Strategies for Combating Corruption: a Case Study of Four (4) Zimbabwean Public Secondary Schools

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Strategies for Combating Corruption: a Case Study of Four (4) Zimbabwean Public Secondary Schools STRATEGIES FOR COMBATING CORRUPTION: A CASE STUDY OF FOUR (4) ZIMBABWEAN PUBLIC SECONDARY SCHOOLS by NYAUDE ONESMUS submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN EDUCATION in the subject SOCIOLOGY OF EDUCATION at the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA SUPERVISOR: DR H.J. KRIEK July 2018 i DECLARATION Name: Onesmus Nyaude Student number: 57641501 Degree: Doctor of Philosophy in Education (Socio-Education) STRATEGIES FOR COMBATING CORRUPTION: A CASE STUDY OF FOUR (4) ZIMBABWEAN PUBLIC SECONDARY SCHOOLS I declare that the above thesis is my own work and that all the sources that I have used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references. references. I further declare that I submitted the thesis to originality checking software. ________________________ _____________________ SIGNATURE DATE ii DEDICATION I dedicate this dissertation to my wives, Prisca and Vimbai. Thank you so much for the unwavering support, unconditional love and the encouragement during my doctoral studies. I also dedicate this dissertation to my late grandmother, Lianah Matongorere (nee Miriyoga), and my two uncles, Peter (Baba Kuda) and Joseph Matongorere (Baba Florence), for creating the intrinsic academic and intellectual motivation by unconditionally financing my secondary school education despite multiple responsibilities they were shouldering at the time. I thank you very much for this created a solid base for the birth and sustenance of my intellectual vision to pursue tertiary and university education. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express my appreciation and gratitude to the following people for supporting me throughout the course of my doctoral studies: Firstly, I would wholeheartedly want to register my profound gratitude to my supervisor, Dr H.J. Kriek for his inspiring academic and professional guidance. I cannot find the most suitable words to express my gratitude. It is your exceptional academic and intellectual prowess, quality and sound professional guidance, inspiration and encouragement that have resulted in me being able to survive the rigors of producing this thesis. From my interaction with you, I am now an academic ‘born again’ someone as the way I look at the academic world is no longer the same. I thank you very much. Secondly, I am particularly grateful to the University of South Africa’s Directorate of Student Funding for awarding to me the postgraduate bursary that enabled me to enrol and study for my doctoral degree. Without this bursary, the idea of a doctoral degree would have remained a pipe dream. Thirdly, my thanks go to the study participants who provided valuable information, which allowed me to answer the research questions and to address the objectives of this study. May the Almighty bless them abundantly! I also like to acknowledge the wonderful work done by Mrs C. Matumbi and Mr M. Magiga, my colleagues at my workplace, who meticulously went through the process of editing this thesis. Lastly, I thank my family, particularly my wives and our six loving children, for being supportive, resolute and understanding during my studies. iv ABSTRACT The aim of the study was to investigate participants’ views on strategies for combating corruption in Zimbabwean public secondary schools with a view to promoting learner academic achievement. The study was undertaken at four (4) selected public secondary schools in Harare Metropolitan Province in Zimbabwe. The study adopted the case study as the principal research design and it was informed by the interpretive paradigm; thus, qualitative research approaches were used. Non-probability and probability sampling techniques were adopted in site and participants’ selection. A representative sample of fifty-four (54) participants was used from a target population of three-hundred and eighteen (318) participants. The study was informed by multiple theories. The study found that most of the participants perceived corruption as a major problem affecting the education of learners in most public secondary schools in Zimbabwe. It was found out that the adoption of a vibrant and robust anti-corruption strategy is the solution/panacea to solve this problem of rampant corrupt practices in educational institutions. The introduction of anti-corruption education in public secondary schools was singled out to be the ‘pivotal’ strategy that policy