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Home , Types of nationalism

Liberal and Illiberal Also by Ray Taras

CONSOLIDATING DEMOCRACY IN POLAND DEMOCRACY IN POLAND (with Marjorie Castle) HANDBOOK OF POLITICAL SCIENCE RESEARCH ON THE USSR AND EASTERN : Trends from the 1950s to the 1990s IN A SOCIALIST STATE: Poland 1956±83 LEADERSHIP CHANGE IN COMMUNIST STATES LE DEÂBAT LINGUISTIQUE AU QUEÂBEC (with Donat Taddeo) NATIONAL IDENTITIES AND ETHNIC MINORITIES IN AND POLITICS IN THE SOVIET SUCCESSOR STATES (with Ian Bremmer) NEW STATES, NEW POLITICS: Building the Post-Soviet Nations (with Ian Bremmer) POLAND: Socialist State, Rebellious POLITICAL AND FOREIGN POLICY IN LATIN AMERICA: Case Studies from the Circum-Caribbean (with Roland Ebel and James Cochrane) POSTCOMMUNIST PRESIDENTS THE ROAD TO DISILLUSION: From Critical Marxism to Post-Communism UNDERSTANDING ETHNIC CONFLICT: The International Dimension (with Rajat Ganguly) Liberal and Illiberal Nationalisms Ray Taras Tulane University New Orleans Q Ray Taras 2002

All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted his right to be identified as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2002 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N. Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St. Martin's Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. MacmillanT is a registered trademark in the , United Kingdom and other countries. Palgrave is a registered trademark in the European Union and other countries. ISBN 978-1-349-42720-8 ISBN 978-0-230-59640-5 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/9780230596405 This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Taras, Ray, 1946± Liberal and illiberal nationalisms / by Ray Taras. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index.

1. . 2. NationalismÐHistory. I. Title. JC311.T37 2002 320.54Ðdc21 2001059848 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 11 10 09 08 07 06 05 04 03 02 Contents

List of Figures viii Acknowledgements ix Introduction: New Millennium, Old Nationalisms? xi The plurality of nationalisms xi Structure of the study xii Reaching beyond Western approaches xiv

1 Nations and Nationalisms Historically 1 Introduction 1 Nationhood and language 3 The universal nations of antiquity 5 The Roman Empire and the church in the development of nations 8 Renaissance and national awakenings 14 The Westphalian state system 25 A new way to nationhood: the US 28 The French and liberal nationalism 30 The ascendance of economic and illiberal nationalisms 35 Nationalism before and after the Second World War 37

2 Nationalisms Conceptually 40 The concept of nation 40 The idea of nationality 42 The concept of the nation-state 44 The concept of 45 The principle of national self-determination 48 The meaning of nationalism 50 Typologies of nationalism 52 Schools of nationalism 58

3 Home Writ Large: Nationalism and the Maintenance of Empire 65 The character of empires 66 RUSSIA: Russian nationalism and the imperial idea 70 Contemporary discourses on Russian identity 76 Russian nationalists right and left 79 Challenges from within the new Russian empire 82 Russia's view of home 85 INDIA: Thesis-antithesis: the British empire and 86 Institutionalizing Indian nationalism 88

v vi Contents

Gandhi, the national movement, and Muslim nationalism 90 triumphant 92 The Indian empire and subnationalist challenges 95 Secular pretensions, religious realities 99

4 Home Writ Small: Nationalisms of Separatist Movements 103 : in a new democracy 106 The Zulu kingdom 107 Transition to democracy and ethnic politics 110 Competing visions in Zulu politics 116 Conclusions on Zulu separatism 118 CANADA: 's struggle for sovereignty 118 The bases of Quebec nationalism 121 Institutionalizing nationalism 125 Legal challenges to Quebec's right to secede 128 Reimagining Quebec 132 Conclusions on Quebec nationalism 136

