Sudan and Trade Integrity
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Improving Natural Resource Management a Feinstein International Center Desk Study
Lessons for Taadoud II: Improving Natural Resource Management A Feinstein International Center Desk Study By Helen Young, Merry Fitzpatrick, Anastasia Marshak, Anne Radday, Francesco Staro, and Aishwarya Venkat April 2019 Table of Contents Acronyms ............................................................................................................................................... iv Executive Summary ................................................................................................................................. v Introduction ............................................................................................................................................ 2 Roadmap ............................................................................................................................................. 3 Methods .............................................................................................................................................. 3 Part 1. History and context of disasters and development in Sudan ...................................................... 5 A shift from what makes communities vulnerable to what makes them resilient ............................. 7 Key points for Taadoud II .................................................................................................................. 11 Part 2. Livelihoods, conflict, power, and institutions ............................................................................ 12 Diverging views on drivers of the Darfur conflict -
PETRONAS' Journey in Human Capital Development
UNCTAD 17th Africa OILGASMINE, Khartoum, 23-26 November 2015 Extractive Industries and Sustainable Job Creation Building Institutional Capabilities: PETRONAS' journey in Human Capital Development By Mohamad Yusof Shahid Chairman, PETRONAS Sudan Operations The views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of UNCTAD. Building Institutional Capabilities: PETRONAS' journey in Human Capital Development Presented by Mr. M Yusof Shahid Chairman, PETRONAS Sudan Operations © 2015 PETROLIAM NASIONAL BERHAD (PETRONAS) All rights reserved. No part of this document may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise) without the permission of the copyright owner. ©Petroliam Nasional Berhad (PETRONAS) 2015 1 AGENDA PETRONAS is a Major Multinational Oil and Gas Company 01 PETRONAS: Structured Approach for Human Resources Development 02 PETRONAS in Sudan 04 The Future © 2015 PETROLIAM NASIONAL BERHAD (PETRONAS) All rights reserved. No part of this document may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise) without the permission of the copyright owner. ©Petroliam Nasional Berhad (PETRONAS) 2015 2 Agile Development & Growth Transformation of an NOC into a global energy champion REVENUE (USD bil) Domestic Regulator Domestic Player Going International Global Player 100 Ventured into • Ventured into Iraq 2009 Turkmenistan -
Kareem Olawale Bestoyin*
Historia Actual Online, 46 (2), 2018: 43-57 ISSN: 1696-2060 OIL, POLITICS AND CONFLICTS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NIGERIA AND SOUTH SUDAN Kareem Olawale Bestoyin* *University of Lagos, Nigeria. E-mail: [email protected] Recibido: 3 septiembre 2017 /Revisado: 28 septiembre 2017 /Aceptado: 12 diciembre 2017 /Publicado: 15 junio 2018 Resumen: A lo largo de los años, el Áfica sub- experiencing endemic conflicts whose conse- sahariana se ha convertido en sinónimo de con- quences have been under development and flictos. De todas las causas conocidas de conflic- abject poverty. In both countries, oil and poli- tos en África, la obtención de abundantes re- tics seem to be the driving force of most of cursos parece ser el más prominente y letal. these conflicts. This paper uses secondary data Nigeria y Sudán del Sur son algunos de los mu- and qualitative methodology to appraise how chos países ricos en recursos en el África sub- the struggle for the hegemony of oil resources sahariana que han experimentado conflictos shapes and reshapes the trajectories of con- endémicos cuyas consecuencias han sido el flicts in both countries. Hence this paper de- subdesarrollo y la miserable pobreza. En ambos ploys structural functionalism as the framework países, el petróleo y las políticas parecen ser el of analysis. It infers that until the structures of hilo conductor de la mayoría de estos conflic- governance are strengthened enough to tackle tos. Este artículo utiliza metodología de análisis the developmental needs of the citizenry, nei- de datos secundarios y cualitativos para evaluar ther the amnesty programme adopted by the cómo la pugna por la hegemonía de los recur- Nigerian government nor peace agreements sos energéticos moldea las trayectorias de los adopted by the government of South Sudan can conflictos en ambos países. -
The Failure of Education in Combating Corruption in Sudan: the Impact on Sustainable Development
