Thoughts About the Horse Games of the Roman Army and the Origins of Imperial Mask Helmets

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The Pantomime of War: Thoughts About the Horse Games of the Roman Army and the Origins of Imperial Mask Helmets

Maxime Petitjean Sorbonne University, Paris, France [email protected]

Abstract

This paper explores the origins of the horse games (hippika gymnasia) of the Roman imperial army. It argues that the equestrian displays lengthily described by Arrian in his tactical treatise were borrowed from the Gallic and Iberian Celts, who formed the most important part of the Roman auxiliary cavalry at the end of the Republic and at the beginning of the Principate. Mask helmets were worn by the most renowned horsemen during these games. The first examples of such masks in Roman context can be found on triumphal representations celebrating victories over Celtiberian or Gallic foes. The evidence suggests that they were initially made of organic materials, like the over-modelled or plastered skull masks that could adorn public monuments in pre-Roman Gaul. From the end of the 1st century BC onward, they began to adopt the form of full metal helmets and were progressively adapted to the Greco-Roman taste. The idea that the hippika gymnasia were borrowed from the Roman equestrian parade called the lusus Troiae and that mask helmets were part of an old Italic tradition should, therefore, be abandoned.

Keywords

Roman army – Roman cavalry – mask helmets – horse games – hippika gymnasia – lusus Troiae – headhunting – body mutilation – Roman pantomime

The Pantomime of War 51

It has long been acknowledged that the horse games of the Roman imperial army were heavily influenced by foreign practices.1 During the last two centuries BC, units of non-Roman auxiliaries gradually replaced elite Romans as the tactical cavalry unit in the Roman army.2 Much military knowledge was borrowed from these horsemen who were recruited in every parts of the Ro- man empire. In his tactical treatise, written in AD 136 and which is our main source on the Roman cavalry exercises, the governor of Cappadocia Flavius Ar- rianus warns his readership that he will often have to rely on Celtic loanwords: the reason for this is that, according to him, “the Romans have borrowed practices which are themselves Celtic, the Celtic cavalry being held in high esteem by them for battle”.3 We are thus told that the drills performed by the Roman horsemen were mainly based on Gallic and Iberian manoeuvres. They were certainly derived from aristocratic competitions, in which members of the mounted warrior class could make show of their courage and skilfulness.4 These equestrian displays, called in Greek hippika gymnasia, were for the most

1 See among many references: Everett Wheeler, “The occasion of Arrian’s Tactica”, Greek, Ro- man and Byzantine Studies 19 (4) (1978): 351–65; Jochen Garbsch, Römische Paraderüstungen (Munich, 1978), 35–7; Annabel K. Lawson, “Zu den römischen Reiterspielen”, Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt 10 (1980): 173–84; Ann Hyland, Training the Roman Cavalry from Arrian’s Ars Tactica (London, 1993); Ann Hyland, “The development and training of cavalry in Greece and Rome”, in The Oxford Handbook of Warfare in the Classical World, eds. Brian Campbell and Lawrence A. Tritle (New York, 2013), 512–26; Anna Busetto, “War as training, war as spectacle: the hippika gymnasia from Xenophon to Arrian”, in Ancient Warfare: Introducing Cur- rent Research, eds. Geoff Lee, Helene Whittaker and Graham Wrightson (Newcastle-upon- Tyne, 2015), vol. 1, 147–71. 2 Ann Hyland, Equus: The Horse in the Roman World (London, 1990), 170–8; Karen R. Dixon and Pat Southern, The Roman Cavalry (London, 1997), 22. On the most vexed question of the disappearance of the Roman elite cavalry, see lastly François Cadiou, “Cavalerie auxiliaire et cavalerie légionnaire dans l’armée romaine au ier s. a.C.”, in Les auxiliaires de l’armée romaine: des alliés aux fédérés. Actes du sixième Congrès de Lyon (23 – 25 octobre 2014), eds. Catherine Wolff and Patrice Faure (Lyon, 2016), 53–78. 3 Arr., Tact., 33, 1. Translations of Arrian’s cavalry treatise are now available in many languages. German: Franz Kiechle, “Die Taktik des Flavius Arrianus”, Bericht der Römisch-Germanischen Kommission 45 (1964): 87–107; Marcus Junkelmann, Reiter wie Statuen aus Erz (Mainz, 1996), 88–92 (trans. Franz Kiechle with modifications). English: James G. DeVoto, Flavius Arrianus Technê taktika (Tactical Handbook) and Ektaxis kata Alanôn (The Expedition Against the Alans) (Chicago, IL, 1993); Hyland, Training, 72–7 (trans. Frank Brudenall). French: Pierre- Olivier Leroy, Arrien. L’art tactique. Histoire de la succession d’Alexandre (Paris, 2017). Italian: Antonio Sestili, Lucio Flavio Arriano: l’arte tattica, trattato di tecnica militare (Rome, 2011). On the writing date of the treatise, see Arr., Tact., 44, 3 and Wheeler, “Occasion”. 4 Such tournaments are mentioned by Strabo, when he states that the Lusitanians and other Northern Iberian tribes “hold contests, for light-armed and heavy-armed soldiers and cavalry,

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52 Petitjean important part marksmanship exercises, performed with either blunt tipped or real javelins. Riders involved in the show formed two teams and were supposed to realise complex manoeuvres, some of which were labelled after Celtic words such as the petrinos or the toloutegon, not to mention the “Cantabrian charge”, obviously taken from the Iberian tribe of the Cantabri.5 One can assume that such games became widespread in the Roman army when Emperor Augustus (27 BC–AD 14), the founder of the imperial monarchy, reformed the military organisation inherited from the Roman Republic and issued several constitu- tions on the training of the soldiers.6 By then, all the horsemen enlisted in the regular units of the Roman army were supposed to train in the same exercises. Nevertheless, such drills had certainly been known to the Romans for a long time since Gallic horsemen served the imperatores as auxiliaries from the 2nd century BC onward.7 It is tempting to assume that they were already practised by the mounted troops of Caesar and Octavian during the civil wars, or even in Antony’s Parthian expeditionary army, which comprised no less than 10,000 Gallic and Iberian horsemen in 36 BC.8 Yet, one of the most prominent piece of equipment implied in the hippika gymnasia, the famous Roman mask helmets, have not been linked to this ‘Celt- ic’ cultural background strongly emphasised by Arrian.9 Over one hundred of them have been discovered on various military sites of the Principate, from Britain to Syria.10 Arrian writes in his treatise: “Those among the soldiers who

