stars like Billy Bragg, Paul to ask these questions in the most pertinent prospective parliamentary candidate/or Leicester is joined by musicians in his campaign. Billy Bragg Weller and Jerry Dammers attending end- possible way, to counterpose pop's global (below): he persuaded the performers to join Red less committee meetings to discuss the success (Phil Collins's records to be heard Wedge. nuts and bolts of Labour party arts policy in every African capital) to the appalling or Anti-Apartheid's regional campaign. realities of the world economy. It's a picture in striking contrast to rock's The paradox of Live Aid was that while traditional imagery of leather-clad rebel- in the name of 'humanity' it seemed to lion and drugged bohemia and it is temp- depoliticise famine, in the same terms, in ting to explain it by reference to the the name of 'humanity', it politicised mass personalities involved - Bragg, Weller and music. Red Wedge can be seen as an effect Dammers are unusual stars. But Red of this new-found sense of responsibility in Wedge has the active support of perfor- Britain. It is seen as a way of organising mers with no activist history, and it is political activity, not just concerts, but important to understand the material fac- workshops for would-be musicians and tors lying behind the emergence of a video-makers, and local groups to co- general feeling of 'responsibility' among ordinate cultural activities and youth sup- musicians. This feeling was displayed most dramatically in the Live Aid concerts but is a continuing presence in both Britain 'the Labour party is the fun and the USA (where Live Aid was suc- party, the good time party, ceeded by Farm Aid and Artists Against come and enjoy yourselves!' The changes in musicians' attitudes in Apartheid's 'Sun City'). the last few years are paralleled by wider The source of pop stars' new-found shifts in cultural politics. 'Youth' has moralism lies, paradoxically, in the record port for Labour. Whether such plans work become an increasingly salient political industry's success in absorbing rock's (and at present there is little happening at constituency, both as a potential electorate youthful rebellion, in placing pop stars at local level to justify the rhetoric) and and as the specific victim of government the centre of a world-wide leisure industry. whether full-time musicians can really be policies, while the 60s generation of activ- The technological developments of the last effective political organisers is another ists has now reached an influential place in decade - the spread of cassette recording, matter, but the point is that there is a left organisations. The latter take for the increasingly important cross-national substantive group of performers who be- granted the political importance of both presence of satellite broadcasting and cable lieve they have a responsibility to try. music and youth; they are attuned to ideas tv - have made Anglo-American musicians There's a last point to be made about of cultural engagement, at odds with the a more significant source of multinational this. The 'power' of musicians to influence forms and concerns of traditional political profit than ever before. The idea that rock their fans has not just attracted political activity. The result of all these develop- is some sort of 'underground' entertain- interest from the Left. While Bob Geldof ments is that musicians are having to face ment is now clearly ridiculous. was mobilising this power to a noble end in new sorts of political questions, while Rock's incorporation into consumerism Britain, the Parents Music Resource Cen- politicians wrestle with new sorts of cultu- - from counter-culture and sub-culture to tre was seeking to curtail it in the USA. ral questions, as they work together to multi-media sales campaign - hasn't, then, The PMRC's moral crusade against rock is write policies on tape levies or pirate radio, diminished its political significance (as reminiscent of responses to rock'n'roll in or independent labels or community suggested by people who denounce musi- the 1950s. These culminated in the payola music. cians for 'selling out') but raised new hearings, the 'clean-up' of pop radio. The June 1986 Marxism Today

PMRC has used similar tactics to 'clean up' it (as Norman Tebbit followed him) with new, non-Militant manipulated youth con- rock lyrics and videos: a congressional an appearance at the British Phonographic stituency. sub-committee, a press campaign, a tour- Industry awards, and whereas Tebbit Red Wedge fits too into broader trends - ing slide show of the 'Filthy 15' worst clearly represented the industry (a sign and tensions - within the party. GLC ideas songs. This campaign reflects the new that the tape levy is now Tory approved) are seeping slowly into mainstream Right realisation that pop is powerful and Kinnock placed himself with the musi- Labour thought - not just its imaginative must therefore be subjected to proper cians. It is tempting, then, to see Red use of the media to press its cause, nor its moral scrutiny and regulation. Wedge as just another way to give Kinnock ability to find common cause with young We can expect similar campaigns in style. But Red Wedge's determination people (in a way Labour nationally has Britain and they suggest a situation in (and ability) to remain critical of the party not), through the promotion of concerts which rock musicians are, as a matter of suggests that the relationship is more com- course, regarded as a threat to conservat- plex. ism. There is a paradox here. At the Red Wedge tour press confer- there was an air of uplift, Most pop musicians are, in practice (as ences in January, it was always stressed tinged with worthiness, to the few public Conservatives in rock, like that Thatcherism has had a distinct impact Police manager Miles Copeland, point out) on youth as youth. Policies on housing their music; it was intended to small business people, who justify their benefits, board and lodging, youth train- unite audiences in a common success in terms of hard work and indi- ing, student