makers should adopt to disseminate educative anti- corruption information to learners. It was further established that the ‘Zero Tolerance to Corruption’ policy employed by the Government of Zimbabwe should be strongly supported by a multi-agency response to effectively combat corruption within the education system to propel sustainable learner academic achievement. The study findings further revealed that the public secondary schools lack the necessary anticipated formal anti-corruption education curriculum. The study concludes that anti-corruption education and the adoption of multi-strategies play a central role in combating corruption. Therefore, there is need to strengthen the anti-corruption strategies and support mechanisms currently being employed in v Zimbabwe to successfully provide an environment that supports sustainable learner academic achievement. In line with the above, the study recommends the introduction of a formal anti-corruption curriculum in Zimbabwean public secondary schools to combat corruption. In addition, the study recommends further research in this seemingly grey area to contribute to the knowledge body regarding instituting good corporate governance in public secondary schools in Zimbabwe. Key terms Corruption, combating, impact, experiences, perpetuating, academic achievement, disparities, corporate governance, strategies, anti-corruption. vi ABSTRAK Die doel van die studie was om deelnemers se menings oor strategieë te ondersoek vir die bestryding van korrupsie in Zimbabwiese openbare sekondêre skole met die oog om leerders se akademiese prestasie se bevorder. Die studie is by vier (4) uitgesoekte openbare sekondêre skole in die Harare Metropolitaanse Provinsie in Zimbabwe onderneem. Die studie het die gevallestudie as die hoofnavorsingsontwerp geneem en dit is gevorm deur die vertolkende paradigma; kwalitatiewe navorsingsbenaderings is dus gebruik. Niewaarskynlikheid- en waarskynlikheidsteekproefnemingtegnieke is gebruik vir ligging en keuse van deelnemers. 'n Verteenwoordigende steekproef van vier-en-vyftig (54) deelnemers is gebruik uit 'n teikenpopulasie van drie-honderd-en-agtien (318) deelnemers. Die studie is gevorm deur verskeie teorieë. Die studie het bevind dat meeste van die deelnemers korrupsie as 'n groot probleem sien wat die onderrig van leerders in die meeste openbare sekondêre skole in Zimbabwe beïnvloed. Daar is bevind dat die gebruik van 'n dinamiese en robuuste teenkorrupsiestrategie die oplossing/kuur is om hierdie probleem van toenemende korrupsiepraktyke in opvoedkundige instellings op te los. Die inleiding tot teenkorrupsie-onderrig in openbare sekondêre skole is uitgesonder as die vernaamste strategie wat beleidmakers moet aanvaar om opvoedkundige teenkorrupsie-inligting onder leerders te versprei. Daar is verder bevind dat die Zimbabwiese regering se 'Zero Tolerance to Corruption'-beleid sterk ondersteun moet word deur reaksie van verskeie agente om korrupsie in die onderwysstelsel doeltreffend te beveg om leerders se volhoubare akademiese prestasie aan te dryf. Die studie se bevindings het verder getoon dat openbare sekondêre skole nie die noodsaaklike verwagte formele teenkorrupsie onderwyskurrikulum het nie. Die studie het tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat teenkorrupsie-onderrig en die gebruik van verskeie strategieë 'n sentrale rol speel om korrupsie te beveg. Teenkorrupsiestrategieë en ondersteuningsmeganismes wat tans in Zimbabwe gebruik word, moet dus versterk vii word om 'n omgewing te skep wat volhoubare akademiese prestasie vir leerders ondersteun. Ooreenkomstig hiermee, beveel die studie die bekendstelling van 'n formele teenkorrupsiekurrikulum in Zimbabwiese openbare sekondêre skole aan om korrupsie te beveg. Die studie beveel verdere navorsing in hierdie oënskynlike grys area aan om tot die kennis van goeie korporatiewe beheer in openbare sekondêre skole in Zimbabwe by te dra. Sleutelterme Korrupsie, bevegting, impak, ervaring, vernuwing, akademiese prestasie, ongelykhede, korporatiewe beheer, strategieë, teenkorrupsie. viii ISIFINYEZO ESIQUKETHE UMONGO WOCWANINGO Inhloso yocwaningo ukuphenyisisa ngemibono yababambi-qhaza ngamasu okulwa nenkohlakalo kwezezimali ezikoleni zikahulumeni zamasekondari eZimbabwe ngombono wokuqhubela phambili ukuphumelela kwabafundi kwezemfundo. Ucwaningo lwenziwe ezikoleni zamasekondari zikahulumeni ezingu 4 ezikhethwe endaweni yedolobhakazi leprovinsi, leHarare iHarare Metropolititan Province eZimbabwe. Ucwaningo lusebenzise i-case study njengedizayini enkulu yocwaningo, kanti futhi lwasekelwa ngulwazi ngenqubo ye-interpretive paradigm; ngakho-ke kusetshenziswe inkambiso ye-qualitative research kucwaningo. Kusetshenziswe amathekniki amasampuli e-non probability kanye ne-probability ezindaweni lapho okukhethwe khona ababambi-qhaza. Kusetshenziswe amasampuli angamashumi amahlanu nane (54) ababambi-qhaza, kwisibalo sethagethi yabantu abangamakhulu amathathu neshumi nesishagalombili (318). Ucwaningo lusekelwe ngamathiyori amaningana. Ucwaningo luthole ukuthi ababambi-qhaza babone inkohlakalo kwezezimali njengenkinga enkulu enomthelela kwimfundo yabafundi ezikoleni zikahulumeni zamasekondari