in boxing, in running, in skirmishing, and in fighting by squads” (Strab., iii, 3, 7; trans. H. L. Jones). See also Luc., Phars., i, 425 (with Kiechle, “Taktik”, 115) on the Sequani. 5 See Anna Busetto, “Linguistic adaptation as cultural adjustment: treatment of Celtic, Iberian, and Latin terminology in Arrian’s Tactica”, Journal of Ancient History 1 (2) (2013): 230–41. 6 Veg., Mil., i, 8 and 27. 7 For a historical overview, see Lionel Pernet, Armement et auxiliaires gaulois (iie et ier siè- cles avant notre ère) (Montagnac, 2010), 21–34. 8 Plut., Ant., 37, 4. 9 On the issues posed by the terms ‘Celts’/‘Celtic’ in modern historical and archaeological usage, see: Malcolm Chapman, The Celts: The Construction of a Myth (Basingstoke, 1992); Simon James, The Atlantic Celts: Ancient People or Modern Invention? (London, 1999); Si- mon James, “Celts, politics and motivation in archaeology”, in Celts from Antiquity, eds. Gillian Carr and Simon Stoddart (Cambridge, 2002): 35–46. I will avoid such terminology, excepted when it is the best way to account for the mental representation conveyed by ancient sources. 10 According to Michael Vannesse and Sébastien Clerbois, “Les casques à visage (‘Gesicht- shelme’) romains. Nouvelles perspectives scientifiques”, Archäologisches Korresponden- zblatt 43 (3) (2013): 377, the current archaeological data allows us to identify 113 mask helmets, which have been preserved as a whole or in a fragmentary state. For her part,

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The Pantomime of War 53 are distinguished in rank or for their horsemanship are outfitted with iron or golden bronze helmets, in such a way that they attract the gaze of the specta- tors. Those helmets do not only protect, unlike those made for battle, the head and the cheeks, but also cover the whole face of the rider with openings at the eyes which, without hindering the view, provide a protection for the vision”.11 The mask helmets cited by Arrian remain one of the most fascinating enigmas of the Roman army: we do not know where they exactly came from and what was their original purpose. The oldest known Roman mask helmet dates back to the time of Augustus and comes from the site of Kalkriese, where Varus’ legions were destroyed by Arminius’ German troops in AD 9.12 The most widespread opinion assumes that these helmets were borrowed from Thracian or Hellenistic prototypes. Proponents of this theory emphasise the fact that the first helmets reproducing anatomical features like beard or hair appeared in Thrace, before spreading in the Hellenistic East and in Southern Italy.13 But three centuries separate the bearded mask helmet sculpted on the altar of

Elizabeth Bartman (“The mock face of battle”, Journal of Roman Archaeology 18 [2005]: 99) lists about 130 pieces. The great majority of these artefacts have been excavated along the imperial military borders. Most of them come from the Rhine (42%) and the Upper Danube (24,5%) frontiers. Cf. Vannesse and Clerbois, “Les casques à visage”, 378. Modern bibliography on Roman mask helmets is plethoric. See mainly Garbsch, Paraderüstungen, and Maria Kohlert, Römische Gesichtsmasken: Untersuchungen zur Entwicklung und Be- deutung, Ph.D. diss., Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 1982. 11 Arr., Tact., 34, 2–3. 12 See Norbert Hanel, Susanne Wilbers-Rost and Frank Willer, “Die Helmmaske von Kalkri- ese”, Bonner Jahrbücher 204 (2004): 71–91. Hanel thinks that this mask may have belonged to an auxiliary horseman and not to an infantry signifer (standard-bearer) as it has sometimes been argued (Hanel et al., “Helmmaske”, 88–9). 13 Ivan Venedikov, “Der Gesichtsmaskenhelm in Thrakien”, Eirene. Studia Graeca et Latina 1 (1960): n. 35; Götz Waurick, “Helm und Maske. Untersuchung zu den römischen Ge- sichtshelmen”, Studien zu den Militärgrenzen Roms iii: 13. Internationaler Limeskongress Aalen (Stuttgart, 1986): 796; Jean Krier and François Reinert, Das Reitergrab von Hellingen. Die Treverer und das römische Militär in der frühen Kaiserzeit (Luxembourg, 1993), 61–3. Since several centuries separate these artefacts from the appearance of the earliest Ro- man mask helmets, many theories have been proposed to elucidate their introduction into the imperial cavalry. Krier and Reinert, Reitergrab, 63 point out the influence of the Thracian auxiliaries who served in the Western provinces of the Empire. Junkelmann, Re- iter wie Statuen, 26 (followed by Michel Feugère, Casques antiques: les visages de la guerre, de Mycène à la fin de l’Empire romain [Paris, 2011], 128) thinks that, under Augustus, the Romans took inspiration from Hellenistic models to design new standardised helmets. These hypotheses remain problematic. It should be noted that, on the artistic ground, the first Roman artefacts are very far from their alleged Thracian/Hellenistic prototypes.