THE FAILURE OF EDUCATION IN COMBATING CORRUPTION IN SUDAN: THE IMPACT ON SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT Omer Hashim Ismail a a Educational Foundations and Administration, Faculty of Education a Sultan Qaboos University, Muscat, Sultanate of Oman. a Corresponding author: [email protected] ©Ontario International Development Agency ISSN: 1923-6654 (print) ISSN 1923-6662 (online). Available at http://www.ssrn.com/link/OIDA-Intl-Journal-Sustainable-Dev.html education programs and raising public awareness are Abstract: The major question this paper addresses is stated as important solutions to the problem. why education has failed in combating corruption in Sudan and, as a consequence, obstructs sustainable Keywords: corruption, education, Sudan, development. Corruption is considered a threat to sustainable development. development in all countries. Education is key factor INTRODUCTION in curbing corruption. However, looking into the situation in the Sudan, corruption has become a orruption has become a worldwide phenomenon characterizing the public sector. It phenomenon. It exists in both rich and poor pervades almost in all aspect of life. In fact, Sudan is Ccountries. Basu (2006) states: “The problem among the five top corrupted countries in the world. of corruption is neither new nor it is restricted to A major role of educational institutions is to provide developing countries only”. Transparency the nation with knowledgeable and skilled manpower International (TI) reports show that corruption is a needed to contribute to the socio-economic and serious challenge to governments in both developed political developments. Educated government and developing countries. A World Bank report officials, who are the graduates of educational estimated that public officials worldwide received institutions, are expected to fight the abuse of public more than $ one trillion in bribe each year. -
The Short-Term Stagflationary Impact of Stabilization Policy in Sudan: a Test of the New Structuralist Hypothesis Khalifa Hassanain Iowa State University
Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Retrospective Theses and Dissertations Dissertations 1991 The short-term stagflationary impact of stabilization policy in Sudan: a test of the new structuralist hypothesis Khalifa Hassanain Iowa State University Follow this and additional works at: https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/rtd Part of the Economics Commons Recommended Citation Hassanain, Khalifa, "The short-term stagflationary impact of stabilization policy in Sudan: a test of the new structuralist hypothesis" (1991). Retrospective Theses and Dissertations. 16625. https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/rtd/16625 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Dissertations at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Retrospective Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The short-term stagflationary impact of stabilization policy in Sudan : A test of the new structuralist hypothesis by Khalifa M. A. Hassanain A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE Major: Economics Signatures have been redacted for privacy Iowa State University Ames, Iowa 1991 ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION 1 Research Ob jecti ves 2 Organization of the Study 2 CHAPTER I. EVOLUTION OF THE SUDANESE ECONOMY 4 Economic Structure of Sudan (1970-1988) 4 The Economic Crisis in Sudan 5 Stagflation in Sudan: The GDP Growth Rates (1981 -1988) 6 Inflation Rates (1981-88) 10 The Bank of Sudan Credit Policy ( 1980-88) 12 The Size of the Parallel Economy in the Sudan 15 Some Evidence from the Agricultural Sectors 20 CHAPTER II. -
Sudan a Country Study.Pdf
A Country Study: Sudan An Nilain Mosque, at the site of the confluence of the Blue Nile and White Nile in Khartoum Federal Research Division Library of Congress Edited by Helen Chapin Metz Research Completed June 1991 Table of Contents Foreword Acknowledgements Preface Country Profile Country Geography Society Economy Transportation Government and Politics National Security Introduction Chapter 1 - Historical Setting (Thomas Ofcansky) Early History Cush Meroe Christian Nubia The Coming of Islam The Arabs The Decline of Christian Nubia The Rule of the Kashif The Funj The Fur The Turkiyah, 1821-85 The Mahdiyah, 1884-98 The Khalifa Reconquest of Sudan The Anglo-Egyptian Condominium, 1899-1955 Britain's Southern Policy Rise of Sudanese Nationalism The Road to Independence The South and the Unity of Sudan Independent Sudan The Politics of Independence The Abbud Military Government, 1958-64 Return to Civilian Rule, 1964-69 The Nimeiri Era, 1969-85 Revolutionary Command Council The Southern Problem Political Developments National Reconciliation The Transitional Military Council Sadiq Al Mahdi and Coalition Governments Chapter 2 - The Society and its Environment (Robert O. Collins) Physical Setting Geographical Regions Soils Hydrology Climate Population Ethnicity Language Ethnic Groups The Muslim Peoples Non-Muslim Peoples Migration Regionalism and Ethnicity The Social Order Northern Arabized Communities Southern Communities Urban and National Elites Women and the Family Religious -
Conference Programme and Opening Ceremony