Recommended publications
  • The Failure of Education in Combating Corruption in Sudan: the Impact on Sustainable Development
    THE FAILURE OF EDUCATION IN COMBATING CORRUPTION IN SUDAN: THE IMPACT ON SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT Omer Hashim Ismail a a Educational Foundations and Administration, Faculty of Education a Sultan Qaboos University, Muscat, Sultanate of Oman. a Corresponding author: [email protected] ©Ontario International Development Agency ISSN: 1923-6654 (print) ISSN 1923-6662 (online). Available at http://www.ssrn.com/link/OIDA-Intl-Journal-Sustainable-Dev.html education programs and raising public awareness are Abstract: The major question this paper addresses is stated as important solutions to the problem. why education has failed in combating corruption in Sudan and, as a consequence, obstructs sustainable Keywords: corruption, education, Sudan, development. Corruption is considered a threat to sustainable development. development in all countries. Education is key factor INTRODUCTION in curbing corruption. However, looking into the situation in the Sudan, corruption has become a orruption has become a worldwide phenomenon characterizing the public sector. It phenomenon. It exists in both rich and poor pervades almost in all aspect of life. In fact, Sudan is Ccountries. Basu (2006) states: “The problem among the five top corrupted countries in the world. of corruption is neither new nor it is restricted to A major role of educational institutions is to provide developing countries only”. Transparency the nation with knowledgeable and skilled manpower International (TI) reports show that corruption is a needed to contribute to the socio-economic and serious challenge to governments in both developed political developments. Educated government and developing countries. A World Bank report officials, who are the graduates of educational estimated that public officials worldwide received institutions, are expected to fight the abuse of public more than $ one trillion in bribe each year.
    [Show full text]
  • Corruption and Anti-Corruption in Sudan
    OVERVIEW OF CORRUPTION AND ANTI-CORRUPTION IN AZERBAIJAN QUERY SUMMARY Can you provide an overview of corruption and anti- With a context characterised by limited independent corruption in Azerbaijan? media, a marginalised political opposition and a poor human rights records, Azerbaijan faces major CONTENT challenges of endemic corruption. Deeply 1. Overview of corruption in Azerbaijan entrenched patronage networks permeate all 2. Anti-corruption efforts in Azerbaijan spheres of public life and hamper the long term economic and social development prospects of the 3. References country. Economic and political powers are largely concentrated in the ruling elite, creating a blurred line between political and business interests. While the country’s natural resource wealth has largely contributed to economic growth and political stability in the last decade, it is also considered a major source of corruption and driver for political patronage networks. Public financial management, political processes, the judiciary and the police count among the sectors considered to be most \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ vulnerable to corruption. Author(s) In recent years, the government has been credited Marie Chêne, Transparency International, internationally for taking important steps against [email protected], with contribution from corruption. In 2009, Azerbaijan became the first Transparency International Azerbaijan compliant country in the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative. Other important legal and institutional developments have taken place in the Reviewer(s) areas of public sector reform and money laundering, Dieter Zinnbauer, Ph.D., Transparency International among others. These efforts have started to pay off, Date translating in a significant decrease in citizens’ Responded: July 2013 perceptions of corruption in many sectors, as reflected by the recently launched Global Corruption © 2013 Transparency International.