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54 Petitjean

Athena Polias at Pergamon from the first helmets discovered in Roman archaeological context. On the artistic ground, imperial mask helmets do not have much in common with their so-called Thracian and Greek predecessors. One may note, for example, that the earliest Roman masks are always beardless. On the other hand, several clues link them to Western (pre-Roman) Europe.14 To begin, it should be noted that mask helmets appear frequently in the triumphal imagery of the early Principate, where they are presented as spoils of war taken from Western barbarians. On this topic, one can refer to the monetary series issued by the workshop of Emerita (today’s Mérida, in Spain), between 25 and 23 BC, under the authority of the Roman governor Publius Carisius (Fig. 1).15 On the reverse of these coins, which commemorated the recent Roman campaigns against the Cantabri in Northwestern Spain, Celtibe- rian weapons were displayed as trophies. On one issue, we can easily discern a falcata, i.e., a curved sword typical of pre-Roman Iberia, and a shield with geometric patterns, which was also widely represented in Iron Age Spain.16 Another issue features a mask helmet next to a bidiscoidal dagger and a double-bitted axe17 – his is the very first iconographical attestation of a mask helmet found in Roman context, even predating the Kalkriese mask. The dagger and the bipennis axe were associated with Celtiberian tribes of ancient Spain as well. We can distinctly see them on native coinages from pre-Roman Iberia. This may lead to the conclusion that, in Spain, Roman legionaries fought against warriors that were wearing mask helmets. Or at least that this kind of

14 This eventuality was already raised by Jean-Michel Reddé in his review of Junkelmann, Reiter wie Statuen. See Latomus 58.3, 703: “L’auteur a raison de souligner le rôle du premier princeps dans la diffusion de cette pratique, mais devrait à notre sens insister sur son caractère ‘indigène’, voire celtique, plus que romain. Cette hypothèse paraît d’ailleurs tout à fait conforme au témoignage d’Arrien, notre seule source littéraire en la matière, qui at- teste l’origine à la fois celtique et ibère des exercices en usage dans la cavalerie romaine.” See also Hanel et al., “Helmmaske”, 89, alleging a Batavian origin, even if he concedes: “Derzeit ist die Anzahl der Funde zu gering, um gesicherte Aussagen treffen zu können.” 15 On the coins issued by Augusta Emerita, see Antonio Beltrán, “Las monedas romanas de Mérida. Su interpretación histórica”, in Augusta Emerita, ed. Antonio Blanco Freijeiro (Madrid, 1976): 93–105. 16 Roman Imperial Coinage, i, Aug., 2a. As Eugenio Polito points out, these weapons can be linked to an earlier Iberian tradition. See Eugenio Polito, “Augustan triumphal iconography and the Cantabrian wars: some remarks on round shields and spearheads depicted on monuments from the Iberian Peninsula and Italy”, Archivo Español de Arqueología 85 (2012): 145. 17 Roman Imperial Coinage, i, Aug., 7.

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The Pantomime of War 55 military equipment was perceived as typically “Celtic” by the Romans,18 so it could be displayed on provincial coinages to epitomise military triumph over barbarian foes.19 This hypothesis is bolstered by many other examples from the same period. Several reliefs found in Gaul also feature early mask helmets: they were fragments of triumphal monuments built by the Romans after the Caesarean conquest. In all these representations, mask helmets convey a ste- reotypical image of the native Western warrior, hand in hand with other pieces of military equipment (carnices, totemic insignia, etc.) (Fig. 2).20

18 Fernando Quesada Sanz, El armamento ibérico. Estudio tipológico, geográfico, funcional, social y simbólico de las armas en la Cultura Ibérica (siglos vi-i a.C.) (Montagnac, 1997), 421, wisely notes about this monetary series: “las armas representadas no son necesari- amente las armas cántabras, sino la idea o prototipo de arma bárbara y exótica, tomada de la panoplia hispana que los Romanos conocían de antemano”. In other words, weapon depictions in triumphal iconography could be inaccurate: a Gaulish carnyx appears on one of Carisius’ coins, an anomaly that is easily explained by the fact that Romans saw Cantabrians as a people ethnically related to Gauls (Polito, “Augustan triumphal iconography”, 146). The same phenomenon could explain the presence of a mask helmet on these triumphal representations: perhaps it was originally a Celtic equipment connoting Western barbarism from a Roman point of view. 19 A different interpretation was proposed by María Paz García-Bellido (Las legiones hispáni- cas en Germania. Moneda y ejército [Madrid, 2004], 80–1), who prefers to see on this reverse three legionary symbols. The face helmet, apparently surmounted by wings, would refer to the legio V Alaudae (legion of the “larks”) levied by Caesar in Gaul and whose veterans participated in the founding of colonia Emerita. The object on the right should be interpreted as a hammer and not as an axe: García-Bellido thinks this is an allusion to legio X Gemina, which also took part in the deduction of Emerita and was particularly associated with the mining areas of Northern Hispania. Carisius’ coins would therefore celebrate the Roman legions which were mobilised during the campaigns against the Cantabrians. Yet, one wonders about the bidiscoidal dagger located on the left, a symbol which García-Bellido cannot relate to any existing unit. More importantly, a comparative analysis of the weapons represented on Iberian coinages can easily invalidate the “hammer” theory. The same symbol appears on an Iberian coin of Arsaos-Sagunto, in Northern Spain; it is brandished by a horseman and it is obviously a weapon (cf. Corpus Nummum Hispaniae ante Augusti, 14). It can also be found on another coin of the series issued by Emerita’s workshop: in this case, it is part of a weapon trophy and can clearly be identified as a double-bladed axe (Roman Imperial Coinage, i, Aug., 4 et 5). The bipennis is also well described as part of the military accoutrement of Cantabrian warriors by Silius Italicus (Pun., xvi, 46–57). 20 Besides the arch of Orange, which will be adressed below, see the fragmentary weapon friezes from Saint-Bertrand-de-Comminges (Bruno Fornasier, Les fragments architecturaux des arcs triomphaux en Gaule romaine [Paris, 2003], 125–7, Pl. xxxvi, 3), Arles (Fornasi- er, Fragments, 43–4, Pl. v, 1) and Périgueux (Dominique Tardy, Le décor architectonique de

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56 Petitjean

Figure 1 Coins from Emerita. Private collection. References: ric, i, 2a and 17.

To sum it up, mask helmets were typical equipment of the Gallic and Celtibe- rian warrior class. They were perceived as such by the Romans and this could explain why the oldest artefacts discovered so far have been found in Rhine- land and Gaul, that is to say in the regions where Western auxiliaries operated under the Julio-Claudian emperors.21 On pure artistic grounds, it should be

Vesunna (Périgueux antique) [Bordeaux, 2005], 32–3, G.67, fig. 24). A later example can be found on the “porte Noire” at Besançon: Eugenio Polito, Fulgentibus armis. Introduzione allo studio dei fregi d’armi antichi (Rome, 1998), fig. 165. 21 Mask helmets of the Kalkriese type (with the notable exception of the Bramsche-Kalkriese face mask) were found exclusively on the lower course of the Rhine (Cologne, Nijmegen, Vechten). The slightly later Nijmegen-Kops Plateau type has a larger dissemination area.

