J The French Invasion of Malta: An Unpublished Account Grazio V. Ellul

Antony: The .Shakespearean Colossus - Part U David Cremona

) Inorganic Complexes: An Introduction Alfred Vella

Memoria e Poesia Verghlana Joseph Eynaud

) Maltese Literature in the Sixties Peter Serracino Inglott

Moliere: L'Homme a la Conquete de l'ldeal Alfred Falzon

)

Numb&!", 3 Spring 1978 Journal of the Upper Secondary School, Valetta

Number 3 Spring 1978

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N.S.T.F. (M.) 220, ST. PAUL STREET, VALLETTA. Tel: 624983 THE FRENCH INVASION OF MALTA: AN UNPUBLISHED ACCOUNT

Gra.zio V. EUul

In June 1798, the Order of St. John surrendered Malta to Napoleon Bonaparte. Hitherto students of French Malta have mostly made use of two contemporary accounts - by Felice Cutajar 1 and Bosredon Ransi'jat 2. Another contemporary unpublished version is that of the Syracusan man of letters, the Rev. Giuseppe Maria Capodieci. He was among the first, if not the very first, to write the history of those turbulent days. According to Serafino Privitera, the writer of the Storia di Siracusa Antica e Moderna, Capodieci had dedicated his life to learning, collecting all relevant information from old manuscripts and books in private and public archives to write the history of his town. Capodi'eci died in 1828 3 .

1. Curmi, G., "Breve istoria della venuta deJli Francesi nell'Isola di Malta e loro modo di governarla (manoscritto inedito)", Malta Letteraria, 1932, PP. 57-75-125- 147 -182-213-250-271-304-329. 2. Bosredon Ransijat, Giornale dell'Assedio e Blocco di Malta, Malta 1843. Among the best pubHshed works on Malta in 1798 are: Azopardi, Barone, Giornale della Presa di Marta e Gozo, dalla Republica Francese, e dell a susseguente Rivoluzione deUa Campagna, Malta 1833. Barone Azopardi's Giornale ... is not a :first hand account. He made it clear in the "Avviso" to the reader that "10 scrittore niente ha riportato di sua; scienza propria, e che tutto il contenuto dell'opera e ricavato da }ibri, e documenti gia publicati, e da memorie e notamenti scritti da individui contemporane che per 10 piu ebbero parte negli avvenimenti accaduti". Scicluna, H.P., "Documents relating to the French Occupation of Malta in 1798 - 1800", Archivium ilfelitense, V, 1- 3, pp. 1 ~ 303. Hardman, W., HA History of Malta duri1~gthe French and British Occupations 1798 - 1815, London 1909. Denaro, V. F. The French in Malta, Malta, Progress Press 1963 (offprint from Scientia, XXIX). 3. Privitera, Serafino, Storia di SiraCltsa Antica e Moderna, Forni Editore, Bologna. In his list of well known 18th century Syracusans, Privitera has this to say about Giuseppe Maria Capodieci: "Coataneo del Locateta e degl'illustri mentovati citta. dini fu il celebre antiquario sacerdote Giuseppe Capodieci, che tutta la vita con­ sacro a raccogliere, a riunire, a conservare quanti documenti, quante vecchie scritture, quante minute notizie con ferrea volonta ed invitta perseveranza pote at­ tingere da libri, da codici, da lapidi, da pubblici e privati archivii per apprestare i materiali ed illustrare la lunga serie de secoli, che comprendono la storia dell'antica e della moderna Siracusa. Cio che aveva fatto per l'italia l'immenso Muratori, 10 fece per Siracusa l'infaticabile Capodieci. Molte opere ei pubblicu per le stampe; e le sue "Antichita di Siracusa" furono apprezzatissime, e fecero il giro di Europa. Ma 2 HYPHEN

The account which is being published in the original form, is Ms. Qq. F. 231 preserved in the Biblioteca Comunale of Palermo. It was written in Syracuse on the 24th July 1798 and addressed to Don Giovanni D' Angelo. In the covering letter to D' Angelo, Capodieci wrote about the care and attention he devoted to this account. It was written with the sincerity and objectivity that it merited though perhaps not in the style that it deserved. He begs D'Angelo that "should you decide to publish it" he (D'Angelo) should improve upon its style. Capodieci had, as his source for this account, a number of Syracusan knights of the Order and others who have passed through Syracuse after their expulsion from Malta. They were all eyewitnesses and had a role to play in the events described. "These used to meet me ~Capodieci) every day, recalling all the facts in detail, calculating the hours and days, and without any disagreement among themse:ves." He hoped that the President of the Kingoom of the Two Sicilies and other ministers would like to read such a faithful and detailed account. He found merit in the work precisely because it is an account of a number of knights who served at different places in Malta 4; The author and the knights who gave him the information were politically minded. They were conscious of all that was going on behind the scenes. They were people in the know. They themselves had! played a role in the events narrated. They were not interested solely in mere facts. The wood is not missed for the trees. The account may contain some inaccuracies but the salIent pOints that make up the history of those days, name'y, the part played by the Maltese jacobins, the Maltese Church, the people's loyalty to the Order, the imbalance of Boisgelin's "dreadful change" between the govern­ ment of the Order and that of the French and finally the intimations of the gathering storm which was to burst on 'Sunday, 2nd September 1798 and to make that day Malta's finest hour, are all there. The analysis and comments passed by Capodieci are the more remarkable because he could discern "the condition in which Malta finds itself to-day." This introduction is not meant as a scientific study of the text itse:f but rather as a running commentary on Capodiieci's analysis. The overall picture, I feel, should not be sacrificed for the isolated details. The account starts with a very brief outline of the origins and peregri­ nations of the Order of St. John. It goes on to deal with "the catastrophe which befell Malta in the current year, 1798." It clearly states one of the reasons why the French captured Malta wi ~hout any difficulty; the presence on the island of a number of jacobins or French sympathisers. Very !ittle is known about the number and role of the Maltese jacobins in the events of June 1798. They greatly impressed the knights and the Maltese who