    [Show full text]
  • Sudan's Deep State
    Violent Kleptocracy Series: East and Central Africa Sudan’s Deep State How Insiders Violently Privatized Sudan’s Wealth, and How to Respond By The Enough Project April 2017 REUTERS / Alamy Stock Photo Sudan’s Deep State Violent Kleptocracy Series: East & Central Africa Executive Summary Sudan’s government is a violent kleptocracy, a system of misrule characterized by state capture and co-opted institutions, where a small ruling group maintains power indefinitely through various forms of corruption and violence. Throughout his reign, President Omar al-Bashir has overseen the entrenchment of systemic looting, widespread impunity, political repression, and state violence so that he and his inner circle can maintain absolute authority and continue looting the state. The result of this process, on the one hand, has been the amassment of fortunes for the president and a number of elites, enablers, and facilitators, and on the other hand crushing poverty and underdevelopment for most Sudanese people.* A Failed State? For nearly three decades, President al-Bashir has maintained his position at the pinnacle of Sudan’s political order after seizing power through a military coup in 1989. During his rule, the government of Sudan has perhaps been best known for providing safe haven to Osama bin Laden and other Islamic militants in the 1990s, for committing genocide1 and mass atrocities against its citizens in Darfur, for the secession of South Sudan in 2011, and for ongoing armed conflict—marked by the regime’s aerial bombardment of civilian targets and humanitarian aid blockade—in South Kordofan and Blue Nile. Often portrayed as a country wracked by intractable violence and hampered by racial, religious, ethnic and social cleavages, Sudan ranks consistently among the most fragile or failed states.2 At the same time, Sudan has considerable natural resource wealth and significant economic potential.
    [Show full text]
  • Summary Corruption and Anti-Corruption in Sudan
    www.transparency.org www.cmi.no Corruption and anti-corruption in Sudan Query Could you please provide an overview of the nature and impact of corruption in Sudan? Does it affect SMEs significantly? Do foreign investors incur additional costs? Are basic services impacted by large diversions? Purpose challenges that affect both conflict torn and resource rich countries, including fragile state institutions, low The agency is currently undertaking a piece of work to administrative capacity, weak systems of checks and design our response to corruption in the new (post- balance, and blurred distinctions between the state and secession) Sudan. ruling party. The secession of South Sudan in July 2011 brings new economic and political challenges. Content Corruption permeates all sectors, and manifests itself 1. Overview of corruption in Sudan through various forms, including petty and grand 2. Anti-corruption efforts in Sudan corruption, embezzlement of public funds, and a system 3. References of political patronage well entrenched within the fabrics of society. Evidence of the impact of corruption is scarce and concealed by the country’s economic and Caveat political instability. Nevertheless, there is evidence that There is little data and research available on the patronage has a negative impact on small and medium country’s state of governance and on corruption, sized enterprises. Also, corruption in the police and particularly on its impact. The majority of recent studies security forces undermines internal security and allows have focused on the challenges faced by South Sudan, abuses of civil and political rights. The lack of so are not helpful in looking at Sudan.