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The Pantomime of War 57

Figure 2 Weapon frieze from Périgueux. Source: Tardy (2005), 33, fig. 24. noted that the Kalkriese mask-type share common traits with representations of “Celtic” deities dating from late Iron Age: triangular nose, lengthened and expressionless face, almond-shaped eyes, outward falling eyebrows; all these features can be found on many Latenian artistic works.22 In addition, we know that before the Roman conquest, Iron Age Gauls used to make effigies of their gods in the form of metal masks. Some of these effigies, which were fixed on

See Norbert Hanel, Uwe Peltz and Frank Willer, “Untersuchungen zu römischen Reiter- helmmasken aus der Germania inferior”, Bonner Jahrbücher 200 (2000): 266–7, Abb. 28. 22 Garrett S. Olmsted, Celtic Art in Transition during the First Century BC. An Examination of the Creations of Mint Masters and Metal Smiths, and an Analysis of Stylistic Development during the Phase between La Tène and Provincial Roman (Budapest, 2001), 257–9.

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58 Petitjean wooden poles, also resemble the early Roman cavalry masks.23 Therefore, we must reconsider the traditional view that these luxury items were brought to the Romans by Thracian auxiliaries. The Western hypothesis appears more attractive since it does not presuppose long-distance migrations of soldiers, nor questionable artistic filiations. It could also be supported by the appearance of a curious pattern on one of the oldest masks (Fig. 3). This little-known artefact used to belong to the private collection of the German millionaire Axel Gutt- mann.24 It is a perfect example of the early Kalkriese type. On the cheeks of the very stylized face, we can discern interlocked circles that remind of a widespread symbol visible on Northern Gaul tribal coinages.25 We may also note that some early artefacts – notably the helmets from Xanten and Nijmegen – used to sport real hair on the top of their bowl,26 a decorative feature unat- tested in the Roman world, which is connected to the Western barbarians by Silius Italicus: the Roman poet states that some years before the Second Punic

23 The two most resembling examples were discovered in 1836 at Notre-Dame d’Allençon, in a votive deposit consecrated to Minerva. Recently, Olmsted, Celtic Art, 43–4 and pl. 59, has redated them on stylistic criteria: one of the masks can be dated from the first half of the 1st century BC, the other one from the middle of the 1st century BC. Two other bronze masks were discovered during the excavations of the forest of Compiègne, under Napoleon iii (Olmsted, Celtic Art, 82–3 and 60–1). They display feminine features and could equally represent divinities. More damaged examples have been found in North- ern France at Vieil-Evreux, Mont Berny, Dieppe, Garancières-en-Brie, Neuvy-Pailloux and Reims: see Raymond Lantier, “Masques celtiques en métal”, Monuments et Mémoires Fondation Piot 37 (1940): 104–19, et Germaine Leman-Delerive, “Découvertes récentes de masques gallo-romains en bronze dans le Nord de la Gaule”, Revue du Nord 373 (2007): 119–29. 24 N° inv. AG 369. Cf. Hermann Born and Marcus Junkelmann, Römische Kampf- und Turni- errüstungen (Mainz, 1997), 56, Taf. 6. 25 See especially the triquetrum coinages of the Batavians, dating from the end of late Iron Age: Nico Roymans, “The Lower Rhine triquetrum coinages and the ethnogenesis of the Batavi”, in Germania inferior. Besiedlung, Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft an der Grenze der römisch-germanischen Welt, ed. Thomas Grünewald (Berlin and New York, 2001): fig. 4. It is worth mentioning that similar symbols appear on militaria found on various military sites of the Principate, especially on belt plaques. See Mike Bishop and Jon C. Coulston, Roman Military Equipment: From the Punic Wars to the Fall of Rome (Oxford, 2006), 108, fig. 62, 9 and 11. 26 Sylvia Mitschke, “Hinter der silbernen Maske 2 – Die organischen Aulagerungen an den Reiterhelmen aus Nijmegen und Xanten”, in Waffen in Aktion. Akten der 16. Internation- alen Roman Military Equipment Conference (romec), eds. Alexandra W. Busch and Hans- Joachim Schalles (Mainz, 2009), 305–11 (see esp. fig. 6).

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Figure 3 Kalkriese-type mask. Private collection. Source: Born & Junkelmann (1997), 56, Taf. 6.

War, the helmet of Gargenus, king of the Boians, was adorned with the hair of a Suebic foe.27 The actual function of the mask helmets has been the subject of lengthy discussions, mainly focused on the problem of their potential use in real battle

27 Sil., Pun., V, 132–9 (trans. J. D. Duff): “His [= Flaminius] tough helmet was made of bronze and the tawny hide of a sea-calf; and above it rose a triple crest, with hair of the Suevi hanging down like a mane (cui vertice surgens triplex crista iubas effundit crine Suebo); and on the top stood a Scylla, brandishing a heavy broken oar and opening wide the savage jaws of her dogs. When Flaminius conquered and slew Gargenus, king of the Boii, he had fitted to his own head this famous trophy that no hand could mutilate, and proudly he bore it in all his battles.”