grants, wage rates and educa- cause vidual enterprise - their wealth is 'de- tion, have all affected young people direct- served'. Post Live Aid, though, to justify ly. The result of mass school-leaver unem- pop stardom in terms of getting as rich as ployment is that as 'teenager' as a consum- and venues, but also its willingness to act possible seems immoral (just as 60s rebel er category has become less important as an umbrella for a variety of causes. With poses now just seem self-centred). In this (pre-teens and yuppies are the key markets the abolition of the GLC, the opportunity context to act responsibly means to display now), youth as a political category, a exists for the Labour party to take on its a social conscience, to reject capitalist specific interest group, has become more role, but if it is to bring together formally motives of profit and self-interest. It's this significant. There is an electoral argument the GLC constituency - youth, women, general mood among musicians that Red here too - there will be 5m 18-24 year-olds CND, anti-apartheid, gays, blacks, animal Wedge organisers have been able to tap in on the electoral register by 1988. As Adam rights, etc - it has to find people to recruiting their Labour party campaig- Lebor reported in the New Statesman last represent and link these groups. Red ners. year: 'until 1979 Labour could be confi- Wedge is one way. It brings together dent of winning more votes from the musicians who, albeit in vague and dispa- The Labour theory of pop value under-25s than any other party. But more rate forms, have been associated as benefit Why has the Labour party opened itself to (42%) voted Conservative in that year than bands with these different causes. Their this pressure? At a trivial level the party Labour (41%). The trend continued in active support for the Labour party (The has become aware of the need to adopt a 1983 with 42% voting Conservative, 33% Communards representing gays, Junior new image. The appointment of Peter Labour and 23% Alliance'. Support has Giscombe and Lorna Gee young blacks swung back since then but the youth vote etc,) gives credibility to the Labour party is volatile and the party has become in- interest in such 'minorities'. while Bob Geldof was creasingly aware both of its failure to appeal to the young in any lasting way in Making a wedge mobilising this power to a the past and the need to grasp the youth It is not clear, however, that Red Wedge noble end in Britain, the vote now. can both represent Labour to 'youth' and Parents Music Resource Even the attacks on the Militant tenden- various special interests to the Labour Centre was seeking to curtail cy can be seen partly in this light. Mili- party. At the very least, there is a tension it in the USA tant's long-standing hold on the Labour between directing arguments to the youth party Young Socialists has prevented the constituency whilst also trying to create a party from establishing an effective youth forum for a variety of single issue causes. Mandelson, late of London Weekend section, and Red Wedge represents an Red Wedge has had little to say about Television, as the party's publicity officer alternative centrally-controlled approach sexual politics (Kinnock refers to 'Billy is one example of the growing concern with to the young. Not that Red Wedge offers a Bragg and the boys') - were it to take presentation. 'The party's image has never simple solution to the Militant problem. feminism more seriously on the stage or in been better', claimed Mandelson in The At the local level, certainly, there is bound the foyer, the question of who or what was Guardian last November. 'It's very to be tension between Red Wedge's and being represented might be raised. Simi- fashionable and a lot of that's to do with Militant's claims on young socialists larly, the Red Wedge 'line' on pirate radio, Neil appeal'. This new image is clearly (already reflected in the contrast between the application/use of a tape levy, mari- associated with pop (see the revamped the shambolic 'local' events and sell-out juana legislation - on which there are a New Socialist). 'The Labour party is the evening shows on the Red Wedge tour). number of opinions among its constituen- fun party, the good time party, come and The Red Wedge line on Militant (and cies - is much less clear than its support of enjoy yourselves!' proclaimed the cam- Militant expulsions) has, so far, been con- CND or anti-apartheid, on which agree- paign van in the Brecon by-election. Kin- fused by its wish to support the party, its ment does match the collective emotions of nock's appearance in the Tracey Ullman determination to remain aloof from the a pop show. video was just the beginning. He followed party leadership, and its need to create a The Red Wedge pop tour depended on 32 June 1986 Marxism Today musicians with proven popularity and a community identity but involve job oppor- to educate them. Red Wedge's audiences particular stage approach: there was an air tunities, a chance for people to have mate- themselves appeared to reject both models of uplift, tinged with worthiness, to their rial control of their culture, whether or not for a more familiar one - the Red Wedge music; it was intended to unite audiences they satisfy the criteria of 'art' or 'creativ- stars were there to entertain them. Smash in a common cause - there was no music to ity'. Red Wedge is beginning to feed such Hits quoted someone leaving a Red Wedge drive anyone away. But this use of musi- arguments into Labour's arts policies but, concert: 'We didn't really come here for cians to give emotional support to politi- as an organisation, it has been constructed the politics. They passed us by. I mean, I cians is only part of the cultural lesson to be around the electoral needs of the party. don't like things like racialism, but the learnt from socialist councils like the GLC While municipal socialist policies have only thing it really changed my mind about and Sheffield, which have also been giving tried to provide young people with new was The