    [Show full text]
  • Overview of the Sudan Uprising
    Working Paper Series #2020-017 Overview of the Sudan Uprising Samia Satti Osman Mohamed Nour Published: 21 April 2020 Maastricht Economic and social Research institute on Innovation and Technology (UNU‐MERIT) email: [email protected] | website: http://www.merit.unu.edu Boschstraat 24, 6211 AX Maastricht, The Netherlands Tel: (31) (43) 388 44 00 UNU-MERIT Working Papers ISSN 1871-9872 Maastricht Economic and social Research Institute on Innovation and Technology UNU-MERIT UNU-MERIT Working Papers intend to disseminate preliminary results of research carried out at UNU-MERIT to stimulate discussion on the issues raised. Overview of the Sudan Uprising By Prof. Dr. Samia Satti Osman Mohamed Nour (February 20, 2020) Overview of the Sudan Uprising Prof. Dr. Samia Satti Osman Mohamed Nour1 (February 20, 2020) Abstract This paper provides an overview of the Sudan Uprising and discusses the major causes, factors that contributed to the success of Sudan Uprising and potential opportunities and major challenges following the Sudan Uprising. We improve understanding, fill the gaps in the literature and provide an extremely valuable contribution to the literature by presenting a new and more comprehensive analysis and investigation of the factors that caused and those contributed to the success of Sudan uprising and potential opportunities and major challenges following Sudan uprising. A novel element in our analysis is that we investigate the various causes including economic causes, social and human development causes, political causes, institutional causes and the causes related to the lack of freedoms that caused the Sudan uprising, we examine the dynamic interaction between the internal factors (youth, women, ICT, the Sudanese Professional Association, and University of Khartoum Teaching Staff Initiative), and external factors (diaspora) that contributed to supporting Sudan uprising and we explain potential opportunities and major challenges following Sudan Uprising.
    [Show full text]
  • Sudan: Overview of Corruption and Anti -Corruption
    U4 Helpdesk Answer Sudan: Overview of corruption and anti -corruption Author(s): Iñaki Albisu Ardigo Reviewer(s): Matthew Jenkins, Transparency International Date: 22 January 2020 Sudan is a fragile state, emerging from the brutal dictatorship of Omar al-Bashir, which ended in April 2019 after he was ousted by a military coup following prolonged popular protests. The new administration has inherited a deplorable governance situation. Moulded by years of kleptocratic rule, the civil service is plagued by rampant graft, while the extractive industries sector and land management are similarly rife with corruption. In fact, much of the national economy is exposed to extensive rent- seeking by the security forces, which run large swaths of the country as personal fiefdoms. The new regime will be forced to address corruption at all levels and sectors of the country and will need to reinforce a legal and institutional anti-corruption framework that is largely failing to prevent, investigate or sanction corruption. U4 Anti-Corruption Helpdesk A free service for staff from U4 partner agencies Query Please provide an overview the current situation regarding corruption and anti- corruption in Sudan Contents Main points 1. Overview of corruption in Sudan 2. Corruption by sector — After 30 years of authoritarian rule, Omar 3. Legal and institutional anti-corruption al-Bashir was deposed in 2019 and a new framework transitional government was established 4. References between civilians and the military. Caveat — Sudan under al-Bashir was considered to Pro-democracy uprisings in Sudan during the latter be a kleptocracy, in which corrupt actors part of 2018 and early 2019 have generated serious had effectively captured all aspects of changes to the political system of the country, and policymaking and all areas of the public the political climate is evolving on a daily basis.
    [Show full text]
  • Sudan's Anti-Corruption Whitewash April 2019
    SENTRY ALERT Sudan’s Anti-Corruption Whitewash The Bashir Regime’s Hollow Commitment to Combating Illicit Finance By The Sentry team April 2019 Background Sudan suffers from one of the highest rates of corruption in the world, ranking 172nd out of 180 countries in Transparency International’s 2018 Corruption Perceptions Index.1 As detailed in previous reports by the Enough Project and The Sentry,2 governing institutions have been coopted by a corrupt network engaged in personal enrichment and a repressive security apparatus aimed at protecting the interests of the country’s elite. President Omar al-Bashir’s kleptocracy has undermined previously democratic institutions and processes and compromised government checks and balances, resulting in an autocratic system marked by systemic human rights violations. A fragmented political opposition, elements of which have been bought off by the regime over the years, has further enabled the status quo.3 Senior members of the government are engaged in extensive corruption, thus undermining the government pledge to combat graft. At the same time, the strong anti-corruption sentiments of the population have helped mobilize ongoing peaceful protests demanding an end to repression, a lasting and just peace, and a transition to democratic rule in Sudan. Throughout the protests, which are into their 14th week despite security forces’ violent attempts to stifle them, a popular slogan has captured the protesters’ spirit: “we have risen,” the crowds have chanted, “against those who stole our sweat.” 1 1 The Sentry TheSentry.org Sudan's Anti-Corruption Whitewash April 2019 At their root, the crimes of Sudan’s kleptocracy are financial.