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60 Petitjean situation.28 Yet, this debate has overlooked one important aspect that stems from the cultural significance of the masks: their usefulness was not limited to the additional protection they could provide, or to the psychological effect they would have had on the enemy; they also had an apotropaic and magical function. We have seen that the Gallic effigies of Late Iron Age represented divinities; they were probably inhabited images of gods and goddesses.29 It would not be too reckless to assume a connection between these cultic artefacts and the face helmets of the auxiliary cavalrymen, which also testify, in their own way, the importance that the “Celts” attributed to the head in their belief system. Numerous studies have shown that peoples from ancient Gaul and Britain were convinced that the human soul dwelt in the skull.30 This vital power could be taken from his owner by cutting off his head. Celtic warriors were famed headhunters, and they used to bring their trophies on the battle- field, attaching it to the neck of their horses.31 Severed heads were part and

28 The question is still debated, but a growing number of researchers now support the idea that such helmets (especially the earlier types) could be employed in battle, a hypothesis strengthened by the experiments conducted by Marcus Junkelmann: Junkelmann, Reiter wie Statuen, 50–6; Hanel et al., “Untersuchungen” 2000, 270; Raffaele D’Amato and Graham Sumner, Arms and Armour of the Imperial Roman Soldier: From Marius to Com- modus, 112 BC-AD 192 (London, 2009), 1: 187; Krzysztof Narloch, “The cold face of the battle: Some remarks on the function of Roman helmets with face masks”, Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt 42 (2012): 377–86. Contra Hans Klumbach, Römische Helme aus Nie- dergermanien (Cologne, 1974), 14; Henry R. Robinson, The Armour of Imperial Rome (Lon- don, 1975), 107; Garbsch, Paraderüstungen, 1–2; Waurick, “Helm und Maske, 794; Bartman, “Mock face”, 101–3; Vannesse and Clerbois, “Les casques à visage”. In the current state of the documentation, no decisive argument can settle this debate. However, I personally believe that mask helmets would not appear on triumphal reliefs depicting spoils taken from the enemy if they were not used in combat. 29 Leman-Delerive, “Découvertes récentes”, 18. 30 See David Clarke, The Head Cult: Tradition and Folklore Surrounding the Symbol of the Sev- ered Head in the British Isles, Ph.D. diss., University of Sheffield, 1998, and Claude Sterckx, Les mutilations des ennemis chez les Celtes préchrétiens. La Tête, les Seins, le Graal (Paris, 2005). 31 Diod., V, 29, 4–5; Strab., iv, 4, 5. Among many modern references, see Adolphe Reinach, “Les têtes coupées et les trophées en Gaule”, Revue celtique 34 (1913): 38–60 and 253–86; Pierre Lambrechts, L’exaltation de la tête dans la pensée et dans l’art des Celtes (Bruges, 1954); James Frakes, “An architecture of human heads: Gallic responses to Roman power”, in A Tall Order: Writing the Social History of the Ancient World. Essays in Honor of William V. Harris, eds. Jean-Jacques Aubert and Zsuzsanna Várhelyi (Munich, 2005): 161–84; Patrice Arcelin, “La tête humaine dans les pratiques culturelles des Gaulois méditerranéens”, in Archéologies de Provence et d’ailleurs: mélanges offerts à Gaëtan Congès et Gérard Sauzade, eds. Jacques-Élie Brochier, Armelle Guilcher and Mireille Pagni (Aix-en-Provence, 2008),

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The Pantomime of War 61 parcel of the equipment of the best Gallic warriors, a symbol of martial prow- ess, so do were the later mask helmets. Theses helmets were filled with magical power, and could be used for sacrificial purposes just the same way as the heads taken from the enemies: several mask helmets dating from the Roman Principate have been unearthed in ancient wells or rivers, which shows that they could be consecrated to the gods.32 But if we admit that these artefacts had a Western origin, there still remains a big problem to solve. So far, European archaeologists have not discovered any mask helmet in Britain, Gaul, Hispania or Germany, that could be dated from a period prior to the Roman conquest. This is confusing because the aforemen- tioned triumphal representations leave no ambiguity about their existence. This discrepancy could be related to their late development in the pre-Roman West or to the irregularities of the archaeological finds. But I am inclined to believe that the first Gallic masks were in fact organic masks, made with per- ishable materials that could not survived harsh conditions of conservation. French archaeologist Patrice Arcelin has shown that in pre-Roman Gaul, overmodeled or plastered skull masks often adorned monumental pillars, with cephalomorphic niches cut into them.33 Facial skeletons have been found in the sanctuary of Gournay-sur-Aronde, in the aristocratic estate of Montmartin

p. 257–84. A popular view in recent studies holds that headhunting was widespread in the ancient world and that the so-called “Celtic head cult” was by no means exceptional. In particular, Jean-Louis Voisin has defended the idea that Romans were as much “headhunters” as their Western “barbarian” neighbours. See Jean-Louis Voisin, “Les Romains, chasseurs de têtes”, in Du châtiment dans la cité. Supplices corporels et peine de mort dans le monde antique (Rome, 1984), 241–92. This is, in my opinion, a serious misconception: head-taking was a common outcome of single combats involving Roman equites during the Republican period, but it was above all a means to display virtus and acquire laus and gloria. Headhunting, as defined by modern anthropology, is much more than this. See Maxime Petitjean, “Les cavaliers chasseurs de têtes de l’armée romaine”, in Le récit de guerre comme source d’histoire, de l’Antiquité à l’époque contemporaine, eds. Jean- Christophe Couvenhes, Pierre Cosme, Syvain Janniard, Giusto Traina and Michèle Virol (forthcoming). 32 Simon Clarke, “Wells and ritual deposition at the Newstead Roman military complex”, in The Roman Army in Northern England, eds. Paul T. Bidwell and Nick Hodgson (South Shields, 2009), 19–22 (Newstead); Johan Nicolay, Armed Batavians. Use and Significance of Weaponry and Horse Gear from non-Military Contexts in the Rhine Delta (50 BC to AD 450) (Amsterdam, 2007), 124–8 (Nijmegen). 33 E.g. at Glanum or Nîmes: see Arcelin, “La tête humaine”, 273–4, fig. 19–20. Patrice Arcelin believes that the skull-masks that were publicly displayed in this way were ancestor relics, intended to preserve the memory of a lineage. However, nothing prevents us from think- ing that they could have been trophies taken from vanquished enemies.

