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Handbook of the History of Social Psychology

Arie W. Kruglanski, Wolfgang Stroebe

The Emergence of Cognitive Social Psychology

Publication details https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/doi/10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 Denis Hilton Published online on: 01 Dec 2011

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Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 Approaches Part II Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 later generationsofsocialpsychologists. been inthewayoriginalresearchhasrepresented to and (withthebene question ofwhattheseresearchprogrammeshavecontributed, remained active(withrevisions).Inthe prominence inthe1960sand1970s,whichhassince infl further showhowtheassumptionsofsystematicpsychology tency theoryfromthe1950sto1970s.InsixthpartI effect ofthesechangesontheriseandfallcognitiveconsis- Psychology thumbing throughLindzey’s (1954) contemporary eye seem hardlyrecognizableto today’s graduatestudents. The social psychologyreturningfromtheSecond World War must The intellectuallandscapediscoveredbygraduatestudents in The declineofsociologicalandpsychoanalyticapproaches e D changed bytheendofwar. Inthe nant methodologicalpracticesofsocialpsychologyhad tion. Inthefourthpart,Idescribehowinstitutionsanddomi- approaches addressedsocialperceptionandimpressionforma- part IshowhowGestalttheoryandothernonbehaviorist social psychologybeforetheSecond World War. Inthethird second partIdescribetheemergence ofaGestaltapproachto tions thatledtoaparticularde publications. Inthe features bydescriptionsofprominentpractitionersandkey will notetheirinstitutionalsupport,andillustratekey tioned thisearliercognitiveapproachtosocialpsychology. I the underlyingscienti 1950s (seeNorthandFiske,thisvolume).Myfocuswillbeon the “cognitiverevolution”thatovertookpsychologyin in the1970s,drawingonconceptsandmethodsdeveloped also distinctfromthe“socialcognition”movementthatbegan grounded inbehaviorism,psychoanalysis,andsociology. Itis tion tootherapproachessocialpsychology, notablythose “cognitive” socialpsychologyemerged inthe1930sopposi- came totaketheformitdidafterSecond World War. This In thischapter, Itellthestoryofhowcognitivesocialpsychology analysis historical A psychology: social cognitive of emergence The 3 uenced thedevelopmentofattributiontheory, whichroseto fi ning thesocialmind ei Hilton Denis . fe a After . fi fi t ofhindsight)whaterrorstheremayhave nds itselflooking onalostworldwhen fi rst partIexaminethedisciplinaryevolu- fi rst partcomprising Allport’s chapter on fi c paradigms(Kuhn,1970)thatcondi- fi nition ofthesocialmind.In fi fi fth partIanalyzethe Handbook ofSocial nal partIaddressthe inessential andreplaceable. The fracturingofanintegrated norms, culture,etc.)wereindependent ofindividuals,whowere tionalists” believedthatthefacts ofgroupstructure(rules,roles, psychological explanationsfor behavior. Forexample,“institu- following Durkheim’s lead,deliberatelysoughttoevacuate alone wasnotresponsibleforthis,assomesociologists, rivalry bythe1970s(Jackson,1988).Ofcoursepsychology Michigan, thesehaddisappearedunderthestrainofdisciplinary anthropology atmajoruniversitiessuchasHarvard and interdisciplinary programsinpsychology, sociology, and of Weber intheir theoryofsocialpower. their theories,inthemannerofFrenchandRaven’s (1959)use gists takingadvantageofsociologicalthinkinginformulating books writtenbypsychologists.Itisnowraretoseepsycholo- and Converse,1965)buthaslargely disappearedfromtext- books primarilywrittenbysociologists(e.g.,Newcomb, Turner theory wasextensivelypresentedinsocialpsychologytext- the overallvolumeofproductionincreasedthreefold.Role books associologistsintheperiod1973–80(Jones,1985),and 1949 to1964,psychologistswrotethreetimesasmanytext- psychologists andsociologistswasapproximatelyequalfrom While theratiooftextbooksfromsocialpsychologywrittenby “sociological” socialpsychologyfromthelate1960sonwards. 2003), andaclearmanifestationofthistrendisthedecline of thesocialin American socialpsychology”(Greenwood, Historians ofpsychologyhavechronicled“thedisappearance (1965), withnamesofillustrativepractitionersinparentheses: (1970). IgivethelistaspresentedbyDeutschandKrauss tives maybethoughtofas“paradigms”inthesenseKuhn Chaplin andKrawiec,1968). These macrotheoreticalperspec- which refl second partpresents the “longpastandshorthistory”ofsocialpsychology, the While therewereattemptsinthepostwaryearstobuild Goffman). Merton, (Mead, theory role 5 4 3 fi psychoanalytic theory(Bion,Bolwby, Erikson, the reinforcementtheorists(Miller&Dollard, Yale 2 the approachofGestaltpsychology(Asch,Heider) 1 McClelland, Parsons) Communication Project,Bandura, Thibaut, &Kelley) eld theoryinsocialpsychology(Lewin,Festinger) ected moregeneral“systems”inpsychology(e.g., fi ve “contemporarysystematicpositions” Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 experiment istheonlyscienti by handlingthisentityexperimentally.” existence ofasocialentityisprobablymosteffectively broken and asLewin(1951)noted,“thetabooagainstbelievingin the means ofsubjecting“groupmind”toexperimentalanalysis, effects). These andsimilarstudies(Sherif,1936)provideda judgment ofodorsandtheheavinessweights(normalization enced bothperformance(socialfacilitationeffects) and strate experimentallythatthemerepresenceofothersin those minds.” As examples, Allport (1924)wasabletodemon- and habitsrepeatedineachindividualmindexistingonly view thatgroupsandinstitutionsare“setsofideals,thoughts 2000). PsychologistscametoadoptFloyd Allport’s (1924) Allport in America and Walther MoedeinGermany(Danziger, was the“methodologicalindividualism”pioneeredbyFloyd adopted byexperimentalsocialpsychologiststothisproblem “group mind”couldbestudiedscienti brought ameansofresolutiontothequestionwhether tieth century, andtheacceptance oftheexperimentaltechnique widespread rootinthescienti human behaviorcouldbestudiedexperimentallyhadtaken psychology, inparticular experimentation. The beliefthat increasing adoptionoftheprivilegedmethodsmainstream clinical perspectivesfromsocialpsychologycamethe With thegradualevacuationofsociology, anthropology, and or a“second”psychology? scienti The which hasbeenbroughtinviadevelopmentalpsychology. door, suchasBowlby’s attachmenttheoryofrelationshipstyle rary socialpsychologyhasmostlycomeinthroughtheback What in now remaininmainstreamexperimentalsocialpsychology. sion andgroupthink),fewvestigesofpsychoanalyticthinking in socialpsychology(e.g.,Janis’ workonfearappealsinpersua- played animportantroleinthegestationofwell-knowntheories and SocialPsychology rate ways: 1954), apracticethathassincelapsed. alongside sociologistsin plinary lines.Socialpsychologistsusedtopublishtheirwork through theincreasingspecializationofjournalsalongdisci- social scienceapproachtopsychologycanalsobeseen 46 professional identitywasaspsychologists (McDougall,Myers, Torres Straitin1898includedthreemembers whoseprimary The groundbreakingCambridge Universityexpeditiontothe For atime,anthropologyand psychology workedhandinhand. the socialinscienceofmentallife(Cahanand White, 1992). that goesbeyondthestudyofindividualexperiencetoinclude presented itselfintermsofhowtodevelopa“secondpsychology” For manyphilosopherssuchasComteandMillthisproblem into Nevertheless, noteveryoneacceptedthatthelaboratory In addition,clinicalandsocialpsychologistswenttheirsepa- Journal of Abnormal Psychology Hilton fl uence thereisofpsychoanalytic thinkingincontempo- Journal of Abnormal andSocial Psychology fi c studyofthesocialmind:Experimentation in1965. Although psychoanalyticideas Human Relations (e.g.,Festinger, fi fi c communitybytheearlytwen- c waytostudy thesocialmind. and Journal ofPersonality fi cly Te solution The cally. divided

fl u- neutic methodsinhisversionof (1879) tostudymentalprocesses,buthealsoprivilegedherme- the nental Europe, Wundt’s solutionwastwo-pronged:Hefounded Seligmann alongwiththeoceaniclinguistRay).Backinconti- and Rivers;theotherswereethnographersHaddon languages suchasGerman( (V-form, 2ndpersonplural)inFrench,andtheirequivalents tracing theuseof domestic life). This workfocusedonpronounsofaddress, neighboring BostonUniversity, andBrown’s “partner”in his ownworkwith Albert Gilman(aprofessorofEnglishat this chapteronlanguageandsocialstructure,Brownreviewed introductory chapterreviewingsocialbehaviorinanimals.In can begaugedfromthesecondchapter, whichfollowedan magisterial breadthofsweep. An impressionofBrown’s style (1925–1997), whose1965textbook 1960. The leadingsocialpsychologistwasRogerBrown went ontofoundHarvard’s CenterforCognitiveStudiesin luminaries suchasJeromeBrunerandGeorge Miller, who cognitive socialpsychologymighthavelookedlike.Itincluded an ideaofwhatalessexclusivelyexperimentalapproachto A lookattheshort-livedDepartmentofSocialRelationsgives What thesocialmindcame psychology, andanthropology. Social Relations,whichincludedsocialpsychology, clinical learning processes,whiletheothersfoundedDepartmentof psychology departmentandstudiedlow-levelperceptual in 1946. The hard-lineexperimentalistsstayedinthereduced psychologies ledthepsychologydepartmentatHarvardtosplit 1934. However, thetension betweenthe“ fi Munsterberg, whenwithhis friendsinMelbournebetweenhis reading thetreatisewrittenby Wundt’s student,Hugo Malinowski neverthelessretainedhisinterestinpsychology, instead wentontorevolutionizeethnology(Young, 2004). completed hisprojecteddissertationon 1908–9 wastheyoungBronislawMalinowski,whonever (Farr, 1996).Sittingintheaudiencefor Wundt’s lecturesin resembled modernlinguistics,anthropologyandculturalstudies of hislonglifetothisnonexperimentalproject,whichinparts in moderntermsas“culturalpsychology.” Hedevoted20years from HumboldtandHerder)whichmightroughlybetranslated T and V formsfromtheirformerRomanrulers,whoused the V Spanish speakers. These groupsmayhavetakenoveruse ofthe common Romanheritageof French,German,Italian,and general patternincontinental Europe,whichmaybeduetothe Giving social statusanddistancebetweenspeakersinmodernEnglish. and lastname(e.g., analogous useofthe Shakespearian English( eld tripstoPapuaNewGuineafrom19141918. Munsterberg wastotakea chairofpsychologyatHarvardin fi rst laboratoryofexperimentalpsychologyinLeipzig vous toone’s superiorsand tu (T-form, 2ndpersonsingular)and Dr Hilton ) tomarksimilardistinctionsof fi rst name(e.g., thou and Du and not tobe ye ). Brownalsoanalyzedthe Volkerpsychologie Sie ), Italian( Denis ) ratherthanthetitle tu toone’s inferiorsisa Social Psychology Volkerpsychologie fi rst” and“second” tu and (inherited ) and Lei ) hasa vous but Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 chapters ofthebooksimilarlycontainedrichesthatpro the mostwidelystudiedtheoriesofsociolinguistics. The other politeness theory(P. BrownandLevinson,1987),nowoneof vous fromhisservantattable. would havebeenacceptableforamastertouse upon asdisrespectfultouse the moreegalitarianmodernperiodinFrance,itisnowfrowned Revolution onlytoreassertitselfinthenineteenthcentury. In overthrow ofthemonarchyandnobilityduringFrench of T/V tomarksocialstatusbrie disturbance andchangeinsocialrelations.Forexample,theuse of thisstructureallowsBrowntopinpointperiodshistorical metaphor (plurality=power).Inanycase,theveryuniversality languages suggeststhatthismayalsobeduetoauniversal the emergence of T/V distinctionsinnonIndo-European members ofthecourtwereaddressingbothemperors.However, other inthe West). This usageemerged inordertosignifythat two simultaneousRomanEmperors(oneintheEastand form ( Figure 3.1 Publications inPsycInfofrom1940to2009 includingthekeywords:“impression”and“personperception”; “dissonance”and had “notdoneaverygoodjob”atHarvard. somewhat ambivalenttonetowardsBrown,suggestingthathe why manyexperimentalsocialpsychologistshaveadopteda gainsay thestatureofBrown’s achievement. We maythusask (especially thosewithhighcitationimpacts),itisdif economic gametheory).ForthosewhoadmireRenaissancemen risky shift),crowdbehaviorandsocialpanics(interpretedusing included aclassic—forsocialpsychologists—discussionof across culturesandtimeperiods,groupdynamics(which Whorf hypothesis),psychoanalysis,achievementmotivation anthropologists andcognitivepsychologists—workonthe on perception(includingBrownandLenneberg’s seminal—for on childlanguage.Otherchaptersreviewedculturalin Brown’s seminal—fordevelopmentalpsycholinguists—work wide rangeofsocialsciences.Forexample,achapterreviewed Brown andGilman’s (1960)workwasamajorinspirationfor vos ) toDiocletianinthethirdcenturywhenhewasoneof “cognitive consistency”;and“attribution” and“causalexplanation.” tu toawaiter, whilebeforehandit fl y disappeared duringthe 1

tu toandreceive fl fi uences cult to cult fi ted a ted ment presagesmodernworkindevelopmentalpsychologyand review ofdevelopmentalpsycholinguisticsandmoraldevelop- on “socialcognition”inotherdisciplines.Forexample,his salutary tonotethatsomeofBrown’s chapterspre that willbecoveredinthischapter(see Figure 3.1 ). Butitis pillars ofearly(pre-1980)workincognitivesocialpsychology taking aclasswithRichardNisbett),constitutethethreemain tion theory(whichRoedigeralsodiscoveredat Yale through It isinstructivetonotethatthesetwotopics,along withattribu- sociology, andanthropology. As herecountsthestory: view ofsocialpsychologyasanintersectionpsychology, with, butwasshockedtofi much fromtheeminentsocialpsychologiststhathetookclasses program. When hearrived therein1969,Roedigerlearned had toldhimitpossessedtheleadingsocialpsychology However, hewentto Yale ratherthanHarvard,ashismentors Brown’s booktostudysocialpsychologyat graduateschool. ogist, theyoungRoedigerhadactuallybeeninspiredby psychology. Latertobecomeadistinguishedcognitivepsychol- trated bythestoryofhowHenryRoedigerwaslosttosocial the cluetoambivalencefelttowardshim. This canbeillus- Indeed, itistheverybreadthofBrown’s achievement thatgives has beende The answertothisquestiontellsushow“socialpsychology” attitude changeandpersonperception. discovered thathemeant chapters 11 and 12 the researchinterestsofpeopleat Yale”., whichwereon Ieventually social psychology. Onlyafewchapters arereallyrelevantto said, “Oh,thatisagreatbookbutitnotreallymuchabout Roger Brown’s greatbook.Helookedatmeabitaskanceand graduate schoolinsocialpsychology. Itoldhimaboutreading started. DavidMetteeaskedmewhyIhaddecidedtoapply one ofthebiggestlessonscameevenbeforeclasses fi ned bythosewhohavecometodominatethe nd thattheydidnotshareBrown’s 3. Cognitivesocialpsychology (Roediger, 2010,p.190) fi gure work gure fi eld. 47 2

Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 the The cognitive approachtosocialpsychologyhaditsoriginsin development inEurope The historicalantecedents:Gestalttheoryanditspre-war hothouse of American experimentalpsychology. drew on,andhowtheyevolvedwhentransplantedto the into being.Belowweexaminethehistoricalrootsthesetheories cognitive theoriesbeforemodernpsychologycame social psychologistshadinthemeantimedevelopeddistinctive impasse fromwhichitemerged onlyinthe1950s.However, mental lifehadled American psychologyintoatheoretical behaviorism, whoserejectionofthestudyunobservable reason wastheintellectualbankruptcyoftheirmainrival, talks andsymposia(e.g., Tagiuri &Petrullo,1958). The third and withluminariesfromthemajoruniversitiesthroughvisiting networking in America—they stayedintouchwitheachother Geer &Jaspars,1966). The secondreasonwasthevigoroftheir gift to American psychology”(Taft’s words,citedinvander fi such asSolomon Asch canbeattributedtoseveralfactors. The sprang forththathasleftanindeliblemarkonthediscipline. from thesepositionsa bequeathed tohisfollowersondeathin1947.Nevertheless, a “dissertationfactory”atIowaandthenMIT, whichhe New SchoolforSocialResearch.OnlyLewinwasabletocreate tutions suchasSwarthmoreCollege,Smithandthe and Stanford,butwereaccommodatedinlessprestigiousinsti- Ivy LeagueUniversitiesofHarvard, Yale, Cornell,Princeton, (Heider). These newcomersdidnotgainpositionsintheelite mention thegracesoftheir American researchassistants such asbettercareeropportunities(Lewin,Brunswik),notto well-established researcherswerealsodrawnbypullfactors unlike the“degenerate”Bauhausschoolofarchitecture.Less Gestalt psychologywasnotdirectlypersecutedbytheNazis, Jewish ormarriedtowomen(Geuter, 1987).However, ogists, notablytheNaziregime’s anti-Semitism, astheywere factors wereimportantforthesethreewell-establishedpsychol- from GermanybythetimeSecond World War started.Push Wolfgang Köhler, andMax Wertheimer, whohadallmoved three mainleadersofthismovementinthe1930s,KurtKoffka, pre-war Europe.Gestaltideaswerebroughtto America bythe in Gestaltpsychologyandtheoriesofperceptiondeveloped the socialmind,acognitiveapproachemerged whoserootslie In theplaceofsociologicalandpsychoanalyticapproachesto to socialperception The emergenceoftheGestaltapproach terms ofsociallydistributedbeliefs. cipates economicapproachestosocialcognition,understoodin economic andsociologicalapproachestocrowdbehavioranti- neuroscience on“theoryofmind,”justashisreview 48 rst isthequalityoftheirideas,asGestalttheorywas“Europe’s The successofthe fi rst partofthetwentiethcenturyinEurope, aspartofan Hilton émigré psychologistsandtheir followers fl ourishing cognitivesocialpsychology this point: illustrate thisposition,Michotte(pp.7–8)citesHume(1739)on certain eventsascausallyassociatedthroughforceofhabit. To (b) throughperceptionof“constantconjunction”cometosee Hume thatwe:(a)perceiveeventsasisolatedsense-data;and infl causal perception.Notablyhechallengedtheclaimsof published in1946)bygivingahistoricalaccountoftheories began hisbook(1963;originalFrenchlanguageedition Belgian researcher Albert Michotte(1881–1965). vance tosocialpsychologycanbefoundintheworkof which alsoanalyzebehaviorintermsofstructured tures; (3)these organisms andtheirenvironmentmediatedbyperceptualstruc- the environmentbutresultfromdynamicinteractionsbetween ingfully structured,andthesestructuresarenotimpressedfrom units ofexperience;(2)behavior, aswellcognition,ismean- than punctiformsensations,andtheseconstitutetheprimary patterns (or essential claims(Ash,1991):(1)Inperception,peoplesee contradict theseviews. The new Gestaltpsychologymadethree empirical studiesofvisualandauditoryperceptiondesignedto researchers basedincontinentalEuropebeganperforming experience. However, from1910onwardsanumberof Würzburg whichsoughtto identify thefundamentalunitsof century, workcontinuedinGermanuniversitiessuchas volume), whoseworkinturninspired Wundt. At theturnof Fechner (Mandler, 2007;Miller, 1962;see also Eiser, this subjective propertiesofperceptsbypsychophysicistssuchas empiricist philosophy. This resultedintheanalysisof tion followingtheassociationistapproachdevelopedinBritish century to“elementarism,”asearchforthe“atoms”ofsensa- experience. Muchattentionhadbeendevotedinthenineteenth science theoriesandmethodstotheunderstandingofhuman intellectual revoltagainsttheapplicationofcertainnatural saw itashismissiontousethese scienti of theseventeenth-centuryEnglish physicistIsaacNewton,and Hume hadbeenverymuchin an “experimentalphilosophy” (Mossner, 1980). uential eighteenth-centuryScottishphilosopherDavid An exampleofthisnewapproachthatisespecialrele- ay connexion. sary impression, fromwhichweformtheideaofpowerorneces- from oneobjecttoitsusualattendant,isthesentimentor feel believe thatitwillexist. This connexion,therefore,whichwe appearance ofoneevent,toexpectitsusualattendant,and similar instances,themindiscarriedbyhabit,upon seem another, butwenevercanobserveanytiebetweenthem. They connexion, whichisconceivablebyus.Oneeventfollows appears not,throughoutallnature,anyoneinstanceof . Sothat, uponthewhole,there . one eventfollowinganother. we nevercan,byourutmostscrutiny, discoveranythingbut It appearsthat,insingleinstancesoftheoperationbodies inthemind, thiscustomarytransitionoftheimagination conjoined gestalten gestalten butnever ) thatconstitutefunctionalunitsrather correspondtothelawsofphysics, fl uenced bytheworkandmethods connected fi . . . After arepetitionof c methodstodevelop fi elds. Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 in theideasdevelopedby Gestaltschoolofpsychologyin architects oftheBauhausSchool inDessaubecameinterested psychology wastoinfl experiencing anapproach–avoidance con Kurt Lewinhadgreatsuccessin America withhis Some psychologistsusedfi from successiveimagesprojectedat16framespersecond. that theillusionofcontinuousmovementcouldbeobtained Lumière brothers’ successfuldemonstrationinParis1895 Cinema spreadwidelyaftertheFirst World War, exploitingthe the illusionsthatsointerestedpsychologistsofperception. saw afl it ( sequence, inwhich A “causes”Bto move,through“launching” two separate,unconnectedeventsbutofaunitarycausal temporal contiguity, people nolongerhavetheimpressionof subsequently moves.Undercertainconditionsofspatialand impressions ofanobject A thatapproachesanobjectB,which a classicseriesofexperimentsthatpresentedobserverswith light moving.Insimilarvein,Michotte(1946/1963)conducted of percepts,buthaveasingleintegratedexperience This illusiondemonstratesthatpeopledo and forth,cannotpreventthisimpressionfromforming. people tendtoseetheselights“as”asinglelightmovingback a separateevent,fromthephenomenologicalpointofview, Although fromthephysicalpointofvieweachlight wrote (pp.3–4,emphasisinoriginal): tion thatemphasizestheinherentrelationsbetweenunits.He lights (Mandler, 2007). The Phieffect emerges whentwoadjacent analyzed inanarticlepublishedby Wertheimer in1912 visual perceptionisoftenconsideredtobethePhieffect, when itisplayedinadifferent key. perceived—a factthatallowsustorecognizeamelodyeven simple stringofnotes,buttherelationbetweenthosenotesis gestalten automatically analyzesvisualsensationsintopatterns,or psychologists, whoargued that theperceptualprocessitself Michotte’s position isrepresentativeofthattheGestalt lancement Gestalt theoryinpsychologyevolvedduringaperiod that In contrast,Michotteargued foracharacterizationofpercep- The fl ash rapidlyinsuccession, asatarailwaylevelcrossing. owering inthevisualarts,whichthemselvesexploited space. something quitedifferent toasimplechangeofpositionin wine functionalrelations aspect, themostimportantthingaboutthemisthattheyimply Although theseeventsallhaveaspatialandkinematic and animals,ormodifytheirconductinsomeotherway. . . certain looks,orwordscanattractrepelothermen them andsoon. We need toknowtoothatcertaingestures, by hurling,breaking,bendingorfoldingthem,leaningon them, causingthemtoslide,liftingorturningover, We needtoknowthatthingscanbemoved, e.g.,bypushing fi rst experimentaldemonstrationofGestalteffects in . Forexample,amusical melodyisnotperceivedasa come out ofthebottleand ) or“carryingitalong”( uence thevisualarts,asartistsand betweenobjects. . . dowenotseethe lm toillustratetheirideas;in1929 entraînement run into theglass? That is not “see”asuccession fl ict. Inturn,Gestalt fi ) etc. ), lm ofaboy fl ashing is caricatured inthefollowingway. English philosopher, Bertrand Russell(1960,pp.32–33) part ofalarger viewabouthumannature,whichthearistocratic changed fromelementarismtobehaviorism. The debatewas Brunswik’s lensmodel).Butnowthemainlocalopponent lytize Gestalttheoryanditsvariants(Lewin’s Once in America, the America to goes theory Gestalt (see Figure 3.2 ). geometric formstomakealiving,movingKandinskypainting before becomingapsychologist,animatedthecolored 1944). ItisasifHeider, whohadbeenveryinterestedinpainting using veryminimalcuesofmovement(Heider&Simmel, celebrated these same“pure”geometricformsandprimarycolorsina frequently visitedtheBerlingroupin1920s,waslatertouse movement. FritzHeider, an Austrian psychologistwho fundamental formsandcolorsinpaintingsthatexpressed and square.Kandinskywasofcoursefamousforusingthese elements ofvisualformsandcolors,suchasthecircle,triangle, Fläche Kandinsky wroteamanualonvisualform, Duncker (whoseaudienceincludedPaulKlee). Wassili from GestaltpsychologistssuchasRudolf Arnheim andKarl Berlin. They receivedvisits andlecturesfrom1927to1931 Figure 3.2 Top left:Basic Visual Forms oftheBauhausgroup,from (Point andLinetoPlane fi lm designedtoelicitanthropomorphicimpressions permission. University ofIllinoisPress. Reproducedwith Heider andSimmel’s (1944)Figure1.Copyright©1944 Guggenheim FoundingCollection, bygift.Bottomright: Guggenheim Museum,New York, Solomon R. Kandinsky’s “ presented intheir1923exhibition.Bottomleft: Nina Kandinsky’s prevatecollectionand,topright:as émigré psychologistscontinuedtoprose- Komposition VIII ” (1923).Solomon R. 3. Cognitivesocialpsychology ), whichdescribedthebasic Punkt undLiniezur fi eld theoryand 49 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 experiment. national product.Incontrast,psychologyprivilegedtheuseof quantitative indicatorssuchasproductmarketshareorgross ences wereinferredfromobservedchoices,asmeasuredby isms andadopted“revealedpreference”theorywherebyprefer- natural sciences.Economicsemphasizedmathematicalformal- disciplines emphasizeddifferent aspectsofthemethods between humansandotheranimals(Lyons, 1977).Different vation; andanassumptionofthefundamentalsimilarity importance oflearningandenvironmentalin structures forforminglinksbetweenstimulusandresponse;the observation andquanti shared anumberofcommonfeatures,suchas:experimental position in American socialscience.Behavioristapproaches linguistics, economics,andmanagement,re Behaviorism wasalsodominantinotherdisciplinessuchas Skinner andHull,werelegendarynamesinthe and Chicago,itsleaders,suchas Watson, Thorndike, leading American universitiessuchasHarvard, Yale, Princeton, waned. Behaviorismheldswayinpsychologydepartments (Mandler, 2007).Butbythe1930s, Titchener’s in Cornell byanEnglishstudentof Wundt’s, E.B. Titchener psychology, whose“outpost”in America hadbeenfoundedat as areactiontotheearlierintrospectionisttraditioninGerman Like Gestaltpsychology, American behaviorismhademerged 50 cited approvinglyasanearly source ofcognitiveinsight(Jones, presaged inBartlett(1932). Although hisseminalbookwas little workonsocialprocesses inrememberingofthekind and “objective.” This perhapsexplainswhytherewasrelatively lower-level “sensory” judgmentsthatwereeasilymeasurable demonstrations thathigher-level “social”factorsin lenge behaviorismonitsowntermsthroughexperimental Solomon Asch. Itaccompaniedamoregeneralattempttochal- onwards, followingtheleadofKurtLewin,FritzHeider, and inspired theorizinginsocialpsychologyfromthe1930s 1950s and1960s(Mandler, 2007). The Gestaltapproach mainstream experimentalpsychologythattookplacein the recognized astheprecursorof“cognitiverevolution” in tively cognitiveaspect.Itisforthisreasonthatithas been American behaviorism,Gestaltpsychologytookonadistinc- and structure.However, whencontrastedtothetenetsof the emphasislaidoninnateprinciplesofcognitiveorganization spection andphenomenalexperiencefordata,butdiffering in common phenomenologicalapproach,bothrelyingonintro- Gestalt psychologyandelementarisminEuropeshareda Hilton such asthecurrentobserver, thissituationisdiscouraging. solution outoftheirinnerconsciousness. To theplainman, observed byGermanssitstillandthink,atlastevolvethe pep, andatlastachievethedesiredresultbychance. Animals rush aboutfrantically, withanincredibledisplayofhustleand characteristics oftheobservers. Animals studiedby Americans have beencarefullyobserved. . . displayedthenational experiment . . . Onemaysaybroadlythatalltheanimals recent years,withagreatdealofpatientobservationand The mannerinwhichanimalslearnhasbeenmuchstudied 3

fi cation ofbehavior;simpleassociative fl uences onmoti- fl ected ageneral fl uence had uence fl uenced fi eld. of the“halo”effect (Thorndike, 1920). This effect, tude testingintheFirst World War, whichrevealedtheubiquity given furtherimpetuswiththeadventofintelligenceandapti- skill injudgingothers. This focus onjudgmentalaccuracywas expressed. Researcherswereinterestedin“empathicability”or recordings ofapersonandaskedtoclassifytheemotionbeing emotional expressionsintheformofphotographs,drawings,or Following Darwin’s procedure,judgeswere presented with (1872) workontheexpressionofemotioninmanandanimals. that target groupwillgiveitselfonacharacteristic) from the generalizedother, i.e.,anawarenessoftheaverage rating 1957) thatdistinguishedstereotype accuracy(orsensitivityto & Gallwey, 1958;Cline&Richards,1960;Crow Hammond, 1955). Studieswereperformed(e.g.,Bronfenbrenner, Harding, methods forcontrollingsuchstatisticalartefacts(Cronbach, Taylor &Brown, 1988)aboutthemselves. judges simplyendorsetheirtargets’ “positiveillusions”(cf. ency effect” (Brunerand Tagiuri, 1954)injudgment,orthat would suggestthatthesejudgesandtargets simplysharea“leni- Rather thandemonstrating“empathicability,” suchcorrelations correlated stronglywiththetargets’ own(positive)self-ratings. would beconsidered“accurate”simplybecauseherratings judged targets tohavehighscoresonvaluedcharacteristics as ajudgewithrose-coloredspectacleswhosystematically self-ratings ascriteriaforobjectiveaccuracyinsocialjudgment, such asintelligenceandhonesty. This complicated theuseof targets oftenratedthemselvesfavorablyonvaluedcharacteristics accumulated thatfoundasystematicbiasinself-evaluation,as to evaluatetheaccuracyofothers’ judgments.However, studies own emotionalstatesandtraits,thesewereusedasacriterion Early studiesassumedthatpeoplewouldhaveinsightintotheir Accuracy andjudgmentalbias the analysisofaccuracybyCronbach(1955). was tobetransformedbythemethodologicalrigorbrought fi empirical enthusiasmandade review, Brunerand Tagiuri (1954,p.650)notedan“excessof are “good”judgesofpersonality. Intheconclusionstotheir work onjudgmentofpersonalityhadafocuswhetherpeople consistently negativecharacteristicstoatarget. Inlikevein, perceiver, whotendsto ascribeeitherconsistentlypositiveor fi Scienti Early workinsocialperception categorization Experimental workonsocialperception and Reie, 2010). (Roediger, little systematicresearchonsocialprocessesinremembering 1985), after Allport andPostman’s (1945)studiesityielded eld. They didnothoweverforeseetheextenttowhich ed in1907,resultsfromabiastheratingsmadeby One consequenceofthisrealizationwasthedevelopment fi c interestinsocialperceptionhadbegunwithDarwin’s fi cit oftheoreticalsurmise”inthe fi rstidenti- fi eld Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 of thiseffect intermsofimitationandreward. the judgmentofobject,” and thusinvalidatedexplanations this entailed“achangeinthe objectofjudgmentratherthanin hood politicians.In Asch’s memorablephrase(1940,p.458), party inNew York City),caucusleadersandlocalneighbor- “Tammany Hall” (theexecutivecommitteeoftheDemocratic the secondgroupthoughtoflowerstatusexamplessuch as like examplessuchasRoosevelt,Hull,andStimson,whereas making theirjudgments. The cipants hadquitedifferent kindsofpoliticianinmindwhen However, follow-upworkshowedthatthetwogroupsofparti- tively, collegestudentswilllikewiserankpoliticsnegatively. When toldthatthecomparisongrouphasrankedpoliticsnega- positively amongalistoftenprofessions,theywilldothesame. that a“congenial”group(500collegestudents)rankpolitics showed thatwhenasampleofcollegestudentshasbeentold another exampleofthese“changemeaning”effects whenhe changed astheattributedsourcechanged. Asch (1940)produced (1938) showedthattheinterpretationofpoliticalstatements sources tendtobecorrect.However, Asch, Block,andHertzman right,” whichwillhaveformedduetolearningthathigh-status sources asevidenceforahabitinjudgmentthat“expertsare form positiveattitudestoopinionsexpressedbyhigh-status described bySherif(1936).Behavioristssawthetendencyto alternative interpretationforthe“prestigesuggestion”effects cations onsocialperception. The for Asch. his thoughtandelegantstyleofargument remainedamodel Brooklyn College. Although Wertheimer diedin1943,both tive thinking,whichheusedforhisowncourseonthetopicat 1940s edited Wertheimer’s unpublishedmanuscriptonproduc- personal relationshipwith Wertheimer andduringtheearly (Ceraso, GruberandRock,1990). Asch developedaclose in Exile)asarefugee,Isaidtomyselfthatmustseehim” School forSocialResearch(lateralsoknownastheUniversity York Times onedaythat Wertheimer wascomingtotheNew he activelysoughtitout,recalling“WhenIreadinthe theory whileagraduatestudentatColumbiaUniversity. Indeed, with hisfamilyto America in1920.Heencountered Gestalt Solomon Asch (1907–1996)wasbornin Warsaw andmoved Asch’s applicationofGestaltprinciplestosocialjudgment recovered. series ofwell-aimedblowsfromwhichithasneverfully self-ratings). Cronbachthusdealtearlyaccuracyresearcha Americans andJapanese“personalities”(asexpressedbythe take thesegrouptendenciesintoaccountwhenevaluating characteristics, ajudgewhoishighonstereotypeaccuracywill tics butJapaneseratethemselveshighlyonsocial–interpersonal tend toratethemselveshighlyonintellectual-abilitycharacteris- group memberswillratethemselves).Forexample,if Americans interpersonal sensitivity, i.e.,awarenessofvariationinhow differential accuracy(sensitivity toindividualdifferences or Asch borethestandardforGestalttheoryinhisearlypubli-

fi rst group thoughtofstatesman- fi rst setofstudiesproposedan New the othergiventraits,buttoreverse“thechoiceof Their effect isnottogiveapositive ornegativedirectiontoall have “organizing functions” ontheformationofimpressions. begins byarguing thatcentral traitssuchas“warm”and“cold” his studiesasillustratingGestaltprinciplesoforganization. He an independentvariableonadependentvariable, Asch presents the resultsinclassicS-Rfashionasillustrating“effect” of the questionsaddressedbythesestudies.Ratherthanpresent nevertheless instructivetofollowhow Asch himself formulates become justlycelebratedlessonsinsocialperception.Itis effects oforderpresentation oftraitsonimpressions)have (the centralityoftraits,thecolorationtraitsbyothers,and sions ofpersonality. The threetopicsillustratedinthispaper the operationofGestaltprinciplesinformationimpres- and forminconstructingstimulus eventswaslaterexploitedin to apatchofbluecolor). This techniqueofdissociating color rather thaninapairedrelation (thecontourprintedinblacknext were presentedinaconstitutive relation(e.g.,abluecontour) that peoplehadmuchbettermemoryforshapesandcolors that relation betweenthem. As anillustrationofhisideas,heshowed be anobjectiveconditionofstimuliandnotexperienced too muchonthepropertyofcontiguity, whichheconsideredto admonished researchersonlearningandmemoryforfocusing (e.g., “ClintEastwood”and“KyleEastwood”).Hegently “father of,”whichrefertotwoormoreobjectsratherthan one of relationbetweenstimuli,suchas“between,”“greaterthan,” rism, andnotaddressingthepsychologicalrealityofperceptions ries forsubscribingimplicitlytotheolddoctrineofelementa- Gestalt perspective. Asch (1969)criticizedcontemporarytheo- doctrine ofassociationinlearningandmemoryresearchfroma material manifestsitselfinlaterworkwherehere-examinesthe structure theirperceptionsoftheexperimentallypresented responses. A similarinsistenceonunderstandinghowpeople Asch’s carefullychosenandextensivequotationsoftheir results, andthereader“hears”participantsspeakingthrough separate “experimentalsection”describingthemethodand porary experimentalreportsinsocialpsychology, thereisno pret thematerialthatispresentedtothem.Unlikemostcontem- continuing insistenceonunderstandinghowparticipantsinter- ferent toorder;2+3yieldingthesameproductas2). impression formation(additionbeinganoperationthatisindif- on impressionformationtoruleoutasimpleadditivemodelof least, Asch useshisspectaculardemonstrationofordereffects as yetanotherexampleofchangemeaning.Last,butnot as opposedto“cruel,shrewdandunscrupulous,”arepresented on different overtonesinthecontextof“kind,wiseandhonest” blunt”. Colorationeffects, wherebyatraitsuchas“calm”takes on impressionswiththoseofperipheralpairs,suchas“polite– manipulation, bycontrastingtheeffects ofcentralpairstraits This phenomenonisneverthelessillustratedbyanexperimental physical attractiveness,andpersistencewerelittleaffected. tability, whileothertraitssuchasreliability, importance, acteristics” suchasgenerosity, shrewdness,happiness,andirri- In hisnextpaper, Asch (1946)soughttoactivelyillustrate Throughout Asch’s experimentalreports,thereisa 3. Cognitivesocialpsychology fi tting char- 51 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 tions necessaryfortheeffects tooccur. The Asch (1952) Judd, 2002),leadingtore 1969) andby Tajfel and Wilkes (Corneille,Klein,Lambert,& cate studiesbyBrunerandGoodman (Osgood,1952; Tajfel, perception. Subsequentresearchersfounditdif bases oftheevidenceforrolehigher-level factorsin perception. Laterworkwastoqualifysomeoftheempirical “as thisparticularlineofresearchhasevolvedunderthein tion andpotency. While someresearchershaveconcluded that Osgood, Suci,and Tannenbaum’s (1957)dimensionsofevalua- tual dimensions,whichthemselvesboresomeresemblanceto description wasorganized alongunderlyingsocialandintellec- & Sedlak,1972)whichshowedthateverydaylanguageoftrait impetus toworkon“implicitpersonalitytheory”(e.g.,Rosenberg statistical techniquesforexaminingintercorrelationswasan being developedatthetime(AndersonandHubert,1963). information integrationandfunctionalmeasurementthatwere presentation ofimpressionformationintermsmodels 1977). Othersattemptedtoreinterprettheeffect oforder (Rosenthal &Jacobson,1966;Snyder, Tanke, &Berscheid, demonstration ofexpectancyeffects insocialbehavior had beengivenapositiveimpressionofhimwasanearly greater responsivityofthestudentstoteacherwhenthey tions ofarealteacher, andledthemtoaskmorequestions. This was “warm”(ratherthan“cold”)in dependent variable)andshowedthatbeingtoldtheteacher ulus–effect approach(theeffect ofanindependentvariableona perspectives. Thus Kelley(1950) tookastraightforwardstim- ideas inwaysthataremorecompatiblewithothertheoretical impression formation,subsequentresearchersanalyzedhis demonstrate thattop-downprocessescouldin support forthe“newlook”inperception,whichsought to were inspiredbyananti-behavioriststanceandprovided higher-level grouping(Tajfel & Wilkes, 1963). These studies Goodman, 1947),conformitypressure(Asch,1952), and objects couldbeaffected byvalueandneed(Bruner indicated thatjudgmentsofthesize,length,anddistance of In thepostwaryears,anumberofstudiesaccumulatedwhich The cognitiveapproachtotheperceptionofgroups that dominatedattributiontheoryduringthesameperiod. provided corroborativesupporttothe“layscientist”perspective models producedbypersonalitytheoristsinthe1970sand1980s between the“implicit”personalityoflaypersonand (Peabody, 1990).Inany case,thesimilarityofstructureobtained contend thattheGestaltperspectivehasbeenvindicated impression formationhasbeeneroded”(Hampson,1988),others and cognitive)theplausibilityof Asch’s originalgestaltviewof ence ofthedominantmodelsinpsychology(gestalt,behaviorist review andacknowledgmentof Asch’s in approach toanimallearningtheory(seeRescorla,1990fora ground-breaking experimentsonratsillustratinga“cognitive” 52 Finally, theadventofhigh-powered computersandadvanced Despite Asch’s insistenceonprocessesoforganization in Hilton fl ection onthesupplementarycondi- fl uenced students’ percep- fl uence). fl uence low-level fi cult torepli-