    [Show full text]
  • Development Deferred: Eastern Sudan After the ESPA
    36 Development Deferred: Eastern Sudan after the ESPA By the Small Arms Survey Copyright Published in Switzerland by the Small Arms Survey © Small Arms Survey, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva 2015 First published in May 2015 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without prior permission in writing of the Small Arms Survey, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organi- zation. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Publications Manager, Small Arms Survey, at the address below. Small Arms Survey Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies Maison de la Paix, Chemin Eugène-Rigot 2E, 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Series editor: Emile LeBrun Copy-edited by Alex Potter ([email protected]) Proofread by Donald Strachan ([email protected]) Cartography by Jillian Luff (www.mapgrafix.com) Typeset in Optima and Palatino by Rick Jones ([email protected]) Printed by nbmedia in Geneva, Switzerland ISBN 978-2-940548-10-1 2 Small Arms Survey HSBA Working Paper 36 Contents List of maps, tables, and figures ................................................................................................................................................ 4 List of abbreviations ....................................................................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Kleptocracy in Khartoum: Self-Enrichment by the National Islamic Front/National Congress Party
    Enough Forum Presented by the Enough Project, the Enough Forum is a platform for dynamic discourse engaging critical issues, challenges, and questions among thought leaders, field researchers, and policy experts. Opinions and statements herein are those of the authors and participants in the forum, and do not necessarily reflect the opinion or policy recommendations of the Enough Project. Kleptocracy in Khartoum: Self-Enrichment by the National Islamic Front/National Congress Party By Eric Reeves, Enough Senior Non-Resident Fellow December 2015 The 26 years of rule by the National Islamic Front/National Congress Party (NIF/NCP) regime in Khartoum have been marked by extraordinary levels of graft, corruption, cronyism, and outright theft of national wealth. The regime has adapted to changing circumstances with remarkable skill; and while the expropriation of banks, land, countless businesses, and contracts for infrastructure work (which included work with Osama bin Laden’s construction company) may have defined the earlier years (1989 – 1999), the advent of substantial oil revenues in 1999 changed the forms of regime rapacity in significant ways. So, too, did the secession of South Sudan in July 2011, which abruptly terminated Khartoum’s access to 75 percent of the total oil reserves. Through all of this, however, the regime has consistently managed to use its control of national military power and the highly efficient security services, along with an elaborate system of cronyism, to expropriate vast portions of Sudanese national wealth, typically at the expense of the national economy. The theft of this national wealth may take many forms, may be more or less brazen, and may be more or less open to scrutiny by outside observers; but the use of the military and security services to protect the regime in continual self-enrichment defines it as a Kleptocracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Su D a N E C O N O M Ic R E P O Rt
    Sudan Economic Report AFRICANDEVELOPMENTBANKGROUP About this series This new Country Economic Report series seeks to bring the best possible knowledge to bear on policy and institutional reforms in Africa. It also seeks to develop and help implement the African Development Bank’s High Five strategies, while guiding the design of individual country assistance strategies. And it seeks to enhance the quality and impact of the Bank’s analytical and advisory activities and development policy operations — and to foster a community of economists (across sectors) on the continent. The series is produced by the Country Economics Department, in close collaboration with teams in other departments of the Bank’s Vice-Presidency for Economic Gov- ernance and Knowledge Management and Office of the Chief Economist. Copyright © 2018 African Development Bank Group ISBN: 978-9938-882-84-1 The opinions expressed and arguments employed herein do not necessarily reflect the official views of the African Development Bank, its Boards of Directors, or the countries they represent. This document, as well as any data and maps included, are without prejudice to the status of or sovereignty over any territory, to the delimitation of international frontiers and boundaries, and to the name of any territory, city, or area. Foreword t took a long time for economic historians deepen policy reforms. That would strengthen and development theorists to explain the the case for heavily indebted poor countries Imystery of modern economic growth. Some (HIPC) debt relief, which might enlarge the fiscal researchers suggested that a combination of space, attract more concessional financing, and cheap energy costs and high wages encouraged help reintegrate Sudan into the global econo- business people in the western world to devote my.