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62 Petitjean and in the oppidum of Manching in Germany.34 Marks left on the bony parts of the face show that the skulls were skinned and plastered, probably to repro- duce the original traits of the deceased. Perhaps these masks could be used for other purposes than public display on monumental buildings: they could have been worn in martial ceremonies or maybe even in battle. One hint leading to such a conclusion may lie on the arch of Orange, in Southern France, which is usually dated from the end of the reign of Augustus (27 BC–AD 14) to the early principate of Tiberius (14 AD–37 AD). Among the numerous pieces of Gallic equipment visible on the panels, it is possible to discern head-shaped accessories, which are often erroneously identified as severed heads:35 one of them is distinctively hollow and is best interpreted as a kind of helmet.36 These masks show very realistic features and slightly differ from the metal helmets of the early Principate. It would be tempting to see them as actual representations of the overmodeled skull masks pointed above. If we accept this interpretation, this would lead to the conclusion that the transition from the gory skull helmets of the late Iron Age to the more conventional metal mask of the early Principate was gradual; an important step was probably the prohibition of headhunting rituals in the Western provinces,37 even if the use of helmets with real hair was still tolerated in the Roman army. At this stage of the dem- onstration, it is worth noting that rabbinical sources, notably the Babylonian Talmud, keep dreadful memories of Roman soldiers wearing scalps on their

34 Jean-Louis Brunaux, Les Gaulois: sanctuaires et rites (Paris, 1988), 89; Jean-Louis Brunaux and Patrice Méniel, La résidence aristocratique de Montmartin (Oise) du iiie au iie s. av. J.-C. (Paris, 1997), 161, fig. 142; 202–3; Günter Lange, Die menschlichen Skelettreste aus dem Oppidum von Manching (Wiesbaden, 1983), 23, Taf. 31–2. 35 Robert Amy, Paul-Marie Duval, Jules Formigé and Jean-Jacques Hatt, L’arc d’Orange (Paris, 1962), 2: Pl. 16, 18, 43, 75, 76. 36 Amy et al., L’arc d’Orange, vol. 1, 85. See also Polito, Fulgentibus armis, 51(“una forma pre- coce dei tipi romani di elmo a maschera dela viso piuttosto che teste taglate”) and 52 (“doveva essere costume celtico-germanico portare in battaglia maschere con funzione apotropaica”). 37 Head-taking was tolerated in the Roman imperial army, but Strabo makes it clear that the prosborra ethnè (“the peoples of the North”) were forbidden to carry on their ritual use of severed heads after the Roman conquest: “Again, in addition to their witlessness, there is also that custom, barbarous and exotic, which attends most of the Northern tribes – I mean the fact that when they depart from the battle they hang the heads of their enemies from the necks of their horses, and, when they have brought them home, nail the spectacle to the entrances of their homes. […] But the Romans put a stop to these customs, as well as to all those connected with the sacrifices and divinations that are opposed to our usages” (Strab., iv, 4, 5, trans. H. L. Jones).

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The Pantomime of War 63 head.38 This cryptic reference probably alludes to helmets adorned with human skin and/or hair and confirms that skinning the enemy was not uncom- mon in the early imperial army. Let us now consider the later evolution of these artefacts. We have surmised that the early mask helmets may have been used by Western auxiliaries as a medium of magical transfiguration: they were filled with the power of deities, or maybe with the virtus of a mighty ancestor. This primitive meaning gradually vanished in the new social context of the Principate. The Roman army suc- cessfully incorporated Western Maskenhelme by adapting them to the imperial ideology. The helmets of the 2nd and 3rd centuries AD were no longer abstract effigies, they then portrayed in a more realistic way Greek warriors (resembling Alexander the Great), and Amazons, as illustrated by the seven mask set found in the remains of the Roman fort of Straubing, in Germany.39 The original models for such masks are not to be found in the realm of Latenian iconography: they rather seem to derive from the universe of the Roman pantomime, a type of dramatic spectacle where solo dancers performed, to the accompaniment of a chorus and various musical instruments, famous stories of Greek mythology.40 Taking this comparison point into account, it is quite possible that during the Antonine era, the hippika gymnasia were intended to re-enact legendary battles between Greeks, Amazons and other “Easterners”.41 This kind of tour- nament had a strong triumphal connotation: Romans presented themselves as the heirs of the Greco-Macedonian world-empire, struggling against enemies from the boundaries of the orbis terrarum. But this did not prevent the auxiliary horsemen from identifying themselves to mythical figures, reputed for their excellence in the field of cavalry combat. The anthropological function

38 Guy D. Stiebel, “Scalping in Roman Palestine – ‘minime Romanum sacrum’?”, Scripta Clas- sica Israelica 24 (2005): 154. Cf. B. Hullin, 123a. 39 Josef Keim and Hans Klumbach, Der römische Schatzfund von Straubing (Munich, 1951). 40 The female masks found at Eining and Straubing, with their conical hairstyle separated in two symmetrical parts, are very similar to the mask worn by a pantomime statuette found in Tunisia (Marie-Hélène Garelli, Danser le mythe. La pantomime et sa réception dans la culture antique [Louvain, 2007], fig. 4; for an earlier example, see also Luigi Bernabò Brea, Maschere e personaggi del teatro greco nelle terracotte liparesi [Rome, 2001], 62–3, fig. 54). The so-called “Alexander type” can be seen on another statuette kept in the British Mu- seum (Marie-Hélène Garelli, Danser le mythe, fig. 5). Finally, the Crosby Garrett helmet (see David J. Breeze and Mike C. Bishop, The Crosby Garrett Helmet [Pewsey, 2013]) may be linked to other pantomime masks adorned with Phrygian caps, often interpreted (sometimes incorrectly) as Attis masks (Glenys E. Wootton, “A mask of Attis. Oscilla as evidence for a theme of pantomime”, Latomus 58 [2] [1999]: 314–35). 41 Robinson, Armour, 108 and 124; Bartman, “Mock face”, 117–8.