fl u- meant whentheysaid“Germansarescienti Katz andBraly(1933)fornotaskingwhattheparticipants ality ofstereotypes. Asch criticizedthewell-known researchby one ofhisownconformitystudies,whoargued against outgroups. irrational formsofprejudice,servingtojustifydiscrimination approaches servedtoillustratetheviewthatstereotypeswere terms ofBruner’s (1957)notion ofperceptualreadiness.Such interpret anambiguousbehaviorasviolent,wasinterpretedin stereotype aboutblacksmadewhiteparticipantsmorelikelyto Duncan’s (1976)study, showingthatcontextualactivationofa thinking (e.g.,HastorfandCantril,1954).Forexample, intergroup perception.Studies appearedtosupportthislineof infl weaker overtimeintheUnitedStates(BondandSmith,1996). in collectivistthanindividualistsocieties,althoughbecoming conformity studiesfaredbetter, theeffect provingtobestronger to makethepatentlyabsurdpropositionthat“ proportions, respondentsformed “illusorycorrelations”between tive tonegativebehaviors(26:10 and13:5).Despitetheidentical minority groupwerepresented withthesameproportionofposi- which 36behaviorsofamajority groupand18behaviorsofa learning paradigmtostudytheformationofstereotypes, in stereotyping. HamiltonandGifford (1976)usedatrial-by-trial classic studydesignedtochallengemotivationalaccounts of presented inverbalformorsummarycontingencytables. on “word”problemswherecovariationinformation was the (mis)useofcovariationinformationhasfocusedtoomuch 1974). This raisestheconcernthatvoluminousliteratureon show humanirrationalityinjudgment(TverskyandKahneman, gorization task(theengineers-and-lawyerstask)devised to under-use of base-rateinformationinacelebratedsocialcate- trial-by-trial learningofcue–outcomerelationseliminated example, Christensen-Szalanski&Beach(1982)showedthat of thecontinuingrelevancelearningapproaches.For from socialpsychology, despitesomedramaticdemonstrations succeeded inbanishingseriousconsiderationoflearningtheory The anti-behavioriststancetakeninsocialpsychology Learning theoryandstereotyping gists hadpresumed. once againshowedpeopletobemorerationalthanpsycholo- coupled withaBrunswikianuseofthenotioncuevalidity, understanding whattheexperimentalparticipantsmeant, sense) forinferringthatsomeoneisGerman. Asch’s attentionto nevertheless beausefuldiagnosticcue(intheBrunswikian minority ofGermansarescientists,“beingscienti than othernationsontheaverage.”Evenifoneassumesthata meant bythisstatementisthat“Germansaremorescienti and Stitt(1978),whoseanalysesshowedthatwhatparticipants scienti uence perceptionofphysicalreality, theycouldalsoaffect Nevertheless, itwas Asch (1952),actinglikeadissenterin One clearimplicationwasthatif“top-down”factorscould In fact,socialpsychologydid uselearningparadigmsina fi c”? The empirical responsewasbroughtbyMcCauley fi c.” Didtheymean All for theration- Germansare fi c may c” fi c Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 2003). This wasperhapsbecausethe van Rooy, Van Overwalle, Vanhoomissen, Labiouse,&French, learning theorybeforetheadventofconnectionistmodels(e.g., and Gifford’s resultsintermsofcontemporaryassociative Sarson, &Krank,1991),therewaslittlediscussionofHamilton some exceptions(e.g.,anunpublishedpaperbySlugoski, formation of“illusorycorrelations”instereotypelearning. With correlations. However, thetheorywasnotappliedtoanalyze “illusory correlation”byoverestimatingthesizeofcue–outcome intermediate stagesoflearning,organisms willexperiencean theory’s own“cognitive”revolution. This modelpredictsthatat (1972) associativelearningmodel,whichconsummated learning curveswereincorporatedinRescorlaand Wagner’s were wellknownsinceHull’s days. These predictionsabout predicted frombasicassumptionsaboutlearningcurvesthat associative learningtheory. 1991; Smith,1991),whichdidnotdrawonaccountsbasedin ulus salience,memorydecay, andinformationloss(e.g.,Fiedler, discussed intermsofvarious“cognitive”modelssuchasstim- of illusorycorrelationsinclinicaldiagnosis,butcametobe Gifford’s researchhadbeeninspiredbyworkontheperception a negativeevaluationoftheminoritygroup.Hamiltonand the frequencyofnegativebehaviorsinminorityandforming the minoritygroupandnegativebehaviors,overestimating Gifford). Inanillustrationof learning (90trialsratherthanthe54usedbyHamiltonand illusory correlationeffect disappeared(aspredicted)withfurther Tourangeau, Mondragón,&Hilton,2011), itwasshownthatthe the HamiltonandGifford paradigm(Murphy, Schmeer, Vallée- However, whenRescorla and Wagner’s modelwasappliedto came someyearsafterHamiltonandGifford’s publication. human causaljudgment(Dickinson,Shanks&Evenden,1984) of Rescorlaand Wagner’s (1972)modelofanimallearningto correlation effect toappearbutinsuf trials (MullenandJohnson,1990),suffi fact thatallthefollowingstudiesonlyusedbetween36and54 effect isaresultofincompletelearningwasinpartduetothe paradigms, thefailuretonoticethatillusorycorrelation A Egon Brunswik:Themisunderstoodpsychologist approach to“probabilisticfunctionalism” whichfocusedonthe of anunderlyingobject,and alsodevelopedadistinctive by Heider’s viewsaboutusingperceptualcuestoinferqualities his suicidein1955. While in Vienna Brunswikwasin Ken Hammond,latertobecomeBrunswik’s chiefapologistafter doctorate withhim.Oneofthosewhohadbeensodeterred was for extremeintellectualrigor, onlyfourstudentsdidtheir conscience oftheBerkeleydepartment,yetduetohisreputation Tolman. Brunswik becamerecognizedastheintellectual before acceptingapositionatBerkeleytoworkwithEdward Psychological InstituteunderthedirectionofKarlBuhler, Egon Brunswik(1903–55).workedatthe Viennese fi nal wordmustbesaidaboutoneofthe In principle,HamiltonandGifford’s effect couldhavebeen fi xation onexistingexperimental fi cient forittodisappear. fi rstpublishedapplication cient fortheillusory psychologists, émigré fl uenced

to elicitsomeportionofthebehavior theysignify. In supportof object” (p.203). Accordingly, onecanexpect associatedwords reduced portionofthetotalbehavior elicitedbythestimulus- later presentedwithoutitssupport, theytendtoelicitsome than thestimulus-object,butpreviouslyassociatedwithit, are associated withobjects,andconsequently“Whenstimuliother Hullian learningtheory. Signs(e.g.,words)wouldbecome tional mediationprocess,”presentingitasanextension of In itssteadheproposedaviewoflanguageas“representa- dominant duringthecognitiverevolution,astoodisembodied. mentalistic “sign”theoryofmeaning,whichwastobecome became professoratIllinois.Osgood(1952)criticized the (1918–1991), whocompletedhisdoctorateat Yale in1945and habits.” A prominentbehavioristadvocate wasCharlesOsgood “internalized” intheindividualformof“linguistic a categorysystemthatwasmediatedbylanguageandthen way itsmembersthinkabouttheworldbysocializingtheminto “linguistic mediation,”wherebyasocietycouldin In socialpsychology, therewasmuchinterestintheroleof The linguisticmediationhypothesis in developmentalstudiesoflanguagelearning. gate theroleoflanguageinthinking,andtobecomeinterested in thedecisionsofJeromeBrunerandRogerBrowntoinvesti- the increasingin Luria. Luriawasinvitedoverto America duringthe1960s,and signal” system,whichhadinturn thinking cameinPavlov’s conceptionoflanguageasa“second factors externaltotheindividual.Oneoriginofthisline how cognitiveprocessescouldbebroughtunderthecontrolof domain ofdebate,asthisoffered apotentialmeansofexplaining pack upshopandgohome.Languagebecameanimportant did notcausethebehavioristsinsocialpsychologytosimply Of course,theadventofcognitive theorizingdescribedabove on languageand“thinking” The behavioristresponsetothecognitivestimulus:Research the studyofcognitiveprocessesin American social psychology. (Gigerenzer, 2001).Laterwedescribehowthis had cometodominate American psychologyby thetimehedied mental designsandanalysisofvariance(Woodworth, 1938)that sentative design”situneasilywiththeuseofsystematicexperi- “cue–outcome” correlations,“ecologicalvalidity,” and“repre- Hammond &Stewart,2001).Suf to whetherhisideaswerefullyassimilated(seethecollectionin tainty. Nevertheless,considerabledebateremainstothisdayas to givegeneralinspirationthe inferred fromothers(e.g.,“warm”).Brunswik’s ideaswerealso centrality effects, ascertain traits(e.g.,“sociable”)canbe Wishner (1960)usedthetechniqueofcorrelatedcuestoexplain tion task(Bruner, Shapiro,& Tagiuri, 1958).Inaddition, infl validity ofcuesformakingtheseinferences.Brunswik’s ideas uencedworkoncueutilizationin Asch’s impressionforma- fl uence oftheRussianschoolwasre 3. Cognitivesocialpsychology fi fi eld ofjudgmentunderuncer- ce ittosaythathisideason fl une Vgtk and Vygotsky uenced Zeitgeist fl uence the uence affected fl ected 53 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 reality incertainways,without “imprisoning”theminaspeci form suchhabitssimplypredisposed individualstocategorize fully determinedanindividual’s worldview, andintheweak form. Inthestrongform,culturally acquiredlinguistichabits esis oflinguisticrelativity, whichtookastrongandweak Observations suchasthesemotivatedtheSapir-Whorf hypoth- American IndianlanguagesuchasHopi(Whorf,1941). verb tenseandpluralityinawayquitedifferent toanative time andnumberthroughgrammaticalmechanismssuch as Average European”)markedfundamentalconceptssuchas languages (whichhelumpedtogetherasSAE—“Standard The anthropologistBenjaminLee Whorf hadnotedthat Western interest wasthequestionofwhetherlanguageshapesthought. From the1950sthroughto1970s,amajortopicofresearch Linguistic relativity: Doeslanguagein ation hypothesis(e.g.,Foroni&Semin,2009). that Osgoodidenti ments haveshownthesamekindofcross-modalprimingeffects banner of“embodiment.” Thus carefullycontrolledexperi- meaning iscreepingbackintosocialpsychologyunderthe of writing,arebellionagainstthementalisticsign-theory analysis seemsremarkablyprescient.Forexample,atthetime Leiter, &Hildum,1957). To acontemporaryreader, Osgood’s to personperception(Asch,1955)andmusiccriticism(Brown, alization (synaesthesia)andmetaphor, atopicthatwasrelevant she isdisposedtomake.Healsodiscussedcross-modalgener- vidual’s categorysystemandthekindsofgeneralizationsthat which canbeunderstoodasamethodforunderstandinganindi- his paperbypresentingthesemanticdifferential technique, models inpsycholinguistics(Morton,1969).Osgoodconcluded effects) thatwerelatertobeincorporatedinsemanticpriming tion, evokingprinciplesofverbalpriming(e.g.,frequency nesses insomeoftheexperimentson“newlook”percep- Osgood’s paperincludedaninsightfuldiscussionoftheweak- experiment byRazran(1936). this proposition,Osgood(1952,p.208)describedthefollowing 54 Hilton the Gaelicwordstoodforsaliva. ences amongthemselves,despitethefactthatRazran“knew” Spanish, andPolish). The controlconditionsshowednodiffer- (English), andlessinthreeslightlyknownlanguages(French, hood tongue(Russian),nextinhismostpro “blank consciousness.”Salivationwasgreatestinhischild- saliva, thenonsensesyllablesQERSUH,andperiodsof ward. As “meaningless”controlsheusedtheGaelicwordfor for twominutesanditsweightdeterminedimmediatelyafter- of eachstimulus,adentalcottonrollwasplacedinhismouth secretion wasthedependentvariable—followingpresentation which Razranhadvaryingfamiliarity. Amount ofsalivary able, thestimulibeingwordsfor“saliva”inlanguageswith Meaningfulness ofaseriessignswastheindependentvari- meaning wasthatbyRazran,servingashisownsubject. Another pioneerinvestigationintotheorganic correlatesof fi ed assupportforhisrepresentationalmedi- 4

fl uencethought? fi cet one cient fi c from either EnglishorNavaho(see Figure 3.3 ). Whereas thechange named eachchipwithamonosyllablethatisnotcolortermin region ofthespectrumtospeakersEnglishorNavaho,and therefore presentedeightcolorchipsfromthereddish-violet used todistinguishwordsinNavaho.BrownandLenneberg the changesfromshort between short the short Horowitz drewonthefactthatalthoughdistinctionbetween the Sapir-Whorf hypothesistothetest.Inonestudy, Brownand world view. BrownandLenneberg (1958)ledthewayinputting Figure 3.3 Phoneme segmentationsinEnglishandNavahoofsounds the fourphonemes categories, re the majorityofNavahospeakersdividedchipsintofour of colors(refl majority ofEnglishspeakersdividedthechipsintotwoclasses are aphonemechangeinNavahobutnotEnglish. Whereas the entiate way thatachangeofphonemefrom because itisneverusedtodistinguishbetweenwords,inthe vs. they assumedthatdidnotcarryanysigni noticed thedifference betweenshortandlong interviews indicatedthatmanyoftheEnglishspeakershad ment innaming.BrownandLenneberg assumedthatcolors speed ofnaming,andinterpersonalintrapersonalagree- the numberofsyllablesinwordsusedtonamethem, accordingly collectedcodabilityscoresfor24colors,basedon color spectrumthatEnglishdoesnot).BrownandLenneberg others suchasZuni(whichconverselymakesdistinctionsinthe than and easier topronouncethanlongerones.Forexample, law thatfrequentwordsinalanguagetendtobeshorterand such as Brown andLenneberg thenwentfurther, building onZipf’s bad ), itdoesnotfunctionasaphonemeinEnglish. This is orange areshorter, morefrequentandeasiertopronounce vermilion a to bit or yellow a andlong o isaphonemechangeinbothEnglishandNavaho, rights reserved.Reproducedwith permission. Copyright ©1958byHolt,Rinehart and Winston. All used tonamecolors(fromBrown andLenneberg, 1958). ecting the fl ecting theirfurtherdivisionofthevowelsinto bid from . Inaddition,somelanguagesmake distinctions, a andlong and a, a:,o and a: isphoneticallydistinguishable(e.g., orange inEnglish,thatarenotmade a tolong a vs. bat or a: doesfunctionasaphonemethatis o phonemedistinctioninEnglish), o: inNavaho.Post-experimental bad ). However, thedistinction a: andfromshort a to i does(e.g.,todiffer- fi cance. s but os, and a s o tolong red, yellow bat o:

Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 to a“code+conversational” version oftheweakSapir-Whorf other languages. This representsamovefromsimple“code” mark differences (Grice,1975)thatmaynotbeavailable in languages providetoolsthatallow interactantstoco-operatively not prisonersof“habitsthought,”butratherthat their Leung &Kwan(2007)suggestthatmembersofaculture are sion (Roberson&Davidoff, 2000).Inarecentreview, Chiu, primary colorsdisappearswhenthereisarticulatorysuppres- effect ismediatedby“innerspeech,”thememoryadvantagefor strategies. Consistentwiththecodabilityhypothesisthat this due toexperimentalartefactsinducedbyparticipants’ guessing Heider andOlivierusedtorefutethecodabilityhypothesis were Davies, andDavidoff (2000)suggestedthattheresults codability inmemory. their hypothesisthatrecognitionwasmediatedbysuperior tion, whichBrownandLenneberg interpretedassupporting there wasahigherdelay(3min)betweenexposureandrecogni- between codabilityandrecognitionappearedtoincreasewhen highly codablecolorswerebetterrecognized. The correlation seen onacompletechartof120colors. The resultsshowedthat each participant30slatertopointthefourcolorshehadjust four ofthesecolorstoexperimentalparticipants,andasked the stimulusandarecognitionresponse. They thenexposed more “codable”inaverbalrepresentationinterveningbetween had namesthatwereshorterandverbalizedfasterwouldbe and didnotfullyreviveuntilmanyyearslater. in therelationshipbetweenlanguageandcognitionthende could notreasoncounterfactually. Socialpsychologicalinterest ulus storiestorefuteBloom’s (1981)claimthattheChinese Terry Kit-Fong Au (1983)usedimprovedtranslationsofstim- researchers onlinguisticrelativity, describinghowhisstudent round, hehighlightedthemethodologicalpitfallsawaiting presenting thelatercontributionsofBerlinandKay. This time earlier workinthesecondeditionofhistextbook,instead oblivion, andevenBrown(1986)didnotmentionhis (Chomsky, 1968). The codabilityhypothesiswasconsigned to chiming withtheviewthatlanguagelearningwasinnate categories wereduetothestructureofhumanvisualsystem, linguistic relativityhypothesis,astheysuggestedthatcolor codability. These studiesdealtabodyblowtowork onthe cating thatsuperiormemorywasduetoprototypicality, not examples ofprimarycolors. They interpretedthisresultasindi- names, butfoundsuperiorrecognitionforbest(or“prototypic”) New Guineantribe,theDugumDani,thatdidnotpossesscolor Olivier (1972)usedBrownandLenneberg’s procedurewitha yellow, beforemarking thenon-primarycolors.Heiderand primary colorsredandblue,thenmovingontogreen invariable sequence,startingwiththedistinctionbetween sequence ofcolornamingacrossculturesfollowedanalmost visual system. Thus Berlin andKay(1969)showedthatthe color spectrumisdeterminedbyinnatepropertiesofthehuman naming supportedtheviewthathumancategorizationof linguistic relativityhypothesis.Subsequentresearchoncolor But thereisa These studiesrepresentthehistoricalhigh-watermarkof fi nal twisttothisstory. Muchlater, Roberson, 5

fl ated n Fsel 1996). Fussell, and based onspeechacttheoryandlinguisticpragmatics(Krauss vening periodtoattendfunctionalaspectsoflanguageuse hypothesis, inturnre struction. The successof American organization inhelpingwin while Europewasintheprocess ofself-destructionandrecon- by theeconomicandmoral dominance oftheUnitedStates tion ofsocialpsychologyafter thewarwasclearlyconditioned well astoattractandjustifygovernmentfunding. The organiza- World War toclaimitsplaceinmajorresearchuniversities,as propaganda. Jerome BrunerjoinedfromHarvard,alsoanalyzedenemy American landingsofOperation Torch. Cantril’s group,which Africa, thusguidingtroopdispositionsforthe Anglo- of anti-Britishsentimentin Vichy FrenchtroopsinNorth group proveditsusefulnessin1942byidentifyingtheextent War, tothe Roosevelt administrationfrom1940onwards.His American publicopinion,especiallyconcerningtheEuropean Hadley Cantril(1906–69)ofPrincetonprovidedresearchon motivation, morale,andpsychologicalwarfare(Boring,1943). ences, crowdbehavior, rumor, publicopinion,propaganda, logical interestsuchasleadership,nationalandgroupdiffer- which includedsubstantialmaterialontopicsofsocialpsycho- 1943 fortheordinarysoldier, (Boring etal.,1942,p.620). The committeeproducedabookin that term,whattheFirst World War didforintelligencetesting” confl World War reportedthat“Itseemsprobablethepresent Survey andPlanningforPsychologysetupduringtheSecond Child Researchstationin1935. Lewin, whowasableto a favorablecontextforresearch“entrepreneurs”suchasKurt infl the importanceofunderstandinghowhumanrelationsatwork economic modelofmaninunderstandingworkmotivation,and of Malinowski’s) underscoredtheinadequacyofapurely impact oftheHawthornestudiesconductedbyMayo(afriend social work,psychotherapy, education,andmanagement. The group-based perspectiveduringtheinterwaryears,suchas First World War. Second,manyprofessionswereadoptinga mind throughcontributiontomilitaryselectionprocessesinthe psychology, whichhadestablisheditsusefulnessinthepublic million in1940.Someofthatmoneyfounditswayinto private budgetsincreasingfrom$160millionin1930to$320 American societywassupportiveofresearch,withpublicand America, fortworeasons(Cartwright&Zander, 1968).First, lifetime. The transformation hadalreadybeguninprewar “corner grocery”intoan“internationalcombine”duringhis Asch (1987)notedthatsocialpsychologyhadchangedfroma laboratory discipline The transformationofsocialpsychologyintoa uenced individualmotivation. Factorssuchastheseprovided Social psychologywastherefore wellplacedaftertheSecond Social psychologythen had agoodwar. The Committeeon ict willdoforsocialpsychology, inthebroadestsense of fl ecting ageneralevolutionintheinter- fi nd substantialfundingforhisIowa 3. Cognitivesocialpsychology Psychology fortheFightingMan 55 , Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 further contributedtoasense ofoptimismandpurpose. ties meantjobsforthegraduates oftheseprograms,which postwar expansionofsocialpsychology in American universi- research assistantsandtoform themonthejob.Finally, the members oftheLewingrouptorecruititsdoctoralstudents as other.” Easyaccesstofundinginthepostwaryearsallowed tively fewactiveresearchersinthearea,andweallknew each to haveaprograminsocialpsychology. There werestillrela- the pointwherealmosteverydepartmentofpsychology had remark thatinthepostwaryears“the (Brehm, Kelley, McGuire).Festinger(1989,p.556)wasto from theLewingroup(e.g.,Festinger, Schachter)and Yale groups sprungupsuchasinMinnesotawhichattractedalumni Deutsch andHaroldKelleytookpositionsat Yale, andnew for example,studentsintheLewingroupsuchasMorton There werefrequentinteractionsandexchangesofmembers; the causesofsocialcon headed idealists”(Deutsch,1999)whowishedtounderstand World War hadattunedthemindsofageneration“hard- ence oftheworldwidecatastrophe. The atrocitiesoftheSecond of agroupapplicantsthatwasolderandhadpersonalexperi- for rigorousselection,allowingtheseresearchgroupsthepick from youngmenwhohadbeeninthearmedservicesallowed viewpoints betweenthemainschoolsofthought. considered thattherewasrelativelylittlefusionoftheoretical Nevertheless, despitethefrequentinteractions,Festinger anthropology gaveaperspectivethatFestingerfoundenriching. at Harvard,whoseblendofsocialpsychology, sociology, and relations withthe“moretraditional”SchoolofSocialRelations 1944, whichmovedtoMichiganin1947. This grouphadclose Kurt LewinattheMassachusettsInstituteof Technology in ence wastheResearchCenterforGroupDynamicsfoundedby Brunswik’s wife,ElseFrenkel-Brunswik. The thirdmajorin explain socialbehaviorthatwasinlarge partfosteredbyEgon sented afusionofpsychoanalyticideasandpsychometricsto Frenkel-Brunswik, Levinson,&Sanford,1950),whichrepre- known legacyis was formedofexilesfromNaziGermany, andwhosebest to crises. The secondwasthe groupatBerkeleywhosenucleus questions suchasvotingpatternsorrealimaginedresponses during thewarthatenabledscienti The distinct in attract leadingresearchersandequipextensivelaboratories. Science Foundation,andBellLaboratoriesthatenabledhimto continued supportfromtheRockefellerFoundation,National notable example,asitsleader, CarlHovland,wasabletoattract exception. The Yale CommunicationProject wasthemost ordinated projects(Redner, 1987),andsocialpsychologywasno saw theadventof“BigScience”informlarge co- them. OnthepatternofManhattanProject,postwaryears problems couldbesolvedifsuf the Second World War nodoubtcontributedtoafeelingthatall 56 The immensepent-updemandforplacesatgraduateschool Apart from Yale, Festinger(1989)identi fi Hilton rst wasthedevelopmentofrigoroussurveytechniques fl uences onpostwarsocialpsychologyin America. The Authoritarian Personality The Authoritarian fl ict withaviewtoproposingremedies. fi cient resourceswerethrownat fi c samplingofimportant fi eld hadnotyetcometo fi ed threeother (Adorno, fl u- to cognitiveconsistencytheory, thatofcognitivedissonance. theorizing andexperimentthat producedaparticularapproach We thenshowhow thisledinFestinger’s hands toastyleof experimental socialpsychologyassociatedwithKurtLewin. address thedevelopmentofanotherleadingmovement in behaviorist “incentivetheory.” Beforetellingthisstory, we change originatedbyFestingeratStanfordanditsown neo- decide betweenthedissonancetheoryapproachtoattitude many oftheresource-intensiveexperimentsthatwereneeded to aggression. and MillerDollard’s (1941)workonfrustrationand tive reorganization (Brock&Grant,1963;Rosenberg, 1960) Yale weretheuseofhypnosistostudyhypothesesaboutcogni- ples ofthecontinuingin their originsintheFreudianconceptofrepression.Otherexam- persuasion andhisanalysisofgroupthink,whichbothhave experimentally, asinJanis’ workonfear-arousing appealsin example, psychodynamicsledtotheoriesthatweretested Hovland waswide-rangingintheapproacheshefostered.For Although hehimselfremainedweddedtohisbehavioristroots, siastic youngbuddinggraduatestudents(see Figure 3.4 ). social psychologiststoturn Yale intoa“candystore”forenthu- to Yale afterthewar, andrecruitedmany moretalented the message)atlatertestingperiod. “reinstating” theoriginalunconditionedstimulus(i.e.,sourceof source andthemessage. The sleepereffect waseliminatedby was attributedtotheincreasing“dissociation”between using theUS Army propagandafi persuasive overtime,anothereffect discoveredinwarwork messages presentedbynegativesourcesbecameslightlymore after severalweeks.Incontrast,the“sleepereffect” (whereby tive sourcecredibilityeffects woreoff withtime,disappearing 1953, p.20).Hovlandand Weiss’s workshowedthatsuchposi- accepting whatotherssayislessso”(Hovland,Janis,&Kelley, suggestions ofcertainpersonsishighlyrewardingwhereas tance ofarguments isattributed tolearning“thatfollowingthe example, theeffects ofsource credibilityonshort-termaccep- ibility, andiscouchedinthelanguageofbehaviorism.For Germany. Muchofhisworkfocusedonsourceeffects oncred- continue one-sided communicationsininciting American soldiersto ganda) two-sidedcommunicationscouldbemoreeffective than showed that(contrarytothedoctrinesoftotalitarianpropa- morale andmotivationto Second World War ledHovlandtoaddressissuesofwartime However, hisextendedstintatthe War Departmentduringthe (1884–1952), dealtwithef infl psychology. Hovland’s earlywork,conductedunderthe (1912–61), satatthecenterofpostwar American social The Yale SocialPsychologygroup,directedbyCarlHovland group Yale The uence oftheeminent Yale learningtheoristClarkHull Yale’s extensive investmentinlaboratoriesallowedittohost Hovland tookthenucleusofhis War Of fi ghting againstJapanafterthevictory fl fi uence ofpsychoanalyticconceptsat ght. Forexample,hisresearchgroup fi cient methodsofrotelearning. lm ontheBattleofBritain) fi ce teamwithhim Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 Rensis Likertonin Cartwright, whomovedto Washington in1942 toworkwith ciates didworkforthegovernment. These includedDorwin (1944–47). DuringtheSecond World War, Lewinandhisasso- orators, whetherinBerlin(1921–33),Iowa(1935–44)or MIT Wherever hewent,Lewinassembledateamoftalentedcollab- gist, hisinterestsincreasinglyturnedtogroupdynamics. Lewin originallycametotheUnitedStatesasachildpsycholo- after hemovedtherepermanentlyfromBerlinin1935. Although Lewin, whosecareerpositively the rightplaceattime. This wasthecasewithKurt Some individualsmakeadifference bybeingtherightpersonin Kurt Lewin:Personalityandinstitutionbuilder this groupanditsremarkablein these associates(Perlman,1984).Howthencanthecreationof social psychologistswereassociatesofLewinorstudents gauged bythefactthat1980seightof10mostcited Pepitone, Deutsch,andFestinger, andtheirimpactcanbe list includedCartwright,Zander, Thibaut, Kelley, Back, Technology istolistanhonorrollofsocialpsychology.” This Center inGroupDynamicsattheMassachusettsInstituteof writes, “To listhisstudentsandassociatesattheResearch experimental socialpsychology. As Mandler(2007,p.157) framework andagroupofresearcherswhowentontoshape At hisdeathin1947,KurtLewin bequeathedbothatheoretical of cognitiveexplanationsfor behavior Experimental socialpsychologyandthedevelopment Figure 3.4 The Yale “CandyStore”asseenbyPhilipZimbardo(student1954–60),withadditionsfromHenryRoediger1969–197 Adapted fromZimbardo(1999)andRoediger(2010). fl ation controland saleofwarbonds. These fl fl uence beexplained? ourished intheUnitedStates breakfast inhishotel’s diningroomwithoutatie. the greatman,whowashalfanhourlate,hadcomedown for York in August 1945hadtomoveanearbycoffee-shop, as to graduateschoolat Yale. The appointmentinmidtownNew Deutsch (1999,p.7),whotellshowhewasconvincednottogo was Lewin’s charmandenthusiasm,recountedbyMorton Swarthmore, Wolfgang Köhler(Patnoe,1988). Another reason Harvard, onthesuggestionofhisundergraduate teacherat Cartwright, whowenttoIowaafteranunexcitingstintat by thekindofpsychologydoneelsewhere,suchasDorwin reasons. Somejoinedhimbecausetheyhadbeendisappointed this day. an outstandingcenterforsocialpsychologicalresearchto they createdtheInstituteofSocialResearch,whichremains Research CenterattheUniversityofMichigan. Together Center forGroupDynamicsmovedtojoinLikert’s Survey connections proveduseful,forafterLewin’s deathin1947the Lewin attractedtalentedcollaboratorsforanumberof enlightened aboutwhenIlatertried topinitdownformyself. enlightenment, butIcouldnotspeci I wantedtostudywithLewin.also leftwithadazedsenseof endearing andcharming.Ileftthe interviewwithnodoubtthat quial American, oftenwithmalapropisms,andhewasboth effervescent, youthful,middle-agedman.Hespokeacollo- constantly bubblingforthfromthisbrilliant,enthusiastic, like sensationofintellectualilluminationwithnewinsights an equal;Ifeltsomewhatcourted;wasexperiencingatrance- described hisplansforthenewcenter. Iwasbeingtreatedas that Idescribedmyeducation,experienceandinterests,he I donotremembermuchabouttheconversationotherthan 3. Cognitivesocialpsychology fi cally identifywhatIwas 57 3). Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 mental paralleltowhatisdemocracy andcompareitwiththe study, forexample,theywereattemptingtocreatethe experi- along wereessentiallymorasses. Inthedemocracy–autocracy 1988, p.193):“Socialpsychology experimentsbeforehecame 1938). As Festinger’s student,StanleySchachter, putit(Patnoe, bible of American experimentalpsychology(Woodworth, lated inawaymorekeepingwiththecommandmentsof the that independentvariablesshouldbesystematicallymanipu- (1919–1989), retainedhigh-impactexperimentationbutargued experimental socialpsychologyresearch,ledbyLeonFestinger redundancy. of astheusesoundengineeringprinciplesystem manipulation ofvariablestoattainadesiredendcanbethought from thepointofviewactionresearch,simultaneous tioning) lendsexternalvaliditytothemanipulation.Furthermore, sion, havingtovotebyashowofhandsindemocraticfunc- having ademocraticleader, beingconsultedingroupdiscus- factors thatco-occurinasystemicwaytherealworld(e.g., as ayoungman.Inanycase,thesimultaneousmanipulationof of sciencedevelopedbyErnstCassirer, oneofLewin’s teachers ulating experimentalsituationshaditsrootsinthephilosophy Danziger (2000)suggeststhatthis“molar”approachtomanip- cratic vs.authoritarianatmospheresingroupsofchildren). kind of“socialclimates”theywereinterestedin(e.g.,demo- lated severalfactorssimultaneouslyinordertoproducethe (1939) hitonastyleofexperimentationwheretheymanipu- Sherif, 1936)asanindependentvariable.However, Lewinetal. ments usingthe“merepresence”ofothers(Allport,1924; Before Lewin,socialpsychologyreliedonminimalistexperi- The growthoftheexperimentalmethodinsocialpsychology in Iowa,LeonFestinger. died in1947,modi so workintheLewiniantraditioncarriedonwhenitsleader when itsleaderlefttheroom(Lewin,Lippitt,& White, 1939), members inademocraticallyledgroupcontinuedworking that heidenti very muchresembledthatofthedemocraticleadershipstyle rigor). Lewin’s formofinteractionwithmembers ofhisgroup research) clashedwithFestinger(whofavouredscienti group, suchaswhenLippitt(whofavouredsociallyrelevant Lewin’s genialpersonalitywasabletoresolve tensions inthe research (Ash,1992;Patnoe,1988).Deutschrecountsthat to brainstormandpresentworkinprogressratherthan known as and MIT wereallcharacterized byfrequent“chatsessions” (Cartwright, inPatnoe,1988).Lewin’s groups inBerlin,Iowa, was towritedownandformalizethemaster’s thoughts students andassociatesfordiscussions,whosejobitsometimes the styleofRodin’s He wasnotsomeonewhosoughttodoresearchonhisownin seemed tobringoutthebestinthosearoundhim(Patnoe,1988). In addition,Lewinadoptedacreativescienti 58 However, thisapproachhaditscritics. The nextphaseof Hilton Quasselstrippe , whereresearcherswereencouraged fi ed withLippittand White. And justasteam fi ed andtransformedbyhisformerassistant Thinker , butratheractivelysolicitedhis fi c stylethat fi nished fi c identi Festinger’s (1957)bookconcernedthe“freezing”ofdecisions For example,theinitialsetofexperimentsreviewedin consistency hetookinhisowntheoryofcognitivedissonance. fi research group’s repositoryofexperimentalproceduresand edge” (Polanyi,1958)basedonhisexperienceoftheLewin approach inhisownway. Festingerdrewon“personalknowl- an opportunitytodevelopandsystematizetheLewinian to reviewworkonsocialcommunication,thisprovidedhimwith (1941) adaptationofhisanalysis. able impactonclinicalpsychologythroughMillerandDollard’s avoidance–avoidance, approach–avoidance)thathadconsider- infl vector, barrier , and constructs ofhis“fi sense ofphysicalenergy systems canbesensedinthecore person’s actionand“locomotion”throughher lifespace. The perception oftheexternalworld,Lewinwasinterestedin psychodynamics. Whereas Gestalt theoristswereinterestedin that placedanemphasisonmotivation,personality, and earlier daysinBerlin,Lewindevelopedadistinctiveapproach Although stronglyinfl example ofthenew autocratic. They weremanipulating amillionthings.” An From by thegroupinreachingadecision. commitment toadecision;andthedegreeofconsensusattained reach adecision;theoccurrenceofgrouppublic study ofgroupdecision-making,namely:theobligationto were simultaneouslymanipulatedinLewin’s (1947)classic that attempttounpick,incontrolledfashion,fourvariables ization; forcedcompliance;exposure toinformation;andsocial in question. The factorsdealtwithwere:post-decisionrational- reported empiricalstudiesthat examinedtheeffects ofthe factor theoretical chapter, followedbyanexperimentalchapter which alized dissonanceasamotivationalstatelikehunger(p.3). Lewinian heritageshowedthroughinthewayhealsoconceptu- of Heider(1958)orOsgoodand Tannenbaum (1955),his and conceptsofcognitiveimbalanceorincongruityinthesense noted (1957,pp.7–8)theformalsimilaritybetweendissonance dissonance (AronsonandCarlsmith,1963). Although Festinger Lewin, 1941)wererecycledforlaterresearchoncognitive oped (e.g.,the“forbiddentoy”experimentofBarker, Dembo,& felt throughthewaythatexperimentalparadigmshehaddevel- end oftheexperiment.Lewin’s in they wouldreceivehighlyattractive(andexpensive)giftsatthe involving experimentdesignedtomakeparticipantsbelievethat through life-spaceisexplicitlyevoked,andtestedwithanego- sion (e.g.,Brehm,1956).Here,theLewinianideaoflocomotion revise apreferenceoncehehasmadecommitmenttodeci- ndings, andthisyieldedthedistinctapproachtopsychological uential typologyofgoalcon Consequently, whenFestingerreceivedaninvitationin1951 Festinger’s booksystematicallytreatedfourtopicswitha fi ed byLewin,wherebyadecision-maker fi eld theorytocognitivedissonance eldtheory,” suchas Zeitgeist equilibrium uenced byGestalttheoristssincehis isfoundinPelz’s (1958)studies . Lewinworkedoutahighly fl uence alsocontinuedtobe fl it (approach–approach, ict need, tension,valence, fi nds ithardto Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 (e.g., ontheformationofrumor)aswellhisown support. The theoreticalchapters oftenincluded yielded importantexperimental debate. Itresultedinacrisisforsocialpsychology, butalso on humannaturebutalsogeneratedmuchheatandscienti rival dissonancetheoryapproach. This controversythrewlight the classical“incentive”approachestoattitudechangeand led toamajorcontroversyinthe1950sand1960s,contrasting support mechanisms.Ofthese,thechapteronforcedcompliance on disconfi (Janis &King,1954). himself ofthepositionforwhich hehadbeentoldtoargue for by theendofrole-playing sessionthesubjectconvinced arguments infavourofthepositionbeingadvocated,such that writing wasthatthisledsubjectsto“biasedscanning”of the advanced explanationfortheeffect ofcounter-attitudinal essay- their positionsinlinewitharguments. Onecommonly their ownprivatelyheldattitudessometimesledthemtomodify experimental participantstowriteessaysthatargued against Kelman (1953)reportedtheintriguing helping peoplelearnnewbehavioralrepertoires. After thewar, interested intheuseofrole-playingasaneducationaltool in war byLewin’s colleagueRonaldLippitt,whohadbeenvery interest ofsocialpsychologists. These hadbeenusedbeforethe ization” ofrole-congruentattitudesandbehaviorattracted the effects ofrole-playingandforcedcomplianceonthe“internal- by ChineseCommunists(Schein,1957). with thesuccessful“brainwashing”of American prisonersofwar Another examplecamesomeyearslaterduringtheKorean War, Nazis,” adoptingtheideologyandbehaviorsoftheirNazigaolers. in Germanconcentrationcampsthemselvesbecame“little For example,Bettelheim(1943)hadobservedhowsomeinmates conversion phenomenainprisonsandorganizational settings. inal attitudes.Inaddition,therehadbeenobservationsofdramatic once theforemenhadbeendemotedtheyrevertedtotheirorig- appeared tolastonlyaslongtheyremainedintheirroles, stewards adoptedanti-managementattitudes. These changes management attitudeswhereasthosewhowereelectedasunion factory workerswhowereselectedasforemenadoptedpro- fi tudes andbehavior. Suchprocessesweredemonstratedinthe the postwaryears,namelyeffects ofinstitutionalrolesonatti- phenomenon thathadintriguedpsychologistsandsociologistsin Experiments onforcedcomplianceemerged outofareal-world attitudinal advocacy Role-playing andattitudechange:Therole ofcounter- advocacy vs.tellinglies Experiments oncognitivedissonance:counter-attitudinal cognitive processesinsocialpsychologicalexplanation. show howtheyillustrateimplicitassumptionsabouttheroleof the discipline’s heritage.Below, Idrawoutitsmainthemesto eld byresearcherssuchasLieberman(1956),whofoundthat Unsurprisingly, experimentalproceduresthatexploredthe rmed propheciestoillustratetheimportanceofsocial fi ndings thatnowformpartof fi nding thatasking fi ed studies eld fi eld study eld