Smiths. I didn't used to think that material support to musicians, using their opportunities both to participate in music much of them.' resources to fund venues, studios and making and to hear a wide variety of Despite the current radical rock band- concerts, which may well be, in market sounds and styles, Red Wedge is con- wagon (the youth market being pursued as terms, 'unpopular'. Such policies are not, cerned to bring out the socialist implica- diligently - and superficially - by political that is, inspired by some simple propagan- tions of the music young people already as by commercial interests) left politicians dist goal on the lines of the Bolsheviks' use hear and to direct any resulting political should remain, too, at least suspicious of of massed worker choirs. Rather their interest into the Labour party. pop. There are differences between the intention is to provide musicians with This is not to deny Red Wedge's success world according to the leisure industry and employment and training, and to give or importance - the publicity and full the world according to socialists; the mar- audiences opportunities to hear unfamiliar ket pursuit of the good lifestyle may be music and new artists. Without such sub- Utopian but it is not Utopian socialism. The sidy the cultural pluralism which parallels Red Wedge risks reproducing Red Wedge argument is that there are the political pluralism of the GLC 'coali- the same values of socialist contradictions within the pop industry too. tion', could not exist, and the range of It is not completely run by multinationals music (and musical opportunities) avail- romanticism and stoicism in or would-be multinationals; there are im- able would be a great deal smaller (as they its use of obviously portant roles for independent and co- will be in London now the GLC has gone). 'committed' rock and soul operative recording companies, for com- Although Billy Bragg has stressed the munity music radio stations, for state- need for the Labour party to continue the and reggae funded venues and studios. If nothing else, GLC's active cultural policy, no one has the Labour party is now better informed spoken of Red Wedge as a vehicle for houses are proof of that - or its performers' on such issues - we should no longer get introducing new sounds or breaking new enterprise. They've shrugged off the noto- knee-jerk Labour-folky distaste at the very artists. That is not its concern. It provides rious reluctance of musicians to organise; idea of music as an industry. But electoral a platform for artists who have already they've been prepared to discuss policies rhetoric about 'popular capitalism' - vote established their musical and political rather than states of mind and being, the Labour and we'll put on a better show! - credentials. From the Labour party's pers- usual concerns of rock thought. But if Red doesn't do much to advance socialist poli- pective, it may well be that the association Wedge is a new form of mediation between cy. The celebration of'independent' labels of its message with rock and soul and the Labour party and young voters, via and studios can come across as simply the reggae (rather than folk or brass bands or popular culture (which doesn't just mean Labour version of support for small choirs) is a bold step, but from a pop fan's music - there's also been a successful tour businesses. position (such are the vagaries of fashion) of Red Wedge comics) then so far the Red Wedge risks reproducing the same The striking absence of feminism from message seems to have travelled only one- values of socialist romanticism and stoic- Red Wedge rhetoric reflects, similarly, the way - it is easier to trace Red Wedge's ism in its use of obviously 'committed' problems of a populist cultural approach. impact on the Labour party than the rock and soul and reggae. Do musicians It is certainly important to campaign, like Labour party's influence on youth. Red like Gary Kemp of Spandau Ballet and Red Wedge, for women's access to training Wedge has, for example, already had an Lloyd Cole of the Commotions believe, as in recording skills and to improve every- effect on Labour's manifesto plans, helped they seemed to on the Red Wedge tour, one's opportunities for a music-making push cultural thought from Arts Council that supporting the Labour party means career. But this policy evades the more patronage to the implications of a Ministry playing acoustically, covering old Stones basic question of whether rock isn't in of Communication, made senior politi- and Dylan songs? Is 60s soul still the only itself the sound of white boys (an over- cians understand that there are pleasures guarantee of collective uplift? whelming impression at times during the in the enterprise of pop culture that Labour Red Wedge show). It is for such reasons should be encouraging - by supporting an that it is as important to politicise pop (and Electoral rock'n'roll 'independent' recording sector, specialist pop audiences) as to give pop appeal to Red Wedge represents a new tactic for the promoters and so on. politics. To put it another way, the impor- national Labour party but in comparison What's less clear (and this may, indeed, tant question Red Wedge asks (and hasn't with aspects of GLC and other municipal be a drawback of the populist approach - yet answered) is how to move from the socialists' policies (their investment in giving young people what they want) is recruitment of young consumers and vo- cultural resources) there are limits to its whether Red Wedge is politicising youth, ters to the empowerment of young produc- radicalism. One of the important legacies providing anything more than the sound- ers and activists (and the nagging suspicion of the GLC is the concept of 'culture track to an advertising campaign. Its posi- is that the Labour party leadership would industries', the political realisation that the tion is muddled on this, on the one hand prefer to keep people in a consuming and arts aren't just a matter of moral uplift or claiming to represent youth, on the other voting niche anyway). •