Registration Conference Programme and Opening Ceremony Monday 23 November 11:00- 12:00 9:00 to 18:00 Registration and badge distribution Press Conference (Friendship Hall) (by Cubic Globe) (Friendship Hall) UNCTAD: Mr. Samuel Gayi, Head of Special Unit on Commodities For all meeting participants, including: Government of Sudan: - speakers H.E. Dr. Ahmed Mohamed Mohamed Sadig Al-Karouri, Minister of Minerals - officials from Governments H.E. Dr. Mohamed Zayed Awad Musa, Minister of Petroleum and Gas - academics Mr. Saud Al Birair, President, Sudanese Businessmen and Employers Federation - NGO - civil society - press - students 19:30-19:45 19:50-21:00 21:00-23:00 Official exhibition Opening Ceremony (Friendship Hall) Cocktail Dinner opening Recitation of the Holy Coran H.E. Dr. Ahmed Mohamed Mohamed Sadig Al-Karouri, Minister of Minerals, Sudan, President of the Conference Mr. Samuel Gayi, Head, Special Unit on Commodities, UNCTAD Ms. Marta Ruedas, UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator, Sudan Dr. Mukhisa Kituyi, Secretary-General of United Nations Conference on Trade and Development H.E. Dr. Mohamed Zayed Awad Musa, Minister of Petroleum and Gas, Sudan H.E. Mr. Omer Hassan Ahmed Al Bashir, President of the Republic of the Sudan 1 17th OILGASMINE Programme - semi-final version as of 25 Nov 2015.docx Tuesday 24 November 08:30- 10:30 Session 1 Upstream potential in Sudan's extractive industries Chair: H.E. Dr. Azhari A. Abdalla, Vice-President of the High Committee of the OILGASMINE Conference, Minister of Petroleum and Gas, Sudan Moderator: Mr. Azhan Ali, President, Petrodar Operating Co. Ltd, Sudan Investment climate in Sudan: Laws and Regulations Mr. -
Corruption and Anti-Corruption in Sudan
OVERVIEW OF CORRUPTION AND ANTI-CORRUPTION IN AZERBAIJAN QUERY SUMMARY Can you provide an overview of corruption and anti- With a context characterised by limited independent corruption in Azerbaijan? media, a marginalised political opposition and a poor human rights records, Azerbaijan faces major CONTENT challenges of endemic corruption. Deeply 1. Overview of corruption in Azerbaijan entrenched patronage networks permeate all 2. Anti-corruption efforts in Azerbaijan spheres of public life and hamper the long term economic and social development prospects of the 3. References country. Economic and political powers are largely concentrated in the ruling elite, creating a blurred line between political and business interests. While the country’s natural resource wealth has largely contributed to economic growth and political stability in the last decade, it is also considered a major source of corruption and driver for political patronage networks. Public financial management, political processes, the judiciary and the police count among the sectors considered to be most \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ vulnerable to corruption. Author(s) In recent years, the government has been credited Marie Chêne, Transparency International, internationally for taking important steps against [email protected], with contribution from corruption. In 2009, Azerbaijan became the first Transparency International Azerbaijan compliant country in the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative. Other important legal and institutional developments have taken place in the Reviewer(s) areas of public sector reform and money laundering, Dieter Zinnbauer, Ph.D., Transparency International among others. These efforts have started to pay off, Date translating in a significant decrease in citizens’ Responded: July 2013 perceptions of corruption in many sectors, as reflected by the recently launched Global Corruption © 2013 Transparency International. -
China's Strategy to Secure Natural Resources
In Brief Policy Analysis in International Economics 92 China’s Strategy to Secure Natural Resources: Risks, Dangers, and Opportunities Theodore H. Moran • July 2010 • 66 pp • ISBN 978-0-88132-512-6 • $19.95 The rapid emergence of China as a major industrial power poses a complex challenge for the world’s natural resource markets. On the demand side, Chinese appetite for vast amounts of energy and minerals puts tremendous strain on the international supply system. On the supply side, Chinese efforts to procure raw materials can either exacerbate or help solve the problems of high demand. Backed by the Chinese government, Chinese companies have been acquiring equity stakes in natural resource companies, extending loans to mining and petroleum investors, and writing long- term procurement contracts for oil and minerals. These activities have aroused concern that China might be locking up natural resource supplies, gaining preferential access to available output, and expanding control over the world’s extractive industries. Do Chinese equity acquisitions, loans, and long-term procurement contracts help consolidate a tightly concen- trated supply base by securing preferential access for Chinese buyers, or do they help multiply sources and diversify the supply base, making the provision of output more competitive for all buyers? Which outcome Chinese procurement arrangements generate depends upon whether those arrangements basically solidify a concentrated global supplier system (and enhance Chinese ownership/control within that concentrated supplier system) or expand, diversify, and make more competitive the global supply system (and use Chinese ownership/control as a lever for such expansion, diversification, and enhanced competition). Theodore H. -
Press Release
Embargoed: Monday 7 September 2009, 0900 GMT (1000 in UK; 1200 in Kenya/Sudan) Oil production figures underpinning Sudan’s peace agreement don’t add up, warns Global Witness The 2005 peace agreement between north and south Sudan, which brought to an end one of Africa’s longest-running and most bloody wars, was based on an agreement to share oil revenues. However, new evidence uncovered by Global Witness raises serious questions about whether the revenues are being shared fairly. ”If the oil figures published by the Khartoum government aren’t right, the division of the money from that oil between north and south Sudan won’t be right,” said Global Witness [1] campaigner Rosie Sharpe. The Global Witness report, Fuelling Mistrust: the need for transparency in Sudan’s oil industry, is the first public analysis of Sudan’s oil figures. It documents how the oil figures published by the Government of National Unity in Khartoum are smaller than the equivalent figures published by the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), the operator of the oil blocks. While the respective figures for the only block located entirely in the north, and therefore not subject to revenue sharing, approximately match, those for blocks which are subject to revenue sharing do not. There were discrepancies of [2]: • 9% for the Greater Nile Petroleum Operating Company’s blocks in 2007 • 14% for the Petrodar Operating Company’s blocks in 2007 • 26% for the Greater Nile Petroleum Operating Company and Petro Energy’s blocks in 2005 These findings cover six of the seven productive oil blocks in Sudan. -
Oil and Violence in Sudan Drilling, Poverty and Death in Upper Nile State by Egbert Wesselink and Evelien Weller
Multinational Monitor MAY/JUNE 2006 VOL 27 No. 3 Oil and Violence in Sudan Drilling, Poverty and Death in Upper Nile State by Egbert Wesselink and Evelien Weller The discovery of oil in a developing country can be a blessing or a curse. In Sudan’s case, oil exploration and development has helped fuel vicious warfare. The 2005 Sudan Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), which brokered an end to fighting between the Sudanese government and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), offers a framework to depart from that brutal legacy, but so far its promise has not been realized. Sudan’s largest oil field is located in Western Upper Nile, southeast of the capital, Khartoum. Most of the international focus on the intersection of oil and violence in Sudan has been directed towards this area. But oil development is now proceeding rapidly in another oil field east of there, in the Melut Basin in Upper Nile State, with a disturbingly similar story line. Areas that the government has designated concession blocs 3 and 7 lie in this region. They are located in Melut and Maban Counties, in Renk District. Oil development rights for these concession blocs are currently held by the Petrodar Operating Company Ltd. (PDOC) under an Exploration and Production Sharing Agreement with the Sudanese government. The Petrodar Operating Company is jointly owned by the China National Petroleum Company (CNPC, 41 percent), Petroliam Nasional Berhad (Petronas of Malaysia, 40 percent), Sudan Petroleum Company (Sudapet, 8 percent), China Petroleum & Chemical Corporation (Sinopec, 6 percent), and Al Thani Corporation (United Arab Emirates, 5 percent). -
Sudan's Deep State
Violent Kleptocracy Series: East and Central Africa Sudan’s Deep State How Insiders Violently Privatized Sudan’s Wealth, and How to Respond By The Enough Project April 2017 REUTERS / Alamy Stock Photo Sudan’s Deep State Violent Kleptocracy Series: East & Central Africa Executive Summary Sudan’s government is a violent kleptocracy, a system of misrule characterized by state capture and co-opted institutions, where a small ruling group maintains power indefinitely through various forms of corruption and violence. Throughout his reign, President Omar al-Bashir has overseen the entrenchment of systemic looting, widespread impunity, political repression, and state violence so that he and his inner circle can maintain absolute authority and continue looting the state. The result of this process, on the one hand, has been the amassment of fortunes for the president and a number of elites, enablers, and facilitators, and on the other hand crushing poverty and underdevelopment for most Sudanese people.* A Failed State? For nearly three decades, President al-Bashir has maintained his position at the pinnacle of Sudan’s political order after seizing power through a military coup in 1989. During his rule, the government of Sudan has perhaps been best known for providing safe haven to Osama bin Laden and other Islamic militants in the 1990s, for committing genocide1 and mass atrocities against its citizens in Darfur, for the secession of South Sudan in 2011, and for ongoing armed conflict—marked by the regime’s aerial bombardment of civilian targets and humanitarian aid blockade—in South Kordofan and Blue Nile. Often portrayed as a country wracked by intractable violence and hampered by racial, religious, ethnic and social cleavages, Sudan ranks consistently among the most fragile or failed states.2 At the same time, Sudan has considerable natural resource wealth and significant economic potential.