fi c insuf arguments. Rather, Festingerfocusedonthemechanismof ment becauseofself-persuasionthrough“biasedscanning” accept thatattitudechangeoccurredinKelman’s (1953)experi- adopt attitudesandbeliefscongruentwiththeirroles,butdidnot Festinger (1957,pp.272–5)waswellawareofthewaypeople justifi Forced compliance: Attitude changeduetoinsuf pretested whatwouldbeconsidered aplausiblelarge ($10) and one (theSovietEmbassy to theUS). The experimenters sponsor (theUSgovernment) oranunfavorablyperceived experiments inthefuture. These were alsomorelikelytodeclarethemselvesavailableforsimilar promised asubstantialreward($20).Low-incentiveparticipants attitude totheexperimentafterwardsthanwhentheyhadbeen as predictedparticipantsweremorelikelytodeclareafavorable done wasinteresting. When theliewastoldforlowreward($1), pant (actuallyastooge)thattheexperimenttheyhadjust requiring participantstotellalienewexperimentalpartici- in counter-attitudinal argumentation. This wasachievedby counter-attitudinal behaviorwithoutrequiringthemtoengage experiment inwhichtheyinducedparticipantstoproduce and Carlsmith(1959)developedthe“forcedcompliance” for compliance.Inordertosubstantiatethisposition,Festinger as themodestrewardwouldprovideinsuf This wouldbeespeciallystronginthelow-incentiveconditions opinion andtheknowledgeofwhattheyweredoing”(p.106). pants “Therewouldhavebeendissonancebetweentheirprivate research government andthehistoryofcommunism)foraprivate students wouldspendfouryearsstudyingtheSovietsystem of an exchangeprogramwiththeSovietUnionwhere American to engageinacounter-normative role-playingtask(arguing for Elms andJanis,1965). They didthisbyrequiringUSstudents the perceivedlegitimacyofexperimenter’s request(e.g., salvo wasfi would notadoptapositiveattitudetotheexperiment. A second in thecaseofhighrewardwouldthenexplainwhyparticipants feel thattheywerebeingmanipulated.Suchinducedaversion abnormally high,participantswouldbecomesuspiciousand really rewarding.Hesuggestedthatsincetherewardwasso rewards, andquestionedwhetherthehighincentive($20)was no informationonhowparticipantsperceivedthehighorlow (1965), whonotedthatFestingerandCarlsmith(1959)provided approaches wasintense. The joined, thecontroversybetween“dissonance”and“incentive” challenge totheirtheoreticalframework,butoncebattlewas It tooksometimeforthe Yale grouptorespondthishead-on Experiments comparingdissonanceandincentivetheory research (Hovlandetal.,1953). was atthattimestillthedominantframeworkforattitudechange reconcile withthetenetsofclassicreinforcementtheory, which cation fi cet justi cient fi rm that hadeitherbeenhiredbyafavorablyperceived red byJanisandcolleagues,whoalsofocusedon fi cation, suggestingthatinKelman’s partici- 3. Cognitivesocialpsychology fi rst salvowasfi

fi ndingsseemedimpossibleto fi red byRosenberg cet justi cient fi cient fi cation 59 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 ably reduced by rationalization. ably reducedbyrationalization. personal responsibilityforthe opinionexpressedwaspresum- nance theorypredictions. The dissonancearousedbythesense of argument, thereversepatternwasobtained,inlinewith disso- given afreechoiceaboutwhethertomakethiscounter-attitudinal ($0.50), inlinewithincentivetheory. However, whentheywere response tothehighreward($2.50)thanlow institutions, suchasuniversities),theirattitudeschangedmore in Fifth-Amendment pleadersfromspeakingatstate-supported favor ofaNorthCarolinaStatelawbanningcommunists and ment wheretheyhadtomakeacounter-attitudinal argument (in participants weregivennochoiceinparticipatinganexperi- that ofLinder, Cooper, andJones(1967). They foundthatwhen entailed. Supportforthisviewcomesfromexperimentssuch as presumably becauseofthesensepersonalresponsibilitythat it ence ofchoicewasnecessaryforthearousaldissonance, example, Wicklund andBrehm(1976)suggestedthat theexperi- creates problemsforgeneratingtheoreticalpredictions.For logical inconsistenciesarousedcognitivedissonance,which dissonance (cf.Beauvois&Joule,1996).Inaddition,notall clearly betweencognitiveandmotivationalinterpretationsof of Festinger’s originalformulationwasitsfailuretodistinguish ment, aboutoneselforone’s behavior”(1957,p.3). A weakness tion: as“anyknowledge,opinionorbeliefabouttheenviron- Festinger hadbeenremarkablybroadinhowhede as acrucialmoderatingvariable.Inhisoriginalstatement, On thedissonancetheoryside,theoriststurnedtoself-concept The role oftheself-conceptingeneratingdissonance under whichdissonanceandincentivetheorieswouldhold. turned toa“post-imperialistic”demarcationoftheconditions results thatsupportedonetheorybutnottheother, attention (confi decreased attitudechangeintheforcedcompliancetask essay-writing task(con that increasedincentivesledtoattitudechangeinthe la FestingerandCarlsmith). The resultsveryclearlyshowed la Kelman)andaforced-compliancelie-tellingexperiment( pation inbothacounter-attitudinal essay-writingexperiment( pants thesamelevelsofreward($0.50,$1.00,$5.00)forpartici- Carlsmith, Collins,andHelmreich(1966),whogavepartici- dures. A crucialclari and incentivetheoriesfailedtousefullycomparableproce- became aversiveratherthanattractive. of thesponsor“tainted”highrewardoffered, suchthatit offered byincentivetheorists wasthatsuspicionofthemotives rather thanhighincentiveswereoffered. The explanation obtained: Larger opinionchanges wereobservedwhenlow regarded (theSovietEmbassy),thereversepatternwas line withincentivetheory. When thesponsorwasnegatively favor oftheprogramwereassociatedwithlarger rewardin tively regarded(theUSgovernment),larger opinionchangesin a plausiblesmall($0.50)reward. When thesponsorwasposi- 60 As Zajonc(1968)noted,experimentscomparingdissonance Hilton rming dissonancetheory).Giventheaccumulation of fi cation ofthisissuewasprovidedby fi rming incentivetheory)butledto fi ned cogni- ned à à nence offemaleresearchersinthediscipline. a machomaleattitudethatwanedwiththeincreasedpromi- Zimbardo (1999)suggeststhatthisperiodofresearchre in American universitiesduetoethicalconcerns.Inaddition, Stanford prisonexperiment,whichcannolongerbeperformed as itdidwithMilgram’s (1974)obediencestudiesandthe high-impact experimentationinsocialpsychology, coinciding research wasthusthehigh-watermarkforacertainstyleof longitudinal personalityresearch(Elms,1975).Dissonance that mighthavebeenbetterspentonotherquestions,suchas lament thewaythatdissonanceresearchhadusedupresources that individualdifferences becameignored,leadingsometo focus onthe“powerofexperimentalsituation”wassuch minor changesinexperimentalprocedure(Elms,1975). The experimental effects thatweresoeasilychangedbyseemingly crisis. Manywerefrustratedatthe“willo’ thewisp”natureof incentive theorycontroversyalsocontributedtoasenseof theories thatcouldreconcilethem.However, thedissonancevs. results providedtheimpetusforconstructionofcognitive and theplethoraofunexpectedcontradictoryexperimental the deathknellforbehavioristhegemonyinpsychology, “brainstorming.” Itinspiredaseriesofstudiesthathelpedstrike entered thecommonvocabularyalongwith“groupthink”and (Schachter, 1994),and the phrase“cognitivedissonance”has Fortune Magazine’s Ten Scientistsofthe Year duringthe1950s gy’s profi Cognitive dissonance theorycertainlyraisedsocialpsycholo- The legacyofdissonancetheory:Crisisorinspiration? cognition (e.g.,seeHamilton’s 2005collection). readings), whereasHeiderismorecitedinresearchonsocial research ontheself(e.g.,inBaumeister’s 1999collectionof psychology. Accordingly, FestingerismorecitedthanHeiderin research ontheselffrom1980wouldexplodeinsocial ments havevindicatedGreenwaldandRonis’ predictionthat Peus, &Kastenmueller, 2008).Moreover, subsequent develop- this viewnowseemstohaveprevailed(e.g.,Fischer, Frey, tions necessarilyinvolvedtheself-concept(Aronson,1999), accept thatthe“ give himlungcancer. DespitethefactthatFestinger didnot as inthecaseofsmokerwhoknowsthathishabitmay self-threatening thoughtstoillustratecognitivedissonance, is hardlysurprising,asFestingeroftenusedexamplesof theory ofego-defense. This interpretation ofdissonancetheory reformulations” effectively transform dissonancetheoryintoa received (Zajonc,1968).Despite thephysicalisticlanguageof pants interpretedthetasksthey weregivenandtherewardsthey 1962) promptedmoreattention tobepaidthewaypartici- “social psychologyofthe psychology experiment”(Orne, In particular, increasingawarenessoftheimportance some oftheexperimentalcontradictionsdissonancetheory. man” inheritedfrom Greenwald andRonis(1978) suggestedthatthese“self- Nevertheless, theuseofanoverlyphysicalistic “modelof le inthepubliceye.Festinger wasevennamedoneof fi rm beliefs”challengedbydissonantcogni- fi eld theoryappearstohavecontributed 6

fl ected Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 become thedominantparadigminsocialpsychology. of dissonancetheorywasoverandattribution to as “oneterriblemistake”(Patnoe,1988).Inanycase,theheyday the developmentofattributiontheory, whichFestingerlabeled approach toexplainplaceboeffects. This wastocontribute infl emotions proveddif (1962) studyoftheeffect oflabelingonsubjectiveexperience (Bem andMcConnell,1970). Although SchachterandSinger’s “neo-behaviorist” reinterpretationintermsofself-perception explain theirownbehavior:Forexample,Bemrevisedhisearlier responses.” Interestwasalsostimulatedinhowpeoplecameto the effects ofparticularstimulionhigher-order, inference-based which concludedthat“Peopleoftencannotreportaccuratelyon extensive reviewoftheeffects ofdissonancemanipulations, of directself-insightwasraisedbyNisbettand Wilson’s (1977) which pavedthewayforsubsequentapproaches. The question pants’ ownaccountsoftheirbehavior(Harré,1979). psychology, andmore attention neededtobepaidpartici- fi human being’s statusasanautonomousmoralagentwasinsuf- of bribes. All inall,onecanreadilyunderstandproteststhatthe as opposedtosuspiciouslyhighoverpaymentsthathadtheair of paymentfortheirtime(cf.Hovland,Harvey, &Sherif,1957), norms andexpectanciesaboutwhatconstituteacceptablelevels experimental “subjects”mighthaverevealedrathersoonertheir on whichinstructionsweretobeimprinted. A dialoguewiththe participant asanobjecttobemanipulatedanda contrast, dissonancetheoristsdidseemtoviewtheexperimental logical experience(andoftenchangedroleswithhim).In where thescientistwasinterestedinsubject’s phenomeno- to thenotionofanexperimentalsubjectin Wundt’s research, rial thatwaspresented.Both Asch andHeiderseem tobecloser experimental probesofparticipants’ interpretationsofthemate- to therationalityofhisparticipants,expressedinpost- some wayfrom Asch’s (1952)cautiouslyoptimisticattitude paid toassessingtheviewpointofparticipants. We are elaborate experimentalprocedure,andhowlittleattentionis 1959), itisstrikinghowmuchspacespentdescribingthe performed byFestinger’s students (e.g., Aronson andMills, Festinger andCarlsmith(1959)relatedexperiments Thus whenreadingtheexperimentalreportprovidedby pants oftheexperimentsexpressingthemselvesasmoralagents. controlled experimentation,oneincreasinglysensesthepartici- fi immediate response(Harvey, Ickes,&Kidd,1976). Hewas Harvard in1946,thoughhis ideasdidnotalwaysevokean at seminarsinmajorresearch universities,forexampleat groups. Hewashoweverfrequently invitedtopresenthisideas exert hisin Unlike hisfriendKurtLewin,FritzHeider(1896–1988)didnot theory Attribution ciently recognizedduringthisphaseofresearchinsocial eld theory(“forces”,“equilibrium,”etc.)andthecarefully uenced Valins andNisbett’s (1972)useof aself-perception Dissonance theoryyieldedarich haulofexperimentalresults fl uence throughtrainingstudentsorcreatingresearch fi cult to replicate(Reisenzein,1983),it tabula rasa