copiosi sono i suoi manoscritti, cerchi e consultati tuttodi pei preziosi documenti e le rare notizie che contengono. Pure incredibile come un sol uomo abbia potuto scrivere, copiare, e diligentemente riunire in grossi e numerosi volumi tante carete, che quanto piu vetuste si fanno, tanto piu preziose divengono. Ei stesso vivente, in distanta scansia serbandole nella pubblica biblioteca, donelle alia patria, di cui l'amore in esso era delirio. Mori nel 1828". 4. Bibliotec Comunale di Palermo, MS. QI. F. 231. THE FRENCH INVASION OF MALTA 3 remained faithful to the Order. It seems, however, that their number was about 5-7000 at the most. They included members of the Maltese nobHity, the bourgoisie and the upper clergy. In the main, they were the people of Valletta and the three cities. Thus the account repeatedly refers .to "continual internal plots and revolutions." One of these was the birth of "a strong plot, fomented by some knights, merchants, and barons ...... who held secret meet- ings with the French to establish Democracy." No sooner was one nipped in the bud than. a worse evil appeared. There was much preoccupation with secret meetings, jacobins, and "democracy" especially with the arrival of noted French sympathisers. The Order of St. John and the King of the Two Sicilies were aware of the revolu­ tionary undercurrents in the island. Already in 1784, Ban Pignatelli wrote to John Acton, in Naples, about "some seditious principles" current against the government of Malta. He warned that "the condiition of the island is henceforth to be regarded as the object of vultures, that are ready to devour it". He also noticed signs of a "cancerous germ" which could bring about the immediate collapse of the government. "Wandering gangs" were already sowing di:scord. Pignatelli noted the harmful effect of the presence of some foreign nationals on the Maltese \5. Such foreigners had become suspect with the outbreak of .the French Revolution. A sman number arrived from Syracuse. In May 1794 the "French watchmaker", Francis Coste. a man of great malignity, arrived i:n Malta. He had been expelled from Catania. No sooner had he landed in Malta than Grimaldi, the Sicilian king's representative in Malta, had him arrested' and then sent to Tunis. In 1794 Caroline Ondoven came to perform at the Manoel Theatre. She was accompanied by her husband and mother. The three of them were ordered to leave the island because of their "seditious talk." 6 A small number of Maltese became also suspect. In 1794 two Dominicans, Alexander Grech and Francis Vassallo, were ordered to leave Malta within two hours. In the summer of 1797 the Order of St. John made arrangements for the removal of nine rebels whose leader was "a certain VassalIo" and who was serving a life sentence. The President of the kingdom of the two Sicilies was warned lest these arrived in Sidly and spread "a germ so pernicious and contagious." When the storm broke out in June 1798, the work and betrayals of the jacobins were uppermost in people's minds, according to Capodieci. They were blamed for Malta's surrender. The behaviour of the Mal.tese jacobins, inebriated by the French victory, disgusted many honest citizens. "They were the first to violate, strip and sack the churches. They billetted French officials in Private houses, without caring about the consequences for honour of honest families. In one word, more harm was done by the jacobins than by the French themselves 7." Capodieci's account also touches upon another important feature that