5 Uninational Homes: Right-Wing Nationalism 137 Reactionary forms of nationalism 137 GERMANY: Sources of right-wing extremism 138 Backlash against anti-nationalism 141 Becoming `foreign' or reclaiming the German home? 143 Political parties of the right 149 Shock troops of the right 151 Conclusions on the German radical right 153 : Right-wing fundamentalism 154 , nationalism, fundamentalism 155 Constructing Israel historically and conceptually 158 Right-wing organizations 161 The right's grip on power 164 Rabin and the right 165 Conclusions on the Israeli right 169

6 Transnational Homes: Pan-Nationalisms 171 THE ISLAMIC UMMA: (Mis)understanding the Islamic world 172 The polycentrism of Islam 176 Islam's radical leaders 179 (Ab)uses of the Other 182 Conclusions on Islam as transnational community 185 LATIN AMERICA: Identity and anti-Americanism 185 Continental nationalism in Latin America 187 The beginnings of anti-Americanism 188 The rise and decline of anti-Americanism 191 Conclusions on anti-Americanism 194 Contents vii

7 Nationalisms, Homes, and Hostilities 196 Westerncentricity 196 The link between home and hostility 199 The multicultural threat 203

Notes 206 Bibliography 237 Index 242 List of Figures

1.1 From the Universal to the National 6 3.1 Threats to Empire in Russia and India 70 7.1 Constructions of home and types of nationalism 200

viii Acknowledgments

In researching and writing this book, the largest debt I have incurred is to two university research centers which provided me with a wealth of intellectual resources and first-class facilities. During 1987±88 I was a visiting scholar at the Davis Center for Russian Studies, Harvard University. Among the inspir- ing seminars I participated in during that year, the Tuesday-night ethnicity discussion group organized and led by Lis Bernstein, the Center's deputy director, was particularly valuable in shaping my thinking about national- ism. I am grateful to Tim Colton, director of the Center, and Roman Szporluk, director of the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute, for letting me take part in many stimulating lectures, seminars, and conversations in the corridors. During spring semester of 1999, I was visiting professor at the School for Postgraduate Research on Interculturalism and Transnationality (SPIRIT for short), Aalborg University, Denmark. The five-month tenure did indeed provide a rich intercultural and transnational experience, compelling further refining and reformulating of my assumptions about nationalism and iden- tity. Ulf Hedetoft, the School's director, helped in countless practical ways but, above all, in sharing his erudition. A number of other institutions provided opportunities to carry out study visits to countries forming part of the book's case studies. The Ramakrishna Mission Institute of Culture in Golpark, Calcutta, offered research facilities and a hospitable home-away-from-home in India. A Canadian Government Faculty Enrichment Grant allowed me to develop my research on Quebec politics. A home base at Haifa University, Israel, in 1998 served as a spring- board for conducting research on politics in that country. An Andrew W. Mellon Faculty Field Research Grant enabled me to travel to several Latin American countries in search of anti-Americanism. The Committee on Re- search, Tulane University, awarded several travel grants to conduct add- itional study visits. For their valuable comments on and lively discussion of specific issues raised in various parts of this book, I would like to thank the following specialists: Susanne Baier-Allen, Center for European Integration Studies, Bonn; David Carment, Carleton University, Ottawa; Marjorie Castle, Tulane University; Flemming Christiansen, University of Leeds; Sanjin Dragojevic, University of Zagreb; Malene Gram, Aalborg University; Francois Grin, Uni- versity of Geneva; John Hall, McGill University; Marta-Lisa Magnusson, Suddansk University; Bo Petersson, Lund University; Melita Richter, Center for International Ethnic Research, Trieste; Richard Rose, University of Strath- clyde; Bill Safran, University of Colorado; Muhammad Siddiq, University of California, Berkeley; Daniel Skobla, Warsaw University; Irina Stakhanova,

ix x Acknowledgments

Bowling Green State University; Michael Taylor, University of Washington; Barbara Tornquist-Plewa, Lund University; Edmund van Trotsenburg, Uni- versity of Klagenfurt; and Hakan Yavuz, University of Utah. I am also grateful to Rajat Ganguly, University of East Anglia, for assistance with parts of Chapters 2 and 4. Although they still couldn't prevent me from generating hermeneutic and factual imperfections, whatever strong points there are in the study result from their input. I dedicate this book to my dear daughter Gabriela. Introduction: New Millennium, Old Nationalisms?