from theGermanintoEnglishin 1936as It felltoHeiderandhiswife, Grace,totranslateLewin’s book to formalizetheserelations correctly (Harveyetal.,1976). snow, whichlefthimwiththeideathatitwas important in Berlin1926whichLewindepictedlife-spaces the behavior. Hewaslatertorecallaninspirationalconversation and vectormathematicstorepresentgoal-directed,planned his tioning wasto American psychology. itself ”) wasascentraltothe Viennese schoolofthoughtascondi- the propertiesofanunderlyingobject( the useofintermediateperceptualcuestomakeinferencesabout mediated. HeiderinturninspiredEgonBrunswik,whonoted that tion ofhowtheperceptswereorganized, notwhatobjectsthey different fromtheGestaltapproach,whichaddressedques- perceptual sensations. The causaltheoryofperceptionisthus reconstruction ofthestable,underlyingsourcesvariationsin view, thegoalofperception canbecharacterizedasthecognitive on ourconsciousnessthroughthemediumofsenses.Inthis our perceptionsaretheresultofexternalsources,whichimpact Graz underMeinong. The causaltheoryofperceptionholdsthat Heider light comingfromthesun,duetoitsmovingpositioninsky. tion inapparentcolortoadistalfactor, namelythechangein the househasremainedsame,wehavetoattributevaria- warm colorsduringaglorious African sunset. To understandthat washed housemaylookbrilliantlywhiteatnoonyettakeon (Malle &Ickes,2000;ReisenzeinRudolph,2008). A white- attribution grewoutoftheproblemperceptualconstancy observer” (BeauvoisandJoule,1996).Heider’s interestincausal perceiver maybestbecharacterizedasthatofa“contemplative struggling withcognitivedissonance,Heider’s viewofthesocial In contrasttoFestinger’s ego-involvedexperimentalparticipant Heider’s “contemplativeobserver”approach sophistication waslostintheensuingempiricalstampede. Unfortunately, asweshallsee,someofHeider’s philosophical tions bythetimeofKelleyandMichela’s (1980)review. nant researchareainsocialpsychology, withover900publica- in socialpsychology. Attribution theorysoonbecamethedomi- and approvinglycited)morethanacontemporarymonograph (1759) sophical treatisesuchasSpinoza’s (1667) in readingandre tion processes.Heider’s book isbalancedandthoughtful,rich tantly presentednewandextendedanalysesofcausalattribu- summarized hisearlierthinkingonbalancetheory, andimpor- book wastohaveatransformativeeffect onthe from thelate1940s(Malle,2008). When publishedin1958,the had beenbegunin1943andcirculatedunpublishedform on hisbook Barker atKansasin1947,whichallowedhimtocompletework offered thesafetyofatenured universitypositionbyRoger Heider hadalsolongknownofLewin’s attempttoformalize fi eld theorywithamixtureoftopologicalpsychology Theory ofmoralsentiments (bothofwhicharefrequently fi rst addressedtheseissuesinhisdissertationwork The PsychologyofInterpersonalRelations fl ection, andinmanywaysresemblesaphilo- 3. Cognitivesocialpsychology Ding ansich , or“thing in Principles ofTopological Ethics orSmith’s fi eld, asit , which , 61 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 Furthermore, throughitsin to culminateintheworkofCartwrightandHarary(1955). This rigorousapproachtoquestionsofcognitiveorganization was relations produceunitformationbetweenthecauseandeffect. entiating unitandsentimentrelationsshowinghowcausal simple mathematicallogicofunitformationandbalance,differ- orated asanappendixtohis1958book.Heiderintroducedthe to representinterpersonalrelations(Heider, 1946),whichheelab- Some yearslaterhedevelopedhisownmoresuccessfulnotation distal andproximaldeterminantsofperception(Heider, 1939). ered ascertainerrorsinLewin’s approachin his ownpaperon second defeatina World War was imminent. shown bythefollowingquotation,publishedasGermany’s “restructuring the through thecollaborationofSchankand Abelson (1977). intelligence attemptstorepresent“commonsenseunderstanding” 1960), thisworkwasalsotohaveasubstantialimpactonarti (1925–2005) on“psycho-logic”(e.g.,Rosenberg & Abelson, Psychology 62 work onattributiononlybegan toexertanin Festinger’s formulationofcognitivedissonancedid.Heider’s substantial programmeofempirical researchinthewaythat studies (reviewedbyZajonc, 1968),butnevergenerateda between balanceandattributiontheory). Tsang, &Dawson, 2007,forfurtherdiscussionoftherelations and vanKleeck(1989;seealsoCrandall,Silvia,N’Gbala, relation betweenthetwowasstudiedexperimentallybyBrown mental socialpsychologists,anditwasover30yearsbefore the attribution weretobetreatedquiteindependentlybyexperi- by theneedtopreventcognitiveimbalance.” Yet balanceand which occursinanyparticularinstancewillbe Deutsch (1954,p.211) observedthat“Thenatureofattribution tion betweenbalanceandattributiontheory. Forexample, Contemporary commentatorsclearlysawtheintimateconnec- Heider clearlysawcausalattributionasbeingimportantin Heider’s balancemodelledtoanumberofdemonstration Hilton of otherpersons. attribution, relatedtothestablesocialenvironmentconsisting become relevanttotheseequilibriaonlywhentheyare,by changes havingapositiveornegativevaluefortheperson benevolence orhostility. Mostofthe ‘sensory’ experiencesof person tootherpersons;relationshipsofpower, ofvalue, since manyvitalequilibriaconcernrelationshipsoftheown cognitive structureswhichgiverisetotensionsintheperson examples showthatcausalattributionisofgreatimportancein self-evaluation whichisbasicformoralenotaffected. These relationship betweentheownpowerandthatofenemy, the the back’ orsomeotherfactorwhichisnotconnectedwiththe ness. When, ontheotherhand, theblameislaidona‘stabin only ifthecauseofdefeatisattributedtoitsownweak- riority. Defeatunderminesthemorale ofanationorperson in suchawaythatdefeatisnotattributedtoone’s owninfe- One ofthedevicesusedtoliftmoraleisrestructure , andlaterHeidercorrected fi eld”inordertoattaincognitivebalance,as fl uence ontheworkofRobert Abelson (Heider &Simmel,1944,p.244) en passant whatheconsid- fl uence afterthe fl uenced fi cial cial fi eld condition willbeheldresponsible foraneffect whichispresent Mill’s (1872/1973) methodofdifference, which stipulates“that psychologists themselves(Woodworth, 1938,pp.2–3). This is controlled inferencethatwas recommendedtoexperimental inferences aboutthecausesofeventsusingsamelogic of scienti duced ananalogybetweencommonsensepsychology and action andattributiontodistalcauses,inhisbookHeiderintro- As wellasreiteratinghisearlierviews ontheperceptionof The man-the-scientistanalogyandtheintuitivestatistician case ofdiscounting,whichwereturntobelow. “fundamental attributionerror”(Ross,1977). This isaspecial led toawealthofresearchonwhatcamebeknownas the and repeatable bias,” andconsideredittobe“acandidateforthemostrobust situational pressureonthetarget’s behavioras“correspondence fi supporting counter-normative positions.Joneslabeledthe experimental participantswhohadbeenrequiredtowriteessays who hadtomakeinferencesabouttheunderlyingattitudesof (1967), participantswereplacedinthepositionofanobserver research. IntheparadigmdevelopedbyJonesandHarris attitude change,Jonesturneditintoavehicleforattribution had originallybeenusedtoexplorehowrole-playingin new researchproblems. Whereas theessay-writingparadigm in thisperiod,usingitsownexperimentsasbasesforgenerating (Jones, Davis,&Gergen, 1961). that requiresthisquality, suchasworkingonasubmarine himself atinterviewasanintrovertwheninterviewingforajob Thus hemaybebynatureanextravertbutrequiredtopresent ments ofthekindanalyzedbysociologist,ErvingGoffman. ational demands,asherespondstoself-presentationalrequire- person’s observablebehaviormaychangeasafunctionofsitu- stable underlyingsource(herpersonality).Ofcourse,thetarget (e.g., ofatarget person’s introvertorextravertbehavior)toa tional inferenceasaprocessofreferringsocialperceptions roots ofHeider’s position,in theirconceptualizationofdisposi- theory. JonesandDavis(1965)stayedclosetothe Viennese this crossoverbetweendissonanceresearchandattribution Edward E.(“Ned”)Jones(1927–93)waswellplacedtomake “correspondence bias” Jones’s dispositionalattributionapproachand Wicklund &Brehm,1976). and internal–externalattributions(Beauvois&Joule,1996; pants restructuredthe enabled psychologiststobetterconceptualizethewaypartici- to inducecognitivedissonance.Forexample,Heider’s ideas experimental participantsrespondedtomanipulationsdesigned able toprovideconceptsthatallowedunderstandingofhow publication ofhisbookin1958as,somewhatironically, itwas nding thatparticipantsapparentlyfailtodiscounttheeffect of Experimental socialpsychologyalsobecameself-referential fi c inference. Heidersuggestedthatpeopleoftenmake fi nding insocialpsychology”(Jones,1990).It fi eld intermsofpersonalresponsibility fl uences Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 review ofHeider’s book(Kelley, 1960),Kelley(1967) picked volume). Followinghisadmiringbutsomewhatselective contributions tosocialexchangetheory(seevanLange,this Communication Projectbeforegoingontomakesigni originated fromtheLewingroupandspenttimein Yale was alreadyaprestigiousresearcherinthediscipline,having object understudy. In the 1960s,HaroldKelley(1921–2003) etc.) hasbeenallowedtoobscureandconfusethenatureof rhetoric (intheformofill-understoodanalogies,visualaids, The theory Tumbling dice:How“Kelley’s cube”divertedattribution (Nisbett andRoss,1980). persons tobeunfairlybrowbeatenforbeing“poorscientists” disastrous consequencesforattributiontheory, leadinglay alization ofkeyconceptsinexperimentaldesignwastohave see below, thefailureto paycarefulattentiontotheoperation- represented thescienti independent variablesinanorthogonalexperimentaldesign adopting thematatimewhenthesystematicmanipulationof these “representative”designsprobablydeterredothersfrom However, asLeary(1987)suggests,theeffort demandedby (derived fromHeider’s ideas) shouldbeoperationalized. gave detailedprescriptionsandexamplesofhowhislensmodel from Brunswikinhislevelofattentiontomethod. Heider eschewedprobabilisticfunctionalism,andalsodiffered its unstable,changing,anduncertainenvironment.However, attention totheintelligentadaptationsthatanorganism madeto statistician,” ananalogythatlikeHeider’s wasmeanttodraw supreme. study bythescientistatatimewhenbehaviorismstillreigned causal inference,suggestingthatitwasdeservingofcareful emphasizing therationalnatureoflayman’s processesof (Heider, 1958,p.152).Inmakingthissuggestion,Heiderwas when theeffect ispresentand absentwhentheeffect isabsent” Figure 3.5 Example ofcubescorrespondingtoperson(a),entity(b),and time(c)attributions.ReproducedfromKelley(1973)byFör At aboutthesametime,Brunswikcoinedterm“intuitive fi rstpartofthisstoryisacautionarytalehowscienti (1989). Copyright©1973 American Psychological Association. Reproduced withpermission. fi c idealforpsychologists. As weshall fi cant fi c example ofahigh-consistency, low-distinctiveness,and participants couldwriteinaninteractionalexplanation. An stimulus, circumstances),alongwithafourthoptioninwhich tions, asmeasuredbythreeforced-choiceoptions(person, distinctiveness, andconsistencyonparticipants’ causalattribu- analyze therelativeeffects ofhermanipulationsconsensus, this studyMcArthurusedanalysisofvariance(ofcourse)to experiment onKelley’s model(RosemanandRead,2007).In failed, sheobtainedheradvisor’s agreementtosubstituteher her doctoraldissertation.However, whenthatexperiment Abelson’s at Yale, hadintendedtouseanotherexperimentfor hesitant start.LeslieMcArthur, agraduatestudentofRobert these years.” wouldn’t havehadtheKelleycubetoplayhacky-sackwithall relied entirelyonwords,asIhadoriginallyintended,people Kelley’s regret). As Kelley(1999,p.40)wastoputit:“IfIhad peared fromfurtherconsiderationinattributionresearch(to visualizable cube(see Figure 3.5 ), andsubsequentlydisap- times (consistency).Modalitywasomittedfromthishighly stimuli orsituations(distinctiveness),andcircumstances yielding threedimensionsofinformation:persons(consensus), represented covariationofthetarget effect acrossthreefactors, had decidedtothrowitin,the“cube”neverstoppedrolling.It including analogousdiagramsinhispresentation,butoncehe sent jointpayoffs oftwoindividuals. Kelleyhesitatedbefore effect inpresentingeconomic game-theorymatricestorepre- the effect witheachofthese sources. role ofthesevariableswouldbeassessedbythecovariation and themodalityofobservation.Inferencesaboutcausal observed behavior:theperson,situation,circumstances, explicating fourhighlyrecognizablesourcesofvariancein called, totheconcernsofexperimentalsocialpsychologistsby 1991). Kelleyadaptedthe ANOVA analogy, asitcametobe statistical techniqueofexperimentalpsychologists(Gigerenzer, tical analysisofvariance,whichatthistimewasthepreferred up onHeider’s comparison of laycausalinferencetothestatis- The Thibaut andKelley(1959)hadusedvisualaidstogreat fi rst publishedtestofthe ANOVA modelsimilarlyhada 3. Cognitivesocialpsychology

sterling 63 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 consistency. Forstimulus attributionsasimilarpatternemerged, attributions, comparedto22%fordistinctivenessand16% consensus accountedforonly6%ofthevarianceonperson effects oftheexperimentalmanipulationsemerged. Thus options enablesustounderstandwhyunexpectedlyuneven option (vanOverwalle,1997). rate fellto11% inastudythatused“thisoccasion”asresponse circumstances” wasusedfor24%ofresponses,whereasthis tions ofotherfactors.InMcArthur’s study“theparticular the timefactorwasambiguous,asitcouldalsoimplyinterac- the choiceofword“circumstances”tosignifyattributions (Jaspars, 1983)and47%(HiltonJaspars,1987).Inaddition responses wentupfrom33%inMcArthur’s experimentto61% response optionswasprovided,thenumberofinteractional response optionsbiasedperformance,aswhenafullrangeof consequences. First,theomissionofexplicitinteractional rare. The choiceofresponselanguagehadsomeunfortunate confi stimulus) wasquitefrequent,especiallyinresponsetoLHH event. Attribution tooneinteractionalexplanation (personby particular combinationoffactorsthattheythoughtcausedthe Participants whochoseoption(d)wereaskedtospecifythe response optionsisgivenbelow: high-consistency (HLH)informationcon 64 Figure 3.6 Missing dimensionsofinformationintheKelley cube. The shadedpartscorrespond tothecellsofinformationthatareactually given The biasinresponsesproduced bythechoiceofresponse gurations, butotherinteractionalresponseswerequite Hilton () oehn aot about Something (a) In thepastRalphhasalmostalwaystrippedoverLinda Ralph tripsupoveralmosteveryothergirlhedanceswith Almost everyoneelsewhodanceswithLindatripsupoverher Ralph tripsupoverLindadancing (d) Some combinationofa,bandcaboveprobablycaused (c) Something abouttheparticularcircumstancesprobably (b) Something aboutLindaprobably causedRalphtotripup dancing ap t ti oe Linda over trip to Ralph caused RalphtotripupoverLinda over her him totripupoverher to participantsinMcArthur’s (1972)experiment: Novick (1990).Copyright©1990 American Psychological Association. Reproduced withpermission. (Cell 3).Informationcorresponding toCells4,5,6,and7wasnotgivenparticipantsinMcArthur’s experiment.FromCheng the person (e.g.,Ralph)probablycaused fi grto with guration Target event (Cell 0), McArthur’s experiment(see Figure 3.6 ). ANOVA cube actuallyhascellsofinformationmissingon three factors(personbystimulusoccasion). The celebrated crossed 2×experimentaldesignthattestsfortheeffect of the eightcellsofinformationthatwouldberequiredinafully principles ofexperimentaldesign,astheyreceivedonlyfour to participantsinMcArthur’s experimentsdidnotrespectbasic they pointedout,thepatternofcovariationinformationprovided of consensus,distinctiveness,andconsistencyinformation. As of howMill’s methodofdifference shouldbeappliedtopatterns Fincham (1983) top-down theory-drivenexperiment.Jaspars,Hewstone,and Orvis etal.’s bottom-upexperiment-driventheory, proposeda background. Jasparsreturnedto gist workingatOxfordwhopossessedastrongmathematical slumbers byJoseph(Jos)Jaspars(1934–85),aDutchpsycholo- theory wasthenrescuedfromitsconceptualandmethodological rists (Anderson,1978;Medcof,1990)remarkedupon. Attribution proposition, afactthatneitherOrvisetal.norsubsequenttheo- that contradictedtheimplicationsofKelley’s (1967)original mation drivescircumstanceattributions. The resultwasamodel information drivesstimulusattributions,andconsistencyinfor- distinctiveness informationdrivespersonattributions,consensus proposed a“template-matching”modelwhichpositedthat McArthur’s results,Orvis, Cunningham,andKelley(1975) ment wentontoattractconsiderableattention.Drawing set ofresponseoptionsispresented,aswewillseebelow. information hasaverystrongeffect onattributionswhenafull McArthur’s original Gilbert, 1998)longafterrepeateddemonstrationsthat continued tobemade(Fiske& Taylor, 1991;Försterling,2001; that people“underuse”consensusinformation,anassertion ology (McArthur, 1976). These resultspromptedtheassertion another similarexperimentusingaresponsemethod- tency 41%ofthevariance. This patternwasreplicatedin consensus accountedfor0.30%,distinctiveness8%,andconsis- consistency 6%ofthevariance.Forcircumstanceattribution, with consensusaccountingfor5%,distinctiveness12%,and Despite itssomewhathaphazarddébut,McArthur’s experi- Consensus (Cell 1), fi rst proposed a formal “inductive logic” model rst proposedaformal“inductivelogic”model fi ndings wereartefactual,andconsensus Distinctiveness fi rst principles and, in contrast to rst principlesand,incontrastto (Cell 2),and Consistency and Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 1989; Hilton&Jaspars,1987). A ence (Jaspars,1983;seealsoCheng&Novick,1990;Försterling, the mannerthatwouldbepredictedbyMill’s method ofdiffer- consensus informationtomakepersonalcausalexplanationsin from theresponseoptionsshowedthatparticipants conducted experimentsthateliminatedexperimentalartefacts what istechnicallya“fractionatedblockdesign,”properly tiveness method ofagreement(predictingtheinversepatterndistinc- causalexplanation tiveness difference model(predicting consensus to the ANOVA analogywhenitbecameclearthatthemethodof edge, to using base-rateinformation,intheformofimplicitworldknowl- Nisbett andRoss,1980).Infactinsomecases,thelayperson roundly accusedofunderusebase-rateinformation(e.g., properly. The resultwasconfusion,withthelayperson being the analysisofvariance,andthusfailedtotestKelley’s analogy causal inferencewithitsfavouredmethodofstatisticalanalysis, failed tounderstandtheunderlyinglogicofanalogylay been trainedin.Unfortunately, thissameresearchcommunity mental designandanalysisofvariancethatpsychologistshad pologist” intranslatingHeider’s ideasintothelanguageofexperi- rational inexperimentsusingMcArthur’s (1972)paradigm. response methodology, the laypersonshowsherselftobehighly agreement), andthesemodelsaretestedwithaproperlydesigned ence speci nation vs.dispositionalattribution),appropriaterulesofinfer- judgment havebeenproperlydistinguished(e.g.,causalexpla- ties (vanOverwalle,1997).Insum,oncethekindsofcausal describes thelogicof matrix (seethesimpli When thislowbase-rateistakenintoaccounttocompletethedata Ingeneral,fewpeopletripupoverotherdancing above (Hilton&Slugoski,1986),thetarget eventisabnormal,as that wasconsistentwiththelogicof ANOVA. Intheexampleused by the predilection of experimental psychologists to exclude by thepredilectionofexperimental psychologiststoexclude integrating oldandnewinformation mayhavebeenhindered the realworld.Itispossiblethat therecognitionofthisprocess experimenter withplausibleassumptions basedonexperienceof statistically rational,bycombininginformationprovided the thing onhervisittothesupermarket Sally, thesupermarketoroccasioncausedhertobuysome- participants indeedchosethisnulloption( market ). Inthis case,thereisnoeffect at alltobeexplained,and base-rate ( the implicitassumptionisthatitnormalfortheretobea high (e.g., is clumsy (Hilton,1990). However, ifthetarget eventisnormal in aninformalanalysisofvariance,i.e., Figure 3.7 ), itislogicaltoassumethattherearetwo“maineffects” Although afull-blownanalysisofvarianceisnotpossibleon Gilbert (1998)suggeststhatKelleyactedlikea“wiseanthro- In theabovecase,itwas the“naivescientist”thatprovedtobe Sally buyssomethingonhervisittothesupermarket fl → esh out the missing dimensions of covariation in a way esh outthemissingdimensionsofcovariationina way → Most peoplebuysomethingontheirvisitstothesuper- fi stimulusinferencepatterns)describesthelogicof ed (e.g.,methodofdifference vs.methodof stimulusandconsensus→ ofevents,whereasaprocessinvolvingMill’s fi dispositional attribution ed squareomittingthetimedimensionin fi nal clari ). ). Ralph isclumsy → Nothing special about Nothing specialabout personinferences) fi personanddistinc- cation wasbrought toinvolvedenti- and use do ) then then ) Joan Joan was .