5. Archivio di Stato di Napoli. 6948. 6. See the author's forthcoming study on "Relations between Malta and Siciliy". 7. The author is working on an edition of an anonymous diary of June 1798 - February 1799. 4 HYPHEN made 1798 so significant for the Maltese Church 8. Contemporary manuscripts indicate that the bishop and the canons were very partial towards the French authorities and that the French did their utmost to gain the support and blessing of the Maltese Church. Capodieci simply says that Bishop Labini was "weH received" by Bonaparte 9." When Labini paid a visit to the French General, Bonaparte accompanied him "to the end of his room." The bishop made no remonstrances against the new government.. On June 13 he duly "called the canons, those of the cathedral and of the other collegi'ate churches, as well as all the parish priests and the heads of religious orders, and he led them to Bonaparte in order to make them recognise the French Directory as their sovereign and to take the civic oath." The French general immediately reciprocated this gesture. In fact, "to make a show of his generosity, he returned to the bishop and to the canons all the churches which had been earlier stripped of their gold, silver and gems ...... , '10" Later on the bishop issued a most accomodating Pastoral Letter. There was nO word of condemnation against what the rest of Europe had labelled an anti clerical and sacriligious government. Labini rather condemned the "unreasonable enthusiasm" on the part of the Maltese and advised them to be "good citizens by respecting the authority set up by the Lord 111." Napoleon's partiality towards the Church authorities is noteworthy. On reaching Valetta he "ernestly sought Canon Caruana, and after a long talk he nominated him member of the French government." He also briefed him on the election of the other members of the same government 12. No oppor­ tunity was missed to stress the cordial relations between Church and State especially during festivities such as those of (SS Peter and Paul, St. Lawrence in Vittori'osa, St. Mary, and that of the 14th July. Contemporaries state that on the feast of SS. Peter and Paul, "the French generals were invited and well received at lunch by the bishop." That same day, "The Rector of St Paul's Grotto, the Abbot Savuar, invited all the Republicans to dinner." After the traditional horse races, Savuar "led to his house, and warmly received,

8. The role played by the Maltese Church in 1798 is only mentioned in passing in this r,unning commentary. According to the writer, the Maltese Church played a most decisive role in the defeat of the Order in the June days of 1798 and the rising of the Maltese in September of that same year. 9. Azopardi, Barone, op.cit., p.18, says that "Buonaparte ... era molto compiacuto delle saggie prese disposizioni del vescovo di Malta monsignor Labini, nell'occasione della capitolazione della Citta gli spedi in quel frattempo una lettera, con cui 10 informava del piacere provato di sua buona condotta ...... " 10. For the full text of this Pastoral Letter see Azopardi, Barone, op. cit. pp. 37 - 39. 11. See note 7 above. 12. Ibid. This courting of the Maltese Church by the French government was in evi­ dence before and after 2nd September 1798. Bosredon: Ransijat, op. cit., p. 26 says that "the Commission of Government, "allorche si celebrano le feste principali, as­ siste alle funzioni che si fanno nella Cattedrale". THE FRENCH INVASION OF MALTA 5 the French generals, officials and republicans." The evening was concluded with a republican ball 13 • Capodieci's account illustrates clearly the feeling of the Maltese towards their new masters. By Maltese he obviously means the overwhelming, silent majority: what the manuscripts refer to as "the people", "the low people", "the country people." The Maltese were practical and down to earth, and like their Sicilian neighbours, they were sceptical of any foreign doctrine H. A paternal form of government suited them best. In the main, they were either staunch supporters of the Order or disin­ terested spectators of the political scene. The overwhelming majority remained faithful to the Order. This is clearly brought out in Capodieci's account. The Maltese people's loyalty and courage are praised. Even after the Capitulation, the Maltese refused to surrender their forts to the French. The Italian knights told Capodieci that after the Capitulation, the two fortresses of RicasoIi and St. Angelo "did not want to surrender by any means, but kept firing contin­ uously." Only when important persons and "some priests" used "their influ­ ence", did the Maltese leave their posts. The account of the Maltese reaction to French rule is accurate. The French revolutionary doctrine did not go down well with them. Reading through the account one concludes that sooner or later there had to be a 2nd September. Capodieci comments that while "the conspirators showed themselves happy about the new democratic government" yet "the greater part of the inhabitants were unhappy." Towards the beginning of July the Maltese were showing their resentment to the new regime. They "did not accept" the new laws and proclamations and "the greater part (of the new legislation) was not adhered to." The French were conscious of Maltese resistance. Many French and Maltese jacobins felt it necessary to retire to Valetta for safety's sake. Capo­ dieci notes the attempted rising of Saturday, 21st. July. That day, "some inhabitants of Malta rose against the French ...... " This resistance is colla­ borated by other authorities. According to contemporari:es "the whole nation was against such a capitulation" namely that of 12th June. They also knew that some insurrection or revolution against the new masters was unavoid­ able. When the Maltese had heard of a possible capitulation, they demon­ strated in Valetta and were only calmed down by the "specious hopes" put forward by the clergy and Dr. Torregiani: "The nation and the faithful people gathered there, seeing such persons (Napoleon's secretary and Dolumion) and the imminent capitulation, all met in the Palace ISquare, to stage arising.