The plurality of nationalisms

Academics and policymakers alike are searching for new understandings of world conflict in the first years of the new millennium, especially in the aftermath of the September 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States. The East±West ideological struggle has become consigned to the history of the twentieth century. The North±South economic divide remains salient to world politics but efforts have been made to remedy its symptoms through the panacea of globalization. Eclipsing conflicts based on these two axes in many parts of the world is the struggle between what are viewed as illiberal forms of nationalism which include religious extremism, and Western liberal ideas. A large body of excellent and intriguing scholarship has been pub- lished on this subject over the past decade. Many nationalist movements are indeed illiberal, but not all are. Con- versely, anti-nationalist forces have often proved to be the reactionary illib- eral element. As the great historian of colonialism, C.L.R. James, bluntly stated three decades ago, in pre-independence West Indies `those suspected 1 of anti-nationalism are usually rich whites and their retainers'. What has changed since then? Today nationalism takes many forms; it is widespread, highly differentiated, yet fixated on internal homogeneity. To remain anti- nationalist under all circumstances would itself constitute profound chau- vinism. It is not nationalism's ethnic dimension that sets it apart from other forms of collective identity but its diverse character: `it is both a vehicle for ``ethnic'' identity and political identification, for ideological modernization and ardent traditionalism, for rationality and passion, for past nostalgia and future hope, for anonymity and familiarity, for the most respectable and the 2 most despicable values at the same time'. Nationalism may be unpredictable, then, but it is also reassuring. Cultural theorist Svetlana Boym observed:

The seduction of nationalism is the seduction of homecoming and total acceptance: one doesn't even have to join the party; one simply belongs. Nationalist ideology mobilizes the nostalgia for the old Common Place lost and individual nostalgias and family histories, and it also proposes a plan of action for the purification and rebuilding of the collective home. It offers a comforting collective biography instead of a flawed individual story full of estrangements and disappointments; it promises to recover the blissful childhood of a nation, without the alienation and loss experi- 3 enced in adult years.

xi xii Introduction: New Millennium, Old Nationalisms?

4 There is far more to nationalism, then, than ethnonationalism. Some forms of nationalism are employed to justify the maintenance of empires and others to attack immigrants. Some underpin movements of secession and while others seek to unify anti-Western or anti-modernity sentiments in various parts of the world. Some attract back to the , others expel the legal citizens of a state. The present age is not one of political nationalism, therefore, but of political and cultural nationalisms. The life expectancies of the various forms differ. Nationalism was the most powerful and recurring political idea of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and it starts off the twenty-first century in a lead position. Nationalism was the central organizing principle of the modern state system; it has had a great impact on peoples in all modern societies; and it shapes the international order at the millennium's turn. Defining the collective self remains a major function performed by nation- alism even as it serves as a source of friction affecting the world system. The study of nationalisms, its effects, and its durability, continues to have ur- gency today.