Dt mtie fo hg-osnu, low-distinctiveness high-consensus, from matrices Data Figure 3.7 “irrational” focusoncause-present effect-present information Bayesian account,whichargues convincinglythattheseemingly Mikkelsen (2007)haverecently presenteda“knowledge-based” integrated withpriorworldknowledge. However, McKenzie and without addressingthequestionofhowthisinformationmight be contingency tablesoncovariationdetectionandcausalinduction, larly concentratedontheeffect oftheinformationgivenin information variables. A voluminous researchliteraturehassimi- study ofthe“pure”effect oftheexperimentallymanipulated subjective expectanciesas“noise”thatwouldcontaminate the ih permission. with Reproduced Psychological Association. 1990 American presupposed norms.FromHilton(1990).Copyright© information con fi gurationsasafunctionofhighandlow 3. Cognitivesocialpsychology 65 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 the layperson’s rationality incausalinference,analysisofthe 1979).” Despitethecentrality ofthetopictoevaluation absent (Messick&Reeder, 1974;Napolitan& Goethals, times weak(Jones&Harris, 1967),andsometimesvirtually sometimes itisstrong(Jones,Davis,&Gergen, 1961),some- “Research conductedonthediscountingprinciplesuggests that priately ornot.Fiskeand Taylor (1991, p.38)reportedthat tent andinconclusiveastowhetherpeopledodiscountappro- between (Hilton,2007).Indeed,researchprovedtobeinconsis- as towhetherpeopleunder-discount ornot,werefewandfar arial” datawasinfactpresentallowingconclusionstobemade However, casessuchasMilgram’s experiment,where“actu- were comparedtotheobedienceratesactuallyobserved. butions andpredictionsforobedienceinMilgram’s experiment it wasclearthatpeopleunder-discount, aswhenpeople’s attri- it representsaspecialcaseofunder-discounting. Insomecases, attack onlayrationality(Nisbett&Ross,1980;1977),as importance ofsituationalcauses)becamethecornerstonean importance ofpersoncausesandtheunderestimation tion (e.g.,Miller, Smith, &Uleman,1981). unsuccessfully provethehydraulicassumptionincausalattribu- Researchers thenspentconsiderabletimeandenergy tryingto choice options,andtheirhypotheseswerecon attributed toexternalforces. They gaveparticipantsforced- forces, whereasacquiescencetolow-powersourceswouldbe to high-powerconfederateswouldbeattributedinternal physical powerandcausation,theyreasonedthatacquiescence by Heider(1944)andMichotte(1946)onvisualperceptionof something (e.g.,giveblood).Drawingonanalogieswithstudies to persuadeanotherparticipant(infactaconfederate)do Riecken’s (1955)experimentwhereparticipantshadtoattempt theory andmeasurementmethodologythrough Thibaut and assumption” aboutcausalityhadslippedearlyintoattribution attributes ittoexternalcauses,andviceversa. This “hydraulic the moreoneattributeseffect tointernalcauses,thelessone these factorswererelatedinamutuallyexclusivefashion—thus or “external”(e.g.,thefactcelebrityhadbeenpaid),andthat competing causeswere“internal”(e.g.,thecelebrity’s honesty) (Kelley, 1973). Work ondiscountingtendedtoassumethatthe know thatshehasbeenpaidtoparticipateinanadvertisement celebrity reallylikestheproductsheisendorsing,becausewe cause theeffect inquestion,as whenwedisbelievethatafavorite in afocalcauseonceweknowthatanalternativemay Causal discountingreferstotheprocesswherebywebelieveless discounting controversy The hydraulicmodelofcausalityandthe having symptomsandnotdiseases). symptoms andhavingdiseases)ratherthancommoncases(not normally formulatedtotestquestionsaboutrarecases(having such as“Dopatientswithsymptom labeled insuchawaythatthesecasesarerare.Causalhypotheses may beduetotheassumptionthatcontingencytablesareusually 66 The fundamentalattributionerror(theoverestimationofthe Hilton x havedisease

y fi ?” are are ?” rmed. that ratherthanhighlighting therationalityoflayinference “ritualistic thanrational”(Gigerenzer, 1991). The resultwas ance. However, theirunderstandingofthisanalogy wasmore “bible” ofsystematicexperimental designandanalysisofvari- generation ofscientistswhohadbeenbroughtupwith the As we haveseen,Heider’s ideaswere operationalizedbya The receptionofattributiontheorybyalatergeneration reasoning. ment, itsoriginistobefoundintheirassumptions,not their use oftheirownassumptions.Ifthereisanerrorinjudg- participants showednear-perfect Bayesianrationalityintheir Figure 3.8 ). MorrisandLarrick’s studymakesitclear that used theparticipants’ subjectiveprobabilitiesasinputs(see would beexpectedfromaBayesianmodelofinferencethat participants’ assumptions,astheycorrespondedwithwhat showed thatthesecausaljudgmentswerehighlyrationalgiven attribution obtainedbyJonesandHarris(1967),buttheyalso diagnosticity. They werethusabletoreplicatethe patternsof assumptions concerningsubjectiveprobabilitiesandcue- but inadditiontheycollectedinformationaboutparticipants’ Slugoski (1986),theyreplicatedJonesandHarris’ experiment, the knowledge-basedapproachintroducedbyHiltonand suffi base-rate probabilityofanoutcomeaswelltheperceived They alsoincludedelementsthatcorrespondedtotheassumed ANOVA design, ordotheycorrelatepositivelynegatively?). two hypothesizedcauses(aretheyuncorrelatedasinthe parameter thatmodeledtheperceivedcovariationbetween assume ahydraulicrelationbetweencauses,theyincluded ticity andintercorrelationofcues.Forexample,ratherthan Brunswikian features,suchasassumptionsaboutthediagnos- above. Theirs wasaBayesianmodelwhichincludedmany discounting thatresolvedmanyoftheproblemsidenti have bothinternalandexternalcauses(Hilton,2007). crossed inanorthogonaldesign,andthusallowedforeventsto situation informationalongdimensionsofcovariationthatwere which presupposedthatthelayscientistanalyzedpersonand assumption wasinfactinconsistentwiththe ANOVA analogy, response methodologythroughtheuseofbipolarscales. This was theunicausalassumption,whichhadbecomeenshrinedin given explanation,evenifitisstillconsideredtobetrue). Another because itisnolongerrelevanttomentioninaconversationally from causalbackgrounding(omittingtomentionanexplanation discounting (reducingone’s beliefthatanexplanation istrue) extant literature.Onewasthefailuretodistinguishcausal McClure (1994),whoidenti brought totheproblem.Someorderwasintoareaby inference againstwhichperformancecouldbeevaluated. the “man-the-scientist”modelintoaclearofnormative judgments understudy, andafailuretotranslatetherhetoricof discounting problemwasplaguedbypoorde Morris andLarrick(1995)proposedatheoreticalmodelof As withthe ANOVA analogy, ittooktimeforclaritytobe ciency ofthesecausesfortheeffect inquestion.Extending fi ed anumberofproblemsinthe fi nition ofthe fi ed Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 errors andbiasesinjudgment whichcarriedmorenewsvalue. of becoming“bubbapsychology,” andhencefocused moreon of explicatingcommonsense psychology toriskthebanalfate suggests thatsocialpsychologists consideredHeider’s project p. 68). There maybeanumberofreasonsforthis.Malle(2008) p. 87;Fiske& Taylor, 1991,p.35; Yzerbyt &Schadron,1996; pennies insocialcognitiontextbooks(Delhommeetal.,2005, information inKelley’s cubecontinuedtoturnuplikebad interactional attributionsfromthecon Gilbert, 1998).Likewise,thesameerrorsofpredictionabout the issuesraisedabove(e.g., Anderson, Krull,& Weiner, 1996; major handbookchaptershavenotgivenadetailedtreatment of importance ofthe ANOVA analogyforsocialpsychology, lated bygatekeepersofthediscipline.Despitehistorical Nevertheless, theseproposedcorrectionshavenotyetassimi- Gawronski, 2004;Hilton,2007;Malle,2004forreviews). correcting theerrorsofearly“classic”studies(see how muchofthesubsequentresearchhasbeendevotedto approach (Abelson&Lalljee,1988;Read,1987),itisstriking “mindlessness” (Langer, 1978)ortheknowledge-structure Figure 3.1 ). While newperspectiveshaveemerged, suchas attribution theoryhasremainedanactive interpreted modelsofthe“naïvescientist.” methodologically soundexperimentswereusedtotestproperly and layinferenceturnedouttobemuchmorerationalwhen models wereoftenill-conceivedandpoorlyoperationalized, came tobeberatedforhis would provetobeadouble-edgedsword,wherebythelayman (as Heideroriginallyintended),the“man-the-scientist”analogy Figure 3.8 Subjective probabilitiesandobserveddispositionalattributions(withrationalbenchmarksgivenBayesianinferencefrom Unlike impressionformationorcognitivedissonancetheory, probabilities inparentheses). Adapted fromMorrisandLarrick(1995). lack ofrationality. Butthenormative fi gurations ofcovariation fi eldofresearch(see the moreempiricistorientationof American socialpsychology. Europeans, whosemoreanalytictempermaynotchimewith conceptual revisionsofattributiontheoryweremadeby reanalysis ofthe ANOVA analogy. Finally, mostofthelater were cognitivepsychologists,andJasparsdiedshortlyafterhis ness schoolsinwhichtheywererecruited.ChengandNovick research andnegotiationwhichweremorerelevanttothebusi- authors wentontoconcentratetopicssuchascross-cultural tively littleresearchattention,inpartduetothefactthat Larrick’s (1995)groundbreakinganalysishasattractedrela- heart of American socialpsychology. Forexample,Morrisand In addition,theattributionrevisionistshavenotcomefrom used theLCMtoshowthatabstract (e.g.,dispositional)terms groups. Forexample,Maass, Salvi, Arcuri, andSemin(1989) be usedtoinfl 1997), butrefocusedattention onthewaysthatlanguagecould those of Abelson andhisstudents(RudolphFörsterling, any majornewdistinctionsinkindsofverbsthatwentbeyond (LCM) ofSeminandFiedler(1991). The LCMdidnotintroduce analysis inturnwastoinspiretheLinguisticCategoryModel ered someyearslaterbyBrownandFish(1983),whosemasterly lesser knownpartofMcArthur’s classicpaper)wasrediscov- The “verbeffect” oncausalexplanation(demonstratedinthe and Abelson, 1967)andcausalattributions(McArthur, 1972). subjective generalizations(Gilsonand Abelson, 1965;Kanouse and hisstudentsperformedelegantstudiesrelatingverb-types to tivity researchwastobefoundat Yale, whereRobert Abelson tion. An oasisinthisdesertafterthedeclineoflinguisticrela- research ontherelationshipbetweenlanguageandsocialcogni- Attribution theoryhascontributedtoasigni uence judgmentsabout otherpersonsand 3. Cognitivesocialpsychology fi cant revivalin subjective 67 7

Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 also hadanin anticipated byHeiderandSimmel(1944). Attribution theoryhas 1985), andaggression(Dodge,1980)inanapplicationalready motivation (Kruglanski,1975),achievement(Weiner, minority in on otherareas. Within socialpsychology, examplesinclude conventional ratingprocedures(Taylor &Jaggi,1974). same patternofintergroup bias inattributionrevealedbymore that codingoffreelanguagedescriptionscouldreproducethe member didso. This linguistic intergroup bias(LIB)showed an outgroupmemberperformedthemthanwheningroup were morefrequentlyusedtocharacterizenegativeactionswhen 68 others. Forexample,Malle(2008) argues thatthe concentration onsomequestions thathasledtoneglectof see also Trope &Gaunt,2000; Webster, 1993). 1993; Krull&Erickson,1995;forrelatedarguments anddata, attribution questionsareposed,theeffect isreversed(Krull, tions areposedtoparticipants).Indeed,whenonlysituational procedural artefact(onlypersondispositionalattributionques- tion ofevidencethatthe“overattribution”effect maybeduetoa correspondence bias(e.g.,Gilbert,1998),despitetheaccumula- which continuestobecitedassupportingtheexistenceof the include Gilbert,Pelham,andKrull’s (1988)well-knownstudy, information asafalsealarm.Otherexamplesofalarms may may citethelongstandingclaimthatpeople“underuse”consensus chimerical, andmaybecharacterizedas“falsealarms.”Herewe better placedtoevaluatetheef the normativeinferencerulesofcausalattributioninordertobe Friedrich Försterling(1953–2007)wasmovedtobetterspecify help understandhowattributionsaffect behavior. Forexample, has beenamajormotivatingfactorfortheoreticalrevisionsthat of placeboeffects (Valins andNisbett,1972). This appliedsuccess 1978) andonmedicinethroughcontributingtotheunderstanding learned helplessnesstheory(Abramson,Seligman,& Teasdale, clinical psychologythroughtheattributionalreformulationof with the internal–external distinction obscured an equally important with theinternal–externaldistinction obscuredanequallyimportant Conversely, many“ knowledge incausalattribution,discounting,andinduction. to recognizethatpeoplereliably(andrationally)useworld- tive natureofthe ANOVA analogy, withitsaccompanyingfailure (“misses”), suchasthefailuretoproperlyunderstandnorma- theory itseemsthatsomeimportantdistinctionswerenotmade rejections”). Butinlookingattherepresentationofattribution (“hits”) andpassingoverlessimportantcontributions(“correct guish “signal”from“noise”bywritingaboutmajorcontributions ably expectgatekeepers(textbookandmanualwriters)todistin- should berepresentedtosucceedinggenerations. We mayreason- ating applications,itbecomesappropriatetoaskhowitshistory sions aboutselfarethekeytosuccess(Taylor &Brown,1988). to subsequentsuccess,thuscontestingtheviewthatpositiveillu- Morgenstern (2002)showedthataccuracyinself-assessmentled ventions inclinicalpsychologyandeducation.Försterling The insightsofattributiontheoryhavehadconsiderableimpact Attribution theoryseemsto offer manyexamplesofover- Given attributiontheory’s continuingimportanceingener- Hilton fl uence research(MaassandClark,1984),intrinsic fl uence outsideofsocialpsychology, forexamplein fi ndings” havewithtimeappearedtobe fi cacy ofattribution-basedinter- fi eld’s obsession round awarm imagine thempassingapleasanteveningwithHumeandSmith tradition ofgentlemanscholarsor in centralEuropeandgoodfriends,theyseemto Heider seemtobelongadifferent periodofhistory. Bothborn early sourcesofinspirationsuchasSolomon Asch andFritz changed formduringthepostwarperiod,withresultthat when theybegantheirstudies. The disciplinegrewandrapidly 1999) washowmanyofthemhadnotheardsocialpsychology psychological workinthepostwar“goldenage”(Pepitone, choices ofthosewhoweretodistinguishthemselvesinsocial A commonthemeofthebiographicalaccountscareer retrospectives and Conclusions the presentwritertorealizehowmuch Asch’s arguments pre the rationalityofsocialstereotypes.Ithasbeeninstructive for group supportedanunwarrantedlypessimisticconclusionabout what peoplemeantwhentheymadeageneralizationabout a argued thatthefailureofsocialpsychologiststounderstand as proposedbyreinforcementtheorists.Likewisehepresciently judgment, notanirrationalchangeintheevaluationofobject ment representedarational“changeofmeaning”intheobject of interviews, Asch wasabletoshowthatsourceeffects onjudg- For example,throughhisextensiveuseofpost-experimental was different instyletothatofmanytheircontemporaries. their useoftheexperimentalmethodwasnotonlysparing,it getting theirideasacceptedinthemajorresearchuniversities, packages containedinhigh-speedcomputers. tight, controlledexperimentsthatwereanalyzedwithstatistical “dissertation factories”wheregraduatestudentsperformed the dominanceofwell-fundedresearchuniversitiesthatbecame War themodelofsciencechangedtoone“BigScience,”with equilibrium theoriesofsocialprocesses. After theSecond World lized disquisitiononassociationisttheoriesofcausationand psychology andjudgment decision-makingresearchheeded (Hilton, 1995).Itisalsostriking howlittleresearchersinsocial reanalyze conclusionsaboutthe rationalityofhumanjudgment ured hisownuseofthelogic ofconversation(Grice,1975)to personal causality. theory ofmindapproachimplicitinHeider’s originalnotionof tions thatcanbereliablydescribedandmeasuredintermsofthe have missed However, Malle,Knobe,andNelson(2007)suggestthatresearchers effect asdescribedbyJonesand Nisbett(1972)isa“falsealarm.” internal–external differences, thus implyingthattheactor–observer an actor–observerasymmetrywhenanalyzedthroughthelensof Baldwin, 2001).Malle(2006)argues thatthereisnoevidencefor neuroscience on“theoryofmind”(Hilton,2007;Malle,Moses,& great importanceinresearchdevelopmentalpsychologyand psychology (e.g.,LockeandPennington,1982),ithasprovedof causality. While thedistinctionreceivedearlyattentioninsocial tional action,whichhereferredtoaspersonalandimpersonal distinction thatHeidermadebetweenintentionalandnon-inten- Although Asch andHeiderhadimmensesuccessthrough another actor–observerdifference incausalexplana- fi re in18th-centuryEdinburgh, conductingacivi-