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64 Petitjean of the mask was not fundamentally altered: it still was a means for a martial metamorphosis. Alexander the Great was the archetype of the young heroic horseman and could easily be seen as a model by Roman auxiliary equites.42 Concerning the Amazons, despite being regularly depicted in a pejorative way in classical sources, they were perceived as formidable equestrian warriors.43 Having said that, there still remains to explore a last topic related to the symbolical meaning of the hippika gymnasia. In 1952, German archaeologist Harald von Petrikovits proposed an attractive interpretation to account for the development of the cavalry mask helmets in the Roman army. Assuming that they derived from ancient (but lost) Italic archetypes, he emphasised that their appearance under the reign of Augustus coincided with the reinstatement of the lusus Troiae, an ancient equestrian pageant celebrated at funerals, temple foundings, or in honour of military victories, by young boys of Rome’s finest ar- istocracy.44 We do not know if the horsemen were wearing masks during these games, but Petrikovits thought this was very likely, because wax masks of dead ancestors were worn at Roman aristocratic funerals. From the late Republic onward, the lusus Troiae was perceived as an archaic ceremony inherited from the Trojans: under the Principate, it was a way of celebrating the glorious origins of the Eternal City and of the populus Romanus.45 The connection made

42 Jon E. Lendon, Soldiers and Ghosts: A History of Battle in Classical Antiquity (New Haven and London, 2005): chap. vi. 43 See the vivid depiction of Camilla, Queen of the Volsci, in Verg., Aen., xi, 648–724 (explicitly described as an “Amazon” warrior). On the ambiguous image of the Amazons in classical sources, cf. Lorna Hardwick, “Ancient Amazons – heroes, outsiders or women?”, Greece & Rome 37 (1) (1990): 14–36. See also the legend of Thalestris, which was widespread in the imperial era and presented the queen of the Amazons as the equal of Al- exander: Elizabeth Baynham, “Alexander and the Amazons”, Classical Quarterly 51 (2001): 115–26. 44 See Harald von Petrikovits, “Troiaritt und Geranostanz”, Beiträge zur älteren europäisch- en Kulturgeschichte. Festschrift für Rudolf Egger. Band 1 (Klagenfurt, 1952), 126–43. Maria Kohlert, “Bemerkungen zu einer römischen Gesichtsmaske aus Varna”, Klio 62 (1) (1980): 136, endorses this view, but she does not cite von Petrikovits directly in her article. There is no direct evidence to support that Roman mask helmets belonged to an Italic cultural background. The fact that the lusus Troiae was celebrated before Augustus, under Sulla and Caesar (Plut., Cat. Min., 3, 1; Suet., Caes., 39, 2), i.e. at a time when such accessories are nowhere to be found, constitutes a serious obstacle to von Petrikovits’ interpretation. 45 Karl Schneider, “Lusus Troiae”, in Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswis- senschaft 13.2 (Stuttgart, 1927): col. 2059-67; Karl-Wilhelm Weeber, “Troiae lusus. Alter und Entstehung eines Reiterspieles”, Ancient Society 5 (1974): 171–96; Marcus Junkelmann, Die Reiter Roms (Mainz, 1991), 2, 142–64; Rigobert W. Fortuin, Der Sport im Augusteischen Rom (Stuttgart, 1996), 161–75.

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The Pantomime of War 65 by Petrikovits between the lusus Troiae and the hippika gymnasia has recently been endorsed by British archaeologist Ian Haynes. According to him: “the hippika gymnasia were the most dramatic manifestation of the processes of incorporation at work in the auxilia. In this parade ground spectacular, auxiliary soldiers presented in both myth and reality the faces of Rome to its provincial subjects. The imagery employed on artefacts associated with these perfor- mances recalls the Troy Game (lusus Troiae), a pageant celebrated by mounted patricians every spring in Rome. Troy, mythical mother city of the Romans, was to prove a potent icon in the incorporation of imperial society.”46 The arguments I developed previously about the Western background of these colourful tournaments hardly match this interpretation. There is absolutely no proof that, at their origin or at any stage of their development, the hippika gymnasia were linked to the lusus Troiae, or with the myth of Trojan Rome. Arrian never states that the cavalry exercises he describes were borrowed from an Italic tradition: he highlights the “Celtic” names of the manoeuvres and explicitly claims that the Romans took them from foreigners, prais- ing the fact they do not content themselves “with their domestic and native things”.47 The assumption that wax masks were worn during the lusus Troiae and the connection made between imagines maiorum and Maskenhelme go against everything we know about Roman aristocratic traditions: wax masks were the preserve of male ancestors who achieved magisterial status through the cursus honorum; they were very realistic reproductions of a man’s face, dis- playing highly recognizable features; surely, they appeared in funerals, for they were worn by actors in the pompa funebris; but “they had no role to play in cult or commemoration of the dead at the tomb” and could not be buried with the deceased, for their main function was public display in the reception room or atrium of the aristocratic domus.48 As far as we know, cavalry mask helmets of the Principate could be worn by non-senatorial and even non-Roman horsemen. They presented abstract facial features – sometimes feminine ones – and were often deposited in tombs or used in cultic context. In light of all this, any attempt to connect Roman horse games with the aristocratic funus or the lusus Troiae appears to me highly disputable. Should we push the point further, we would see that the content of Rome’s two best known equestrian games, the hippika gymnasia and the lusus Troiae,

46 Ian P. Haynes, Blood of the Provinces: The Roman Auxilia and the Making of Provincial Soci- ety from Augustus to the Severans (Oxford, 2013), 239. 47 Arr., Tact., 33, 2. 48 For a wide-ranging discussion, see Harriet I. Flower, Ancestor Masks and Aristocratic Pow- er in Roman Culture (Oxford, 1996) (quotation: p. 2).