Structure of the study

This book studies nationalisms in a disaggregated form, at the most general level distinguishing between those attached to a statist project and those that go beyond the state. This is not a contentious typology and has been explicit or, more often, implicit in much research on nationalism. In trying to distract scholars from the idees fixes of civic versus ethnic nationalisms, for example, sociologist Rogers Brubaker drew an analytical distinction between `state-framed and counter-state understandings of nationhood and forms of nationalism. In the former, ``nation'' is conceived as congruent with the state, as institutionally and territorially ``framed'' by the state; in the latter, it is conceived in opposition to the territorial and institutional frame of some 5 existing state or states'. Brubaker was quick to avoid any normative hier- archy for the two, asserting that each can be liberal and civic in orientation. But when it came to explaining counter-state nationalisms, Brubaker re- visited very traditional categories: `counter-state definitions of nation may be based on territory, on historic provincial privileges, on distinct political 6 histories prior to incorporation into a larger state and so on'. In this book I adopt traditional categories making up nationalism, such as territory and history and link them to the idea of home. `The singularity of nationalism rests in its tenet that a marriage must take place between culture 7 and politics and that this union must be sanctified on a native land.' What is a native land, a home? `Our home is where we belong, territorially, existen- tially and culturally, where our community is, where our family and loved ones reside, where we can identify our roots, and where we long to return to 8 when we are elsewhere in the world.' It is therefore an affective rather than Introduction: New Millennium, Old Nationalisms? xiii cognitive construct, and more than just legal is required to belong to it. Accordingly, `home as belonging to a nation is a structured set of emotions and attitudes, shaped by an imagined oneness of political and pre-political, contemporary and historical, rational and cosmological orien- 9 tations'. A settled territory is not automatically a home. Instead, `[a] home- land emerges not when it has been inhabited but when it has been mapped'.10 Chapter 1 examines the historical evolution of nations ± the many differ- ent ways that nation-building occurred, the territories people settled and called homes, the languages they adopted for use in these homes, and the different types of nationalism that followed. The state made its appearance at different points in time and the modern nations of today differ greatly in terms of histories as states. While the Napoleonic wars two centuries ago were a milestone in the development of political nationalism, countries followed distinct paths to nationhood and used nationalism in often diver- gent ways. In Chapter 2, I examine the conceptual tools used for understanding nationalism. What has the term meant, which factors shape it, what other phenomena are related to it, what functions does it perform? The review of the scholarly literature and of contrasting typologies and schools of thought reveals the extraordinary richness and, at the same time, avid contention about the subject. In order to study the varieties of contemporary nationalisms empirically, I have selected contrasting case studies built around four principal themes, 11 each involving a particular understanding of home. The first deals with the linkage between nationalism and empire ± the problem of the conversion of the nation-state to the nations-state, or the multinational home. In Chapter 3 I consider the role played by nationalist movements in taking Russia out of the Soviet empire and India out of the British empire and, subsequently, how the new nations-states have themselves occasionally behaved imperially when confronted with their own separatist movements. Behaving imperially involves the construction of ethnically-spacious homes. Corresponding na- tionalisms ± a great Russian and secular Indian one ± have been propagated to bind ethnically and linguistically diverse peoples. The chapter compares the success of the two imperial projects in achieving this goal. A second theme is how nationalism can lead to secessionist movementsÐ the breakup of states and construction of multiple homes. Chapter 4 focuses on two contemporary separatist movements: the struggle of the historic Zulu nation to govern itself rather than be governed by South Africa, and the efforts of Quebec sovereigntists to separate from Canada. Identity polit- ics undergird both movements. Difficulties defining who Zulus and Quebec- ers are reveal how political or ethnolinguist criteria are applied in order to ensure exclusionary understandings of the nation. The title of the chapter, `home writ small', refers to both the attempt to carve out a small state out of xiv Introduction: New Millennium, Old Nationalisms? a larger parent one and the restriction of the national home to a narrow community. The third theme addresses radical nationalisms, those disaffected with existing political structures and seeking the transformation of the national state rather than the creation of a new one. The goal of right-wing funda- mentalist movements is to construct a uninational home, whether based on racial or religious grounds. Chapter 5 analyses the rise of right-wing nation- alism in two advanced Western-type democracies which recently have undergone rapid demographic transformation, Germany and Israel. In the first a loose association of groups, most of them outside of mainstream politics, has fought to secure the racial purity of the country. In the second a combination of religious fundamentalists, establishment political organ- izations, and right-wing extremists has struggled for a purist view of spiritual home. The actors, poles of conflict, and methods used differ in the two cases. This chapter attempts to link these factors to contrasting understandings of nation and home. The final theme is the effort by pan-nationalist movements to construct a transnational home. While we normally identify transnationality with a democratic project like the building of a European home, pan-nationalist movements grounded in anti-modernity and anti-Westernism try to do much the same thing and create among disadvantaged nations. Chapter 6 considers two case studies; the endeavor to realize an Islamic commonwealth based in large part on anti-Westernism, and the struggle for pan-Latin Americanism based on the ideology of anti-dependency and anti-Americanism on that subcontinent. Because they target Western hegem- ony such movements are frequently depicted as especially militant. Indeed, the terrorist attack on the US in 2001 confirmed that anti-Westernism may represent the most virulent variant of nationalism today. The chapter ex- plores the weaknesses and strengths of such pan-nationalisms. The final chapter examines the connection between nationalisms, con- structions of home, and conflict. Imagining home can prove divisive and 12 lead to nationalist unrest. I do not make a causal argument for this, but at the same time I propose that disputes over what is home and who its titular residents are cannot be resolved by the adoption of magic formulae like multiculturalism and . In the hands of politicians and their ideologues, these have become mantras rather than solutions. Reordering political power seems the practical and prudent way to allay the fears of most types of nationalists, yet it is what leaders are often reluctant to do.