philosophes . Onecaneasily fi t anolder fi g- Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 them tobeused,regardlessof theirintellectualheritage. Sarnoff, Katz,andMcClintock,1954),thenonemay expect self-insight haveproveduseful inreducingprejudice(e.g., thing important. And ifpsychoanalytictechniquesforachieving Freudian conceptofrepressionhassurelyoverlookedsome- researcher whofailstorecognizeitsintellectualoriginsin the insuffi (by referringtocollectiveovercon known conceptssuchasgroupthinkashinynewcognitivegloss between 1968and1985. Although itispossibletogivewell- dynamics disappearedfromLindzeyand Aronson’s see thattheriskofalosscollectivewisdomisreal,aspsycho- approaches fromcontemporarysocialpsychology. Itiseasyto (1999), isregretforthedisappearanceofpsychodynamic postwar socialpsychology, suchasDeutsch(1999)andGerard A pervasivefeelingamong someoftheleading Collective memoryoroblivion? The evolutionofresearchtopicsinsocialpsychology: through to1980,whichitisreluctantcorrect. “image” ofwhatithaslearntfromthissourceinthe1960s case ofattributiontheory, itseemsasifthe transmitted throughgatekeeperstotherestof suggests thatitcantakealongtimeforcorrected experiments havebeendone,thehistoryofsocialpsychology mental discon hypotheses shouldbeformulatedinwaysthatallowexperi- onwards. Scienceshouldofcoursebeself-correcting,and prompted signi work inattributiontheoryduringthe1960sand1970shave Wundtian traditionfamiliar to Asch andHeider. listened asintentlytotheirsubjectsdidresearchersinthe might havebeensavedfromthestartifexperimentershad ment fortheparticipants.Butonewonderswhethermucheffort the backdoorofreinterpretationsmeaningexperi- attention tothephenomenologyofsubjectcameinthrough for anexplosionofresearchontheselfandattributiontheory. An responsibility, andengagement,theseconceptssetthestage cipants restructuredthe tell alieorworkfortheenemy. Attention waspaidtohowparti- resistant toexperimentalbribesdosomethingdubious,suchas participant whowantedtoprotecthisimageasamoralperson task. “Evaluationapprehension”wasanissueforexperimental attention totheexperimentalparticipant’s interpretation ofhis dissonance experiments.Onceagainweseetheimportanceof enlisted toargue fortherationality ofattitudechangeincognitive forcement theory, bynowreinventedas“incentivetheory,” was scale onslaughtontherationalpictureofman. This timerein- phenomena arerarerthansomewouldlike. Miller’s (1997)useofconnectionist principlestomodelGestalt integrate theinsightsofpast,suchasRead, Vanman, and Asch’s exampleintheinterveningyears.Conscious attemptsto As wehaveseen,problemsintheassumptionsthatguided The theoryofcognitivedissonancealsorepresentedafull- cient searchforinformationandalternatives,etc.),a fi fi rmation (Popper, 1972). Butevenwhenthe cant revisionstobeattemptedfromthe1980s fi eld through perceptions of free choice, eldthroughperceptionsoffreechoice, fi dence, con dence, fi eld hasacertain fi rmation bias, rmation fi ndings tobe fi eld. Inthe Handbook fi grs in gures same prestigiousauthorcanhave suchdifferent citationcareers? How canthisbeexplained? How isitthattwopapersbythe peak intheperiod2000–4,fully 40yearsafteritspublication. slowly, thenincreasingitscitationsafter1980andreaching a tuning, showsaquitedifferent patternofcitation,starting heyday ofconsistencytheories. The secondpaper, oncognitive refl a revivalinconsistencytheory). This patternisnotunusual, slight regainofinterestinthepastfewyears,perhapsre in the20yearsafteritsappearanceandthendeclining(with a theories wasimmediatelywellreceived,beingextensively cited concise andperceptivereviewpaperoncognitiveconsistency have hadquitedifferent citationcareers(see Figure 3.9 ). His man’s biologicalheritage.In1960hepublishedtwopapersthat emotion insocialpsychology, oftenwithastrongemphasison gist whoworkedinavarietyof Robert Zajonc(1923–2008)wasamercurialsocialpsycholo- The resurrection ofcognitivetuningresearch (linguistic codesandthinking). simply migratedintotheobscurityofotherdisciplines neglect (cognitivetuning),andtheotherabirdthathasquite of fashion.Oneisaphoenixthathasrisenfromtheashes and givetwoexamplesthatseemplausiblytoillustratetherole sources. To makethispoint,Ireturntothedomainoflanguage, chapters) tohelpresearchers cogent arguments forpreservingsignposts(e.g.,inhandbook currently beingmadeonagiventopic,therewouldseemtobe into thedepthsofoblivion.Evenifnotmuchprogressis suddenly sinkingwithouttrace,unremarkedandunmourned, seem tohavewaxedandwanedinsocialpsychologybefore incentives andmeasuresofrealbehaviors(Hilton,2008). research foritsfailuretovalidatetheorieswithrealmonetary Later, thisledthem to criticizemuchsocialpsychological mists retainedthecommitmenttomethodologicalbehaviorism. used inresearch. Tellingly, behavioralandexperimentalecono- expressed judgmentsbecametheprimarydependentmeasure behavioral measureswerediscardedandverballyornumerically measures, socialpsychologyenteredacognitivephasewhere of thediscrepancybetweenverbalattitudesandbehavioral (Thibaut andKelley, 1959)andgeneraltopicssuchastheproblem continued tobefeltinspeci simply forgotten. While thelegacyofbehavioristapproach ments. Itseemsthenthatbehaviorismwaslessfalsi approaches wereprimarilyusedtoexplainattitudesandjudg- and behavioralresponseswhereascognitivepsychoanalytic behaviorist approacheswereprimarilyusedtoexplainactions Psychology review ofpaperspublishedin behaviorism werenotfalsi careful analysissuggeststhatmanyofthetheoriesstudiedby to forget theoriesratherthan todisprovethem.Forexample, ecting aclassicpatternofcitation half-lifeaswellthe As wellasgeneralapproaches,particularresearchtopics Social psychologydoesseemtohaveadisquietingtendency in1960,Berger andLambert(1968)showthat fi 3. Cognitivesocialpsychology fi ed bycriticalexperiments.Intheir c theories such as exchange theory ctheoriessuchasexchangetheory fi nd theirwaybacktoimportant Journal of Abnormal andSocial fi elds ininvolvingcognitionand fi ed than than ed fl ecting 69 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 drop off themapwithoutevidentexplanation. This seemsto In contrasttoresearchoncognitivetuning, othertopicsseemto Whatever happenedtoresearch onlinguisticcodes? attention tothecommunicativefunctionsofhumanlanguage. Chomsky’s giftforpolemicinparticularmayhavedelayed paid toit.Itseemsthatthecognitiverevolutioningeneral and breaking studythatitwas,andincreasingattentionbegan to be work oncognitivetuningbegantoberecognizedastheground- 1985). Unsurprisingly, itwasaroundthistimethatZajonc’s tive focuson“sharedintentionality”(Bruner, 1975;Clark, again adoptedafunctionalapproach,albeitwithnewcogni- theory (Austin,1962)thatlinguistsandpsychologists once phers reintroducedthefunctionalanalysisthroughspeech act disdained eventoreplyChomsky. Itwasonlywhenphiloso- wants. Forthesereasons,Skinner(nodoubttohiscost) (e.g., commandsanddemands)toobtainwhattheorganism language throughhistreatmentoftheinstrumentaluse syntactic issues.Rather, hefocusedonthefunctionalaspectof in manywaysbesidethepoint,asSkinnerwasnotinterested Skinner’s bookwillhaverealizedthatChomsky’s critiquewas semantics (e.g.,Brown,1973). Those whohaveactuallyread language, markedbyattentiontotheacquisitionofsyntaxand a periodofascendancyforthestructuralistapproachto attack onSkinner’s (1957)book just oneyearafterChomsky(1959)publishedhisdevastating personal harmonywithitsrecipient. The articlewaspublished sender adapted(“tuned”)hermessagesoastomaintaininter- of afunctionalapproachtocommunication,wherebymessage Zajonc’s workoncognitivetuningwasanearlydemonstration Figure 3.9 Number ofcitationsper5-yearperiodZajonc’s (1960a,1960b)articlesoncognitiveconsistency(blue)andtuning (red). 70 The examplewouldseemtolieinthe Hilton ore Gol Scholar. Google Source: Verbal Behavior Zeitgeist oftheperiod. , whichledto mands psychology. Tellingly, theonlymentionstobe found of in vainlaterhandbook chapters onlanguageinsocial for abetterresolutionofthisissue. Yet onesearches foranswers social inequalityinadvanced societies,onecouldhavehoped with theirchildrenthattheyexperiencedownmothers. work whichsuggeststhatwomenusethesametutoring style of maternaltutoringstyles. Thus Robinson(2003)reviewed anything, laterworkhascon (1972) concludedthatthedebatehadnotbeensettled. If at theheightofthiscontroversy, athoughtfulreviewbyRobinson from formulatinglogicallycomplexpropositions.Nevertheless, of Black American Englishinnowaypreventeditsspeakers linguist William Labov(1970),whoargued thatthespeechstyle Jensen, 1969).Hisideaswerenotablycontestedbythe American tions forcontroversyoverrace,schooling,andintelligence(e.g., ideas weredebatedacrossthe Atlantic, becauseoftheirimplica- middle-class childrenwhentheywenttoschool.Bernstein’s if,because,before, after complex sentences,greateruseoflogicalfunctionwordssuchas was thattheaccesstoanelaborated,formalcode(useofmore of theirchildrenatschool.OneimplicationBernstein’s work by working-classmothersplayedaroleinthesubsequentfailure controversy overwhethertheexclusiveuseofrestrictedcodes chapter onpsycholinguistics. At thetimetherewasalively on socialization,andbyMillerMcNeill(1969)intheir discussed atlengthbyZiglerandChild(1969)intheirchapter Social Psychology attracted substantialattentioninthe1968–69 “restricted” and“elaborated”speechcodes.Bernstein’s work Bernstein ontherelationbetweensocialclassanduseof have beenthecasewithworkbyBritishsociologistBasil Given thesocialsigni , being mentionedby Tajfel (1969)and fi , etc.)wouldprovideanadvantageto canceofthetopicandcontinuing fi rmed theintergenerational stability Handbook of Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 social psychologytoa“Sears andRoebuckcatalogue.” echoed byKelley(1983),who comparedthelistoftopicsin Festinger’s complaintsaboutfragmentationofknowledge were on manyoftheimportant problems”(Festinger, 1983). a broaderpointofview, wedonotseemtohavebeenworking new knowledgebeenimpressiveenough. And evenworse,from during thistime,progresshasnotbeenrapidenough;nor the have beenlearnedabouthumanbeingsandbehavior my ownlifeseemslikealongtimetome,andwhilesomethings explaining hismoveintoanew on whathascometobecalled“cognitivearcheology.” When psychology in1964andaltogether1968towork Festinger ledthewaybyvotingwithhisfeet,leavingsocial given bythosecommonlyregardedasfoundersofthediscipline. phalism intheretrospectiveevaluationsofsocialpsychology (Allport, 1954). interests atthetimehistoryinquestionwaswritten an attemptat“originmyth”re social psychologyislessamatterofhistoricalfactthan choice ofsocialfacilitationasthe“ (Farr, 1996).Forexample, Danziger(2000)suggeststhatthe or “Whig”approachtothehistoryofsocialpsychology historians ofpsychologyhavecriticizedjustsucha“presentist” by practitionerswillbeself-servinginthisway, andsome The riskisevidentthatscienti deeds totheexclusionofnegativeones(Sahdra&Ross,2007). Collective memoriesofingroupstendtofocusonpositive the currentconstitutionofgroup(cf.Malinowski,1926). selectively “remembered”thatserveas“charters”justify what theirmissionshouldbe(HiltonandLiu,2008).Eventsare explaining whotheyare,howcametogetthatway, and History oftenservesanidentityfunctionforagroup,in Retrospective evaluationsofpostwarsocialpsychology effect onthinkingstylesand scholasticperformance. are bestplacedtoevaluatewhetherandhowthesecodeshavean codes indifferent socialgroups, itissurelypsychologiststhat placed todocumenttheexistenceofrestrictedandelaborated has notbeenfullyaddressed.Forwhilesociolinguistsarewell reason, theremustbeconcernthatanimportantsocietalquestion socialization asamajortopicinsocialpsychology. Whatever the evolution ofsocialpsychology, notablythedisappearanceof (Cole andScribner, 1974).Butanotherissurelytheinternal related topicoftheeffect of schoolingandliteracyonthinking for this.Oneisthattherehasbeenadeclineininterestthe (Sadovnik, 2001). There are several reasonsthatonemayadduce interest inBernstein’s workremainedstrong insociology the topichasquitesimplymigratedoutofsocialpsychology, as and socialpsychology(Robinson&Giles,2001).Itseemsthat 1996). Norisanymentionmadeina2001handbookoflanguage that ofBernstein(Krauss&Chiu,1998;KraussFussell, he distinguisheshis(cognitivist)useoftheterm“code”from Bernstein’s nameareinfootnotestochaptersby Krausswhere In thisrespect,itisstrikingtonotethedistinctlackoftrium- fi fi eld hewrote,“Fortyyearsin c historiesthatarewritten fi fl rst”areaofexperimentin etn the ecting fi eds current eld’s

depth” sincethe “cognitive behaviorism”andthe“expansionofsurfaceratherthan psychology didnotprevent Asch (1987)fromlamenting thenew of newtheoriesandtechniquesfromtherevitalizedcognitive Taylor, Fiske,Etcoff, andRuderman(1978).Buttheintroduction interfere withmemoryinthe“Whosaidwhat”paradigmof Swets, 1954)wasdrawnupontoshowhowstereotypingcould Rholes, &Jones,1977),andsignaldetectiontheory(Tanner & from psycholinguisticstostudysocialperception(Higgins, These includedword-primingtechniqueswhichwereadapted introduced totrackknowledge-activationandmemoryprocesses. on socialjudgmentprocesseschanged,asnewtechniqueswere meet withunreservedacclaimfromtheoldguard. The oldfocus “social cognition”approaches(NorthandFiske,thisvolume) solid foundationforthe subsequent generationswouldextendandweldintoabroad, introduced ‘peninsulas’ ofthoughtandstudythattheyhoped described how, yearsbefore, heandhiscontemporarieshad the scene,“Spreading Senior Scientist Award. As IsenandHastorf (1982)recounted Experimental SocialPsychologyonreceivingtheirDistinguished echoed byHeiderinhis1976addresstotheSocietyof thinking duringasupposedlyGestaltrevolution”hadbeen Heider (1958)andBrown(1986)forfurtherreading! for thereissueofhisownbook.Furthermoreherecommended is nosubstituteforseriousanalysis,”andusedthisasanargument of Rescorlaand Wagner’s (1972)modelinlearningtheory. Such wide rangeofdatawithaminimum ofassumptionsinthemanner simple andelegantcognitivemodels thatsucceedinexplaininga Finally, socialpsychologyhasnotsucceededin identifying is stillnotclearthatthisfundamentallessonhasbeenfullylearnt. to adoptthelatest“scienti better intoaccount. While socialpsychologyalwaysseemsready a waythattakesthehumanparticipant’s interpretationofhertask has beentheneedforareinterpretationofexperimentalresults in sory correlation.Inaddition,arecurringphenomenoninthe the casein“classic”experimentscausalattributionand illu- omissions intheexperimentalprocedure,asseemstohave been of inappropriatemodelsbeingadoptedifthereareartefacts or and hypothetico-deductive(drivenbytheory). This runstherisk inductive (drivenbyexperimentalresults)ratherthantop-down has beenatendencyformodelconstructiontobebottom-upand extended toalltheresearch siasm andade perception thattherehasbeenan“excessofempiricalenthu- Bruner and Tagiuri’s (1954)conclusionaboutworkonperson in socialpsychology Strengths andweaknessesofcognitivetheorizing paused, shruggedhisshoulders,andsmiledgently— said softly, ‘itseemsthat thepeninsulashavebecome’—andhe ment, broadening,andintegrationoftheseideas,however, he Nor didthenew“personmemory”(Hastieetal.,1980)and Asch’s regretsaboutthe“outcroppingofpiecemealways fi fi rst edition of his book. He noted that “Busyness rst editionofhisbook.Henotedthat“Busyness cit oftheoreticalsurmise”couldeasilybe fi eld. Insteadofthehopefordevelop- fi c” technique (priming, fMRI, etc.), it c” technique(priming,fMRI,etc.),it fi ngers ofhishandinillustration,he fi 3. Cognitivesocialpsychology elds reviewedinthischapter. There ʽ insulas’.” fi eld eld 71 Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 16:07 27 Sep 2021; For: 9780203808498, chapter3, 10.4324/9780203808498.ch3 between theoreticaleleganceandpredictiveaccuracy. social psychologistswillthereforebeto be moderneconomics. A challenge forfuturegenerationsof surmise andade that onecouldreadilycriticizeforan“excessoftheoretical theories, weshouldalsorememberthatifthereisasocialscience adequacy. While onecanadmiretheeleganceofeconomists’ more willingtosacri about economicbehavior. Psychologistsontheotherhandare formal tractabilitythatallowsthemtomakeusablepredictions their theoriesofhumanbehaviorifitbringsthemthegreater Economists arepreparedtosacri sented byanindifference curve(Rabin,2002;see Figure 3.10 ). construction betweeneconomistsandpsychologistscanberepre- reviewed inthischapter. However, thedifferent tastesintheory 2003) drawsonideasthatweregeneratedbytheresearch economic rationality. Much ofthis(e.g.,BrocasandCarrillo, knowledge formaterialtouseintheirrevisionsoftheories are busyraidingsocialpsychology’s richstoreofempirical that “explain(nextto)nothing.” They areofteneconomists,who psychology oftencomplainoftheproliferationmini-theories outsiders whowishtolearnsomethingusefulfromsocial theoretical ambitionofsocialpsychology, andsympathetic theories (Kruglanski,2001).Insiderscomplainofthelack beginning ofthischapterto“mid-range”andeven“mini-range” period haschangedfromthelarger frameworksdescribedatthe discipline inthe1970sand1980s(Jackson,1988). failure. This contributedtothegrowingsenseofcrisisin psychology (e.g.,Festinger, 1957),theattempthasmetwith construct suchall-encompassingtheorieshasbeenmadeinsocial the theoryofexpectedutilityineconomics. While theattemptto (1975) logicofconversationinlinguisticsandphilosophy, and models arecommoninother Figure 3.10 Indifference curvesfortheorypreferencesineconomists 72 their helpinthepreparationof thischapter, andJerome Bruner, I thankLaetitiaCharalambidesand Véronique Turbet-Delof for Acknowledgments The kindoftheoriesstudiedinsocialpsychologyduringthis Hilton leir Rpoue wt permission. with Reproduced Elsevier. and psychologists.FromRabin,2002.Copyright©2002 fi cit of empirical enthusiasm,” it would have to citofempiricalenthusiasm,”itwouldhaveto fi ce theoreticalambition forempirical fi elds, suchastheuseofGrice’s fi ce psychologicalrealismin fi nd therightbalance 7. It isstrikinghowmany ofthosewhohavesoughttorevisethe 6. Festinger (1989,p.562)wasnevertheless criticalofhigh-impact 5. They didnothoweverstatisticallytestthedifferences incorrela- 4. Razran mighthaveaproblemgettinganexperimentwithone 3. Behaviorism wasaproductofthemoregeneral“physicsenvy” 2. The upshotwasthatRoedigereventuallychangedbacktocogni- 1. I heardremarkstothiseffect onmorethanoneoccasionfrom Notes basn, L Y , eimn, M E P , Tadl . 98) Learned (1978). J. Teasdale , & P. , E. M. Seligman , Y. , L. Abramson, and structures Knowledge (1988). G. M. Lalljee, & P. , R. Abelson, References helpful feedbackonanearlierdraft. Murphy, PeterRobinson,andespeciallyBertramMallefortheir Gerd Gigerenzer, CraigMcKenzie,RichardNisbett,Robin Abnormal Psychology helplessness inhumans:Critique andreformulation . Press. Harvester UK: Brighton, 175–203). (Ed.), (pp. Hilton J. D. and naturalexplanation:Commonsenseconceptionsofcausality In explanation. causal omtet n 1980.) in Rommetveit Norwegian impressionofan Austrian accent,byRagnar but theyneverstoptothink!”(Recountedtheauthor, witha American colleagues:“Ahthese Americans! They worksohard, Gawronski). Heiderwasonceheardtoremarkabouthis (Kruglanski, Jaspars,Hilton,Försterling,vanOverwalle,Malle, theoretical basesofattributiontheoryareEuropeanorigin such astheStanfordprisonexperiment. experiments thatinhisviewdidnotserveacleartheoreticalpoint, tions betweencodabilityandrecognition. vidual data(Danziger, 1987). Experimental Psychology period 1934–36,29%ofpublicationsinthe using statisticalinferencetoanalyzemeantendencies.Inthe psychology) ofexperimentingongroupssubjectsandthen that psychologyadoptedthepractice(originatedineducational often theexperimenterhimself.Itwasduring1920sand1930s much closertothe Wundtian idealofasingle,“expert”subject, published hisexperimentatatimewhenpsychologywasstill Analysis ofBehavior from one(animal)subjectisthe himself. The onlyjournaltoday thatsystematicallypublishesdata subject publishedtoday, especially asthatsubjectwasRazran brain activation. tual Gestaltsweretheresultofequilibriainelectricalstates this “physicsenvy,” withitsnowdiscreditedpostulatethatpercep- Parsons andMalinowski.Gestaltpsychologywasalsosubjectto anthropology thusadoptedfunctionalperspectivesfollowing would seektoadoptbestpracticesfromphysics.Sociologyand proved sosuccessfulinthephysicalsciences.Eachdiscipline the socialsciences,whichsoughttoadopttechniquesthathad topics thatBrownhadtreatedundertherubricofsocialpsychology. subject, wherehefoundmaterialonlanguage,memoryandother tive psychology, havingreadNeisser’s (1967)classictextonthe one ofBrown’s successorsatHarvard. American socialpsychologistsinthe1980sand1990s,including 49–74. 87, , , foundedbyB.F. Skinner. However, Razran werestillbasedonanalysisofindi- Journal oftheExperimental Contemporary science Journal of Journal of

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