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66 Petitjean were strikingly different from one another. The former implied two groups of horsemen, probably two turmae of around thirty horsemen each.49 In the first drills, the two teams faced each other. One was arrayed in a “tortoise-like” formation and had to put forward two horsemen, who acted as targets. The other team was deployed in front of the first one: from there, horsemen made successive sallies first throwing blunt javelins at the two human targets, then at the horsemen who were simultaneously charging from the tortoise formation, in a circular motion. During this exercise, the best riders were expected to perform what Arrian calls, using a “Celtic” loanword, the petrinos, a backward shot.50 After having exchanged their respective roles, the teams performed the famous Cantabrian charge (Kantabrikê epelasis). For the soldiers arrayed to the left of the tribune, it consisted in throwing a long blunt spear, during a left- wards gallop, at the horsemen of the enemy team.51 The next exercise required the throwing of the highest number of javelins beyond the edge of the training ground during a straight walk.52 Then, the cavalrymen were supposed to throw real iron-tipped javelins at non-human targets. Skilled marksmen performed what Arrian calls the xunêma: a shot executed while the horse was wheeling on its right.53 The last drills were not missile exercises but involved melee weapons such as shock lances and long swords.54 In contrast to the hippika gymnasia, the lusus Troiae involved three groups of twelve horsemen each. Each group was divided into two columns of six horsemen, following one “leader” (ductor).55 In his famous description of the game, Virgil states that each column of six horsemen was performing charges against the other column of the same group.56 He never mentions that they were

49 Attempts of reconstruction of Arrian’s hippika gymnasia can be found in: Lawson, “Reit- erspielen”; Hyland, Training, 89–164; Hyland, “Development”, 516–26; Junkelmann, Reiter wie Statuen, 56–67. Two turmae: Hyland, Training, 17 and 89. 50 Arr., Tact., 36, 1–39, 3. 51 Arr., Tact., 40, 1–7. 52 Arr., Tact., 40, 8–12. 53 Arr., Tact., 41–2. In 43, 1, Arrian mentions marksmanship contests involving other missile weapons: palta (light javelins), bela (arrows) thrown with a mêchanê (probably some kind of manuballista), lithoi (stones) thrown by arm strength or with a sling. But he does not give any detail on their content. 54 Arr., Tact., 43, 2–3. In 44, 1, Arrian adds a short description of the “barbarian” drills estab- lished by Hadrian. 55 Verg., Aen., V, 560–2 (trans. Lee Fratantuono and Riggs Alden Smith): “Squads (turmae) of cavalry three in number, and three captains for each wander here and there. Twice six lads follow each, resplendent in a divided column, and with an equal number of trainers.” 56 Verg., Aen., V, 580–1.

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The Pantomime of War 67 supposed to throw their javelins. According to him, they just had to realise various riding manoeuvres, separating themselves and then coming back to reform the original group; some evolutions resembled circles and Virgil com- pares them with the layout of the Cretan labyrinth.57 As far as we know, this piece of information is not to be taken as a simple metaphor. There exist strong arguments to assume that the path followed by the young challengers during the lusus Troiae adopted exactly the same shape. First, a very old Etruscan ves- sel from Tragliatella (modern Tuscany) displays two horsemen emerging from the famous labyrinth with the word trvia, which has been etymologically connected with the name of the lusus Troiae.58 More interestingly, a passage from Pliny the Elder’s Natural History makes a comparison between the pav- ings (pavimenta) that represented the Cretan labyrinth and the circuit of the puerorum ludi campestri, which, in Latin, means the “exercise ground games of the young boys”.59 We should then reconstruct the path of the lusus Troiae in the following way (Fig. 4): each group of six horsemen was supposed to follow one track of the labyrinth, folding and unfolding circles, in a very aesthetically pleasing way; sometimes the two groups rode next to each other, giving the impression of a mock battle. But the overall spectacle was not intended to be a marksmanship contest, like the hippika gymnasia. It was absolutely different and the latter was not borrowed from the former. As a conclusion, I hope to have shown in this paper that the cavalry exercises practised by the Roman imperial army were not derived from the lusus Troiae and that they had much more in common with Western European traditions. The mask helmets worn for the occasion were probably introduced in the Roman army by Gallic, Germanic or Spanish horsemen who served the Ro- man imperatores as auxiliaries during the late Republic. They are depicted as barbarian spolia on many triumphal representations found in the Roman West and might have been originally connected to the so-called “Celtic head cult”, which was widespread between the Rhine and the Iberian Peninsula in the last centuries BC. As such, early Roman Maskenhelme can be interpreted as an

57 Verg., Aen., V, 588–9. 58 Mauro Menichetti, “L’oinochoe di Tragliatella: mito e rito tra Grecia ed Etruria”, Ostraka 1 (1992): 7–30. See lastly Fortuin, Sport, 171. The idea was first brought forward by Harald von Petrikovits, who proposed to reconstruct the route followed by the horsemen according to the labyrinth pattern of the oenochoe (Harald von Petrikovits, “Troiae lusus”, Klio 32 (1939): 214, Abb. 3; followed by Junkelmann, Die Reiter Roms, 146, Abb. 83). According to him, the entirety of Virgil’s depiction is reminiscent of this figure. 59 Plin., HN, xxxvi, 85.

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68 Petitjean

Figure 4 Hypothetical reconstruction of the lusus Troiae. Author’s drawing. offspring of the organic skull-masks which preserved the memory of powerful ancestors or slain enemies in pre-Roman Gaul; or maybe they were intended to represent deities worshipped by the equestrian warrior class, which would fit best with the expressionless, hieratic style of the early Kalkriese-type.60 Sadly, the absence of any pre-Roman artefact precludes any further discussion on this topic. In the course of the 1st century AD, cavalry mask helmets lost their original meaning and were adapted to the Roman classical taste. The universe of pantomime inspired new models, borrowed from Greek mythology or “ancient” history, which conveniently echoed the imperial discourse of worldwide domination.

60 Parade grounds of the Principate are sometimes associated with the Campestres, the tu- telary goddesses of the auxiliary cavalry who are mentioned in around forty religious in- scriptions. See: Alfred von Domaszewski, Die Religion des römischen Heeres (Trier, 1895), 50–1; Haynes, Blood, 224–6; Georgia L. Irby-Massie, “The Roman army and the cult of the Campestres”, zpe 113 (1996): 293–300.

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The Pantomime of War 69

Acknowledgement

I would like to thank the president of the International Commission for Military History (icmh), Prof. Massimo de Leonardis, and the members of the Execu- tive Board for awarding me the Corvisier Prize 2018, which provided me with the opportunity to present this paper. I would also like to express my gratitude to Marco Wyss for his help in the editorial process. Any oversimplifications or mistakes are my responsibility. Unless otherwise noted, all the translations from Latin and Greek are mine.

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