Reaching beyond Western approaches

The originality of this study, I hope, lies not only in this analytical frame- work but also in the attempt to be crosscultural, by the use of contrasting case studies, and intercultural, by a focus on regional and hemispheric Introduction: New Millennium, Old Nationalisms? xv

(though not global) processes. Let me explain why I believe this approach is needed. Much of the theoretical discourse on nationalism has been Eurocentric, even more specifically, Mitteleuropa-centric. There have been noteworthy exceptions, as I point out in Chapter 2. Even when research is not Eurocen- tric, many scholars inherently adopt a hierarchy of nationalisms that is transparently normative. Michael Billig has exposed this bias by contrasting the developed West's `' that is supposedly modern, enlight- ened, and rational, with the alien, backward, irrational, and violent nation- 13 alisms of others. The bias is long-standing. Hans Kohn, for example, put forward the view that Western nationalism is grounded in the ideas of free will, citizenship, and developed by Jean-Jacques Rousseau, while Eastern nationalism comprises the more primordial organic, cultural, 14 and communitarian notions admired by . One Swedish scholar observed how `closely tied to the dichotomy of extremism/ banality are the dichotomies of irrationality/rationality, primordiality/mod- ernity and ethnicity/civicness'. Furthermore, `[t]he civic/ethnic dichotomy is dangerously close to this self-righteous ``us'' and ``them'' picture of the free and enlightened citizens of the ``West'' and the culturally trapped collectiv- 15 ities of the ``East'' '. The emphasis placed since the Cold War on `European' values ± human rights, religious and political freedoms, democracy, tolerance, and equality of opportunity ± is designed to hammer home the inferiority of the Other. The term European `values' is consciously used in preference to `ideals' to imply that Europe has succeeded in internalizing such norms, the many twentieth-century European wars notwithstanding. To be sure, other books have sought to expose what can be called the `new Eurocentrism'. But it is alarming when even postcolonial literature focuses on celebrating difference rather than empowering the disadvantaged. The study of nationalism has become a battleground between Western and non-Western value systems. Hopefully in keeping with a more enlightened and egalitarian spirit that a new century should bring, it seems appropriate, then, to examine Western and non-Western nationalisms alongside each other. In organizing the em- pirical analysis in this way, I wish to indicate which nationalisms pose the most serious threat to the stability of states and the well-being of peoples in the new century, which have a limited life expectancy, and which nurture a disadvantaged people's identity and interests. In sum, this book is an exploration of the diverse manifestations of con- temporary nationalisms: imagining different types of home, benign and malign types, conflict-generating and consensus-making, centered on the state and extending beyond it, ideological and action programs. I recognize that nationalisms are not the sole explanation for most of what happens in politics. The mobilizing potential of different nationalisms is also not con- stant across time and space. Other factors ± economic interests, international xvi Introduction: New Millennium, Old Nationalisms? organizations' bureaucratic imperatives, leadership idiosyncracies ± may reduce the salience of identity politics in the future. My study strives for parsimony in a field where both generalization and thick descriptions abound. I set out to link theorie and empirie. I also recog- nize that it is through making sense of both the minutiae and the momen- tous side of nationalisms that this book can contribute to the extensive literature on this subject.