14. The sceptical, anti-doctrinaire attitude of the Maltese in late 18th century is very similar to that of t~eir Sicilian neighbours. Both the Maltese and the Sicilians were for reform - not revolution. For this reason England appealed more to them than France. On the subject of Sicilian reforms, see Tomeucci Luigi, Genesi del Contlitto tra la Sicilia ed f Borboni, (1734 - 1816), Casa Editrice Prof. Riccardo Patron, Bologna. 6 HYPHEN

This was quickly nipped in the bud by some religious people and ecclesiastics, and by the persuasive words of Dr. Torregiani. The latter promised the rebel­ lious crowd that the Order would remain in Malta together with the Grand­ master, subject to the laws of the French Directory and to many other laws of great benefit to the nation. With such tempting hopes he ca:med and quietened the people 15." That the French met with stiff Maltese opposition from the outset is shown by the following incident. After the signing of the capitulation and the stationing of a number of French soldiers in Valetta, some Maltese jacobins prepared a demonstration to welcome Napoleon from the Orient. "On Bona­ parte's setting foot ashore, [the Maltese jacobins] started shouting and applauding Bonaparte, calling him the Idol of Freedom of the peoples and nations ...... " But on that very day of French victory, some other Maltese staged a counter protest and tried to assassinate Napoleon. While the jacobins were we:coming the French General, "some faithful Maltese, however, tried to surprise him and assassinate the Eroe Liberatore, and all his co-generals, as they entered the Marine Gate to Valletta. Thus they would belie the many boasts of the traitors. [The faithful Maltese] got hold of some pieces of artil­ lery which were placed on the ga::e from where Bonaparte was due to pass. Unfortunately, this operation was discovered by the jacobins, and the [faithful Maltese] were arrested and led to the prisons. They just escaped with their lives thanks to their good luck 16." As the new IFrench regime showed its true colours and doctrinaire attitude, the Maltese realized more the imbalance between their former masters and the new one. The brazen effrontery they had to suffer at the hands of Maltese jacobins and the new French demands were too much. The French continued to meet with opposition. Some French "still maintained themselves in the country, afflicting the poor peasants, but these brave'y opposed them even at the expence of their OWn lives." The people who felt "the dreadful change" most were the poor who under the paternal government of the Order were used to more humane treatment. By the beginning of July, Capodieci noticed that "The rooms in the houses of the Foundry were left to ruin. The house of the poor, in the place called Floriana, and kept at the expence of the Grandmaster, was closed down due to lack of support. The sick of the Great Hospital were left abandoned and thrown on the floor in the corners of the city. The French destroyed the Archives belonging to the several Langues of the Order. Churches were desacrated; spinsters, and even some women over 60, were violated; houses were sacked and all the treasure carried away ...... " It was universally held that the French were going beyond the articles of the capitulation and their lording it over the poor country people was alienating the quiet and conservative character of the Maltese. This earned the universal hatred of the Maltese towards their new governors. As another eyewitness expressed it: "In obtaining Malta, the French had no other aim except that of depriving all the inhabitants and churches of an their belong-

15. See note 7 above. 16. Ibid. THE FRENCH INVASION OF MALTA 7 ings. They did not observe the capitulation and hence they were expelled. The universal hatred of the Maltese nation, especially of the country people, who were always against their outrageous behaviour; was apparent. Besides all this, the French mismanagement had made the Maltese nation conscious of the change between the French government and the order. The former aimed only at depriving the Maltese of their belongings, the latter kept, maintained and helped the nation. Thus the nation was driven to a Revolu­ tion, as happened on 2nd September, 1798." Throughout the summer months of 1798, Maltese hostility towards French rule never ceased. "In all the countryside not one French cockade was seen, and though the order that everyone should wear the national cockade was renewed under harsh penalty, yet this was openly disregarded." The ground was fertile then for a party or group of people to stage a ooncerted rising against the regime. Thus "a great party was formed in Zebbug and in other villages" which in the particular circumstances of late August 1798, staged the Revolution of 2nd September 1798 17.

17. Ibid.

THE DOCUMENT RELAZIONE Della Resa di Malta ai Francesi Seguita a 12 Giugno 1798. Scritta da Prete Giuseppe Ma. 'Capodieci e diretta al Sigr. D. Giovanni d'Angelo a 24 Luglio 1798.