    [Show full text]
  • The Legal Framework for an Effective Sudanese Anti-Corruption
    Contents page Introduction 3 Defining corruption 5 Types of corruption 7 Theories and attempts to explain the corruption 13 phenomenon Causes and motivating factors of corruption 16 Functions of anti-corruption bodies 21 Institutional arrangements and coordination as 23 a factor in the agencies’ success Types and models of anti-corruption bodies 25 The process of appointing 28 Methods for appointing leaders of anti-corruption bodies 29 Eligibility criteria for positions in anti-corruption agencies 37 Anti-corruption Bodies and Human Rights 41 Legal framework for combating corruption and 47 criminalizing prohibited acts References 56 The Sudanese Legal Framework: The Requirements for Building an 2 Effective Anti-Corruption Body 2 Introduction Corruption is a global phenomenon, and is one of the challenges facing many countries. Sudan is one of these countries affected by corruption and is seen as one of the countries in which corruption prevails. According to the Corruption Perceptions Index issued by Transparency International, Sudan was ranked 172 out of 180 in 2019, scoring only 16 points on the index out of 100 to be classified as one of the most corrupt countries.1 This index ranks countries according to perceived levels of corruption in the public sector, based on the statements of experts and businessmen. Sudan has ratified the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) on September 5th, 2014.2 However, anti- corruption efforts in Sudan do not appear to be sufficient to combat corruption prevalent in all local, state and federal levels, which is spread in various sectors. Recently, some attempts to establish a national anti-corruption body were undertaken, the law on the National Commission for Transparency, Integrity and Combat of Corruption (2016) was approved, which provides for the goals, functions and powers of the Commission.
    [Show full text]
  • Corruption in the Middle East & North Africa
    Transparency International Anti-Corruption Brief Corruption in the Middle East & North Africa Regional Trends from the 2019 Global Corruption Barometer and Country Spotlights Author: Jennifer Schoeberlein Reviewer: Matthew Jenkins, Transparency International Date: 10 December 2019 The Middle East and North Africa region has witnessed substantial upheaval in recent years that has affected many countries’ capacity to effectively curb corruption. As the results of the 2019 Global Corruption Barometer illustrate, substantial governance challenges persist across the region. Political corruption and nepotism remain an issue and perceived levels of corruption continue to rise. Trust in governments and their ability to tackle corruption remains low, and while many citizens continue to believe that ordinary people can make a difference in anti-corruption efforts, their numbers are shrinking. While the overall outlook appears grim, a granular appraisal of the region belies a monolithic picture. At one end of the spectrum, reform approaches in Jordan have managed to keep levels of bribery down and trust in government comparatively high. At the other end, the situation in Lebanon has deteriorated and the country now has the highest rate of reported bribes paid to access public services in the region. In Sudan, the situation appeared particularly dire, but with the recent ouster of long-term dictator al-Bashir, new space for reform may open up. Morocco and Tunisia continue to present mixed pictures with substantial reform efforts but also considerable challenges. Moreover, while recent elections in Tunisia underlined the absence of trust in the country’s established political class, in another sense those elections reflect a sustained effort to consolidate the most successful democratic transition in the wake of the Arab Spring.
    [Show full text]