L'Istituto del Sacro Militar Ordine Era una tal sacra Milizia i1 piu for­ di S. Giovanni Battista di Gerusalem­ midabile presidio de' Cristiani di So­ me, detto percio Gerosolimitano, indi ria, e pru volte il Re di Gerusalemme, chiamato di Rodi, ed oggi di Malta, come Baliuino II nel 1118, e 1126, intorno alla sua residenza ha sofferto e quelli di Damasco Baldelkwin nel sempre funeste vicende. 1122, li chiamarono per ajutarli neIle Non s'rgnora, che nacque nello guerre, che aveano cogl'Infedeli. stesso anno 1099, in cui fu conquistata Cad uta pero Gerusalemme in potere dalle Armi famose de' Croce segnati del feroce Saladino Califfo di Egitto la Citta Santa ad imitazione del quale nel 1187, fu costretta stabilirsi la se ne istituirono molti altri. divisata -Religione nella iFortezza di n Beato Gerardo, che s'ebbe per Margati in Fenicia; ma dovette poi Fondatore, fu quegli. che adottossi 10 lasciarla a costa di molto sangue il Spedale per ri:cetto degl'infermi, e de' di'27 Maggio 1285. peregrini, eretto sin dall'anno 1048 Passo' indi in Tolemaide, 0 sra S. da certi Mercatanti della costa di Giovanni d'Acri nella Palestina, e Amalfi nel Regno di Napoli, obbligan~ venne cacciata ancora a 18 Maggio do poi i Frati ad adempiere alcuni del 1291 dal Soldano di Egitto Melee voti. Seraph, per cui il Gran Maestro Wil- 8 HYPHEN lers; e i di lui Cavalieri, si ricovera­ Questa mentre che veniva munita rono nell'Isola di Cipro, e dal Re di fortificazioni dal suo novo Padrone, Errico di Lusignano ebbero concessa fu assalita nel 1551 da Sinan. Bassa la citta di Limisso, 0 Amatunta, dove con l'Armata di Solimano, al quale dimorarono circa 18. anni fin tanto riuscl di prendere, e distruggere i1 che ebbero a 15 Agosto 1309 Rodi con Castello del Gozzo. altre isole convrcine. Nel 1565 ebbe pure a respingere i Quando credeano i Cavalieri di Rodi tentativi dell'Armata Ottoman a sotto stabile per sempre il loro soggiorno Mustafa Bassa, e din tale incontro i in quell'Isola, vennero astretti cedere Cavalieri fecero prodigj di valore, e a 24 Dicembre dell'anno 1522 Rodi a particolarmente segnalaronsi' i Sicilia­ Solimano n, Decimo Imperadore de' ni. Turchi, dopo una sanguinosa guerra, Non hanno mancato poi di conturbar e dopo che l'aveano per annr 213 la Citta di Malta le interne continue posseduta. congiure, e rivoluzioni, suffocate al Si partirono il Primo di Gennaro primo loro nascere, e fra le famose del 1523, essen stato permesso da contasi quel:a scoperta in Luglio dell' quei Barbari al detto Gran Maestro an no 1749, ordita dagli Schiavr, e dal Willers di L'Isleadamo, e a' Cavalieri Bassa di Rodi. tutti di portarsi a loro agio non menD Se ne sono suscitate piu volte delle la roba, gli attrezzi militari, che gli aUre, ma il Gran Maestro col Consig­ ori, argenti, e tutto quanto possedeano lio hanno saputo sempre prestare i la Religione, le Chiese, e gl'indivtdui, ripari opportuni. sino agli Archivj, alle Campane, e Non ebbe pero l'esito stesso la Lapidarie Iscrizioni. Catastrofe, accaduta nel corrente anno Peregrinarono tntanto in Candia, 1798, che fissa un'altra Epoca di eter­ Lacedemonia, Paxiis, e neU'antica na memoria nella Storia del Secolo Cricusa; poscia in Messina, da dove XlVIII. passarono aRoma, e Clemente VII a Dopo la elezi'one del Gran Maestro 19 di Novembre 1523 li alloggio in Hompesch Tedesco credeva il suo Viterbo. Ordine, e 1'1s01a di Malta godere pace, Dimorarono ivi sino al 1529, e per e tranquillita in mezzo le turbolenze fine si ridussero con dodici galee, dell'Europa. Era egli molto caro al vestite a lutto in 'Siracusa, ove s'trat­ popolo; ma non ostante pero macchi. tennero, fin tanto Carlo V nel 1530 navasi una forte congiura, fomentata diede loro COn alcune condizioni 1'1so­ d'alcuni Cavalieri, Mercatanti, e la di Malta, del Gozzo. e l'a1tre di Baroni di quell'Iso:a che comincia­ Comino, Cominotto, e Limosa cogli rono ad avere delle occulte aderenze Stati di Gazza, e Tripoli. che poi ne1 co'Francesi, ad oggetti di stabilirvi la 1551 ritolte vennero ail a Religione Democrazia. Gerosolimitana dagl'infedeli. Erano scorsi circa due mesi prima Si tenne in detta Citta di Siracusa di Giugno del corrente anno 1798. a 25 di Aprile del citato anno il Capi­ quando comparve la prima volta tolo Generale, e tutti i Cavalieri Con­ innanzi I'1s01a di Malta una Squadra ventuali approvarono i1 Trattato Francese di 14 navi. N'entrava di conchiuso dal loro Gran Maestro, e a queste a vicenda qualcheduna ne! 25 di Ottobre sene partirono, e la porto sotto varj pretesti, e dopo mattina del Dimani giunsero in Malta. alcuni giorni fecero vela per la parte mE FRENCH INVASIfON OF MALTA 9 di mezzogiorno, e quantunque la Citta Gozzo d'essersi veduti numero 38 fosse incerta del disegno, pur non t Bastimenti oltre de' primi, calcolan­ meno entro in que.lche rio sospetto, e dosi tutto l'armamento circa a 300 perch) si pose sulla difesa. vele, consistenti in numero 27 legni Nel giorno 2 del detto mese di da guerra tra Vascelli e iFregate, ed Giugno comparvero di belnuovo alcu­ un VascelIo di 120 pezzi di Cannoni, ni legni in faccia Malta, i quali di nominato l'Oriente, in cui eravi i1 giorno in giorno si accresceano in General Buonaparte, e 10 resto Basti­ gran numero entrando di questi or menti di convoglio di diverse Nazioni, uno, or un altro nel porto per pren­ cioe Brich, Barche Cannoniere, Bom­ dere provvisioni, ed attendere ai mo­ bardiere, e di disbarce. Insospettitosi vimerrti che aspettavano de.' Congiu­ molto quel Governo, mostro di volersi rati dentro la Citta. porre in i-stato di difesaJ ma senza Ai 7 Giorno della Festa del Corpo alcun regolamento. del Signore trovandosi- nel Canale di Sabato 9 dello stesso allo spuntar Malta un Vascello, ed una Fregata dell'aurora si repUco dal Gozzo 10 della Religione, per inseguire i Barba­ stesso segno, d'esser le vele con parse ri, furono scoperte da lontano 24 vele, di un gran numero, le quali sempre che si riconobbero essere di traspor­ piu si avvicinavano all'Isola. Verso le to, e cariche di truppa, ed a momen"i ore 18 riunitasi tutta la Flotta, ed il se ne vedeano sopraggiungere delle convoglio, fu spedita una Jancia con altre, che venivano dal Ponente, diret­ un ufficiale Francese, iI quale nella te per l'Isola di Malta. Verso le ore Barriera consego Un pUco al di lui 20 e mezzo se ne numerarono 72. Console, assicurando a queUa gente, comprese tre Fregate, una delle quaJi occorsa nella Quarantena, che asp et­ avvicinatasi bordeggio sopm i legni tavasi 10 resto de]a Squadra, e del Maltesi, posti su la difesa. Alzate le convoglio, per indi far passaggio in bandiere rispettive, si riconobbe esser Egitto. queUa Francese, e senza venire a par­ I1 Console suddetto porto subito lamento, passarono 1i detti legni Mal­ una lettera aperta al Gran Maestro a tesi lun~hesso la Fregata, e verso l'ora nome del suo Generale in Capi'':e una della notte si ritirarono nel porto. Buonaparte, ricercando porto, pratica, AIli 8 si osservo, che accrescevasi e viveri per tutta la Squadra. il numero de Vascelli, e de Legni di A tale richiesta rispose il Gran trasporto. La mattina entro una Gale­ Maestro, ch'era necessario avanzare otta, che fu riconosciuta essere stata per iscritto la dimanda per risolverla quelIa stesse.. costrutta in MaEa in con il Consiglio. Il Console ripig'io, servigio del Papa, e col pretesto di che non gli era permesso di aspettare, acconciarsi vi si trattenne sine al perche dovea subi'to portarsi a bordo tramontar del sole: suonava intanto dal suo Generale, come esegui all' l'equipaggio nemico, e cantave. una istante con la suddetta lancia, accom­ canzone, detta la Carmagnola. Non pagnata da una barca della Sanita. omise il riferito legno di salutar la Convocatosi inte.nte il Consiglio fu fortezza, da cui' venne corrisposta; ed verso le ore 22 con unanimi suffragj essendosi proveduLa di viverL se ne determinato, che qualora fosse in parti. . iscritto la detta dimanda presentata, La sera medesime. al tram on tar del risponder si dovrebbe ben anche in sole si diede iI segno dalI'Isola del iscritto, ovvero che poteva solamente 10 HYPHEN accordarsi l'ingresso nel porto a seconda Divisione con barche cannon­ quattro Bastimenti da guerra, e che iere, per fare un altro disbarco alla usciti i primi si permettea entrarne punta opposta delI'Isola, detta Marsa­ altri non piu dello stesso numero, e scirocco, la quale venne respinta ben cosi successivamente; di negarsi affat­ due volte dal CastelIo, con grave dan­ to la pratica, come legni da guerra, no del nemico, ma fu poi obbligato di gius~a le leggi di Sanita, e di neutra­ cessare a far fuoco per mancanza di lita, e per fine somministrarsi queUe munizione, e cosi segui senza verun provisioni, che poteano, per non far ostacolo 10 sbarco de' francesi, che man care il necessario sostentamento per allora si calcolarono circa a 20 alIa Citta. Si ordino fraUanto di ar­ mila. marsi le batterie, e raddoppiarsi le S'impadronirono indi do po non guardie delle Torri, mandando tutta la poea resistenza di queUe altre piccole notte neHe dette fortezze carrettoni Torri, abbandonate da' Maltesi per di pane, biscotto, cacio, e vino, e di mancanza ancora di munizione da star pronti a prender le armi i Reggi­ guerra. menti di Campagna. Tutti gli ufficiali Frattanto venuta una lancia nel furon destinati ai loro posti, e fecero porto, annuncio, che la neutralita era subito accendere i- forneUi per le palle gia rotta, e che il Console volea la infocate. sua famiglia a cui gli fu negata. Ritorno in questo tempo il divisato A tale avviso furon tirati due colpi console, portando scritta la dimanda, di cannone dal forte, detto de' Cava­ ed ebbe in iscritto immediatamente lieri, segno di darsi principio al com­ la risposta del Consiglio, com'erasi battimento. alIora conchiuso, che porto al suo I1 Gran Maestro fece all'i-stan ~e Generale, seortato sempre dalla Barea uscire due lance Cannoniere con due del~a Sanita, ne ritorne mai piu, trat­ altre Galeotte per impedir l'alteri due tenendosi anche la barca suddetta, il di sbarcare, ordinando ancora di met­ ehe ragionevolmente acerebbe i motivi tersi alIa bocca del porto due Galee. di sospetto. Portate le lance sino alIa Torre di Dalle ore due di notte sinG al far S. Giuliano, dov'era maggior 10 sbar­ del giorno s'intesero moEe cannonate co, incominciarono a far fuoco quasi de Francesi con mandare in aria per 10 spazi-o di ore sei non lasciando fulgori-, e palle luminose, che poi si mai le lance nemiche di proteggere il rilevo essere stati soliti segni di cio loro sbarco: queUe de' Maltesi veni­ che dovevano fra di loro eseguire. vano tuttavia garentite dal Forte Il Comandante della Squadra di Tigni, che per ore 24 non tralascio Ma",ta ebbe subito la cura di far ser­ di far vivo fuoco con la morte di non rare la bocca del porto con una catena pochi Francesi. di grosse gomena, ed an core per im­ Verso le ore 18 e mezzo si sospese pedir l'ingresso aU'Armata nemica. il tragetto delle lance nemiche, e sop­ AlIi 10 della Domenka verso la raggiungendo una dirotta pioggia dal­ mattina si videro piu di 200 lance la parte di mezzogiorno, ritornarono che portavano molta truppa per fare in porto le due Galeotte con le barche 10 sbareo in terra dalIa parte di S. cannoniere. Giuliano, di S. Giorgio, e de luoghi Aerebbe l'amarezza e la confusione convicini. quando nel tempo stesso si scopri non Fu spedita altresi dal Generale una solo di essersi tagliate le mine dalla THE FRENCH INVASION OF MALTA 11

parte di terra, ma scoperta ancora una della Bestiame grossa, e minuta, e congiura tra pochi Francesi, residenti assassinati i poveri Abitanti. La flotta in Malta, e diversi Greci, venuti a nemica pero si tenea sempre fuori il scaricar grano. Il che sapietosi dal tiro del cannone, continuamente bor­ Gran Maestro spedl. subito 80 soldati deggiando. sotto il comando di alcuni Cavalieri Dopo Vespro delle stesso di' nel Siciliani per impedirne il disordine. 1F0rte Ricasoli, dove i Vascelli Fran­ Due Greci, che furon i primi- ad essere cesi cercavano avvicinarsi, si ritrova­ incontrati, restarono da' Maltesi rono i cartocci pieni di carbone pesto uccisi Cono colpi di sdabla, shioppi, con poca polvere, ed alcuni con mezzo e remi, ed appresso altri cinque. iFu tiro di polvere senza sonde, e mic­ assalito ed ucciso un negoziante Fran­ ciere. Riparossi un tale sconcerto con cese autore di detta congiura, nomi­ mandar tutto a prendere dal bordo del nato Monsieur Egnau, per' essersi Vas cello della Religione, detto San ritrova ~e nelle case vicino la Barriera Zeccheria, e mettere ai ferri' il Capo­ ove egli dimorava, quantita di coc~ maestro, che ne avea cura, sostituen­ carde della Repubblica Francese, ed do un altro a tale ufficio. In altri alcuni Greci occultati cOn armi. Gli Castelli si rinvennero molte palle di equipaggi degli altri Bastimenti' Greci, cannoni di diverso calibr~, per ac­ ch'erano vicini ~a spiaggia del porto, crescere i Congiurati la confusione; e vedendo attaccati i loro nazionali, rendere inutili i colpi; come ancora li passarono i cannoni ne' lati opposti cartocci dimezzati, e li barrili della al punto dell'attacco. Prevedendosi polvere bagnati, e fu duopo per quest' certamente qualche macello ,soprag­ altra macchinazione trasportar la pol­ giungiunsero altri Cavalieri con rin­ vere, ch'era destinata all'uso de' forzo di gente armata, e due barche Vascelli, e delle Fregate. ;::annoniere; a far fronte ai Greci, i E' degno poi di menzione un altro quali l'gati furon condotti alla prigio­ occorso. Dopo di avere alcuni Cava­ ne degli Schi'avi. Si disarmarono i lieri di' diverse Nazioni fedelmente loro Bastimenti ch'erano provisti di consegnato, a chi doveano, 15 mila 800 tromboni carichi, di sacchi di lana cartocci di fucili, per dividerli ai sol­ pieni nel mezzo di polvere, e cartocce dati, ed alle Milizie del Borgo, e dell' a metraglio. e di gran copia di- pietre Isola; scorsi pochi momenti', vennero focase. Cosi ebbe fine questo incon­ ricercati dalle stesse truppe cartocci, veniente. stante de' primi esserne stati dispen­ Si accendea pero l'altro maggior­ sali pochissimi, e questi stessi dim en­ merrte, onde furon costretti di uscir ati, e con le palle nOn proporzionate, fuori del porto le barche cannoniere ed atte ad entrare nelle cannonI de' in unione delle due Galee, per occor­ schioopi. rere al bisogno. Tutti li forti della Si penso inoltre dal Governo di Piazza non mancarono a proseguire Malta sped ire per le vicine campagne 10 spar~, da che n'ebbero il segno de' Cavalieri con truppa, a fine mentre i Francesi velocemente si d'in trodurre in citta tutto quello bes­ avvicinavan con le fascine per innal­ tiame d'ogni sorte, che incontravano. zare le trincee. La campagna intera Non si lasdava la notte il fuoco di era gia dominata da' nemici, e posti tutti i Castelli, e principalmente dal a soqquadro i Borghi, le piu belle Forte Ricasole, e dalle batterie a fior Ville, e Casine, uccisa buona parte d'acqua con palle infocate. Tentarono 12 HYPHEN i Francesi piu volte l'assalto nel nuovo interamente l'inclito Ordine, percio Forte Tigni con numerosissime scale, si risolse di capitolare. furon pero per tre volte respinti, e Nel giorno undici del Lunedi al battuti dalle oannonate a metraglia nascer del so:e per risoluzione del con gran perdita di Soldati Francesi. Consigli'o della Religione si alzarono Ma ecco un aUro funestissimo in tutti i CasteIli i Padiglioni bianchi avviso avutosi, d'essersi scoperta una in segno di Armistizio. Furono spediti congiura di cinque, e piu migliaja d' dalla parte di terra il Ball Susa Spa­ uomini, i quali alla seconda bomba da guol0, ed il Console iFormosa di lanciarsi dall'Armata nemica, dovea­ Olanda, portando una bandiera bian­ no sollevarsi, e passare a fil di spada ca, ed una trombetta in segno di tutti gl'individui dell'Ordine. I congiu­ parlamentare col General Francese, rati aveano fatto credere al basso che comandava i1 campo in Bilbikara, popolo, ch' era egli tradito da' Cava­ accio sospendesse l'attacco. Si erano lieri, e che questi' avessero chiamato contemporreamente indirizzati li la flotta francese, e disarmato i Cas­ Commissarj a bordo del General in telIi; per qual motivo adirati i Maltesi Capite Buonaparte, per trattare li Ca­ uccisero un Cavaliere, e ferirono for­ pitoli della Convenzione, ed un a'tro temente un Cavalier Francese, e 10 Cavaliere per portare 10 stesso Ql'dine condussero al Gran Maestro, e si al Comandante del Gozzo, a fine di negavano poi di ubbidire agli altri, che sospendere le ostila. il quale nel cam­ correvano 10 stesso pericolo, perche mino venne con tutta la Speronara creduti tradiiori, eccettuando pero i arrestato da una lancia Francese, e Cavalieri delle altre Nazioni, i quali presentato a Buonaparte, da cui per adempivano i1 10ro dovere. ore sei fu trattenuto prigioniere, ed A vista di tutto cio due ore dopo indi la sera rimesso in liberta e scor­ mezza notte unitisi i Baroni Maltesi ta~o da una lancia finche passa la con H Magistrato della Castellania; e linea della Squadra, per far ritorno con i Giurati dell'Universita, si sotto­ alla citta. La stesso giorno fu inviato scrissero in un foglio, e fattosi avanti dal General Buonaparte un suo Primo il Gran Maestro il Fiscale della detta Ajutante di Campo per trattare con i1 Oastellania, impose a nome del Pub­ Gran Maestro gli Articoli del' a blico di doversr Capitolare, e nel caso Convenzione. diverse si protestava di una rivoluz­ Dopo il congresso furono accordate ione contro gl'individui della Re'igio­ 24 ore di tregua cioe dalle ore 22 ne. del Lunedr, sino' all'ora stessa del Sorpreso il Gran Maestro, convoco dimani, e si mandarono dalla Religio­ subito Consiglio di Stato, in cui com­ ne insieme col detto Ajutante a bordo parve vestito di spada, e cappello, del General Buonaparte le persone che nOn come Gran Maestro, ma come doveano conchiudere, e sottoscrivere Principe di Malta, e radunatisi tutti i gli Articoli. Ritornati questi in Citta venerabili Ball Capitolari. l'Eminen­ il Martedi mattina del giorno 12, unis­ ti'ssimo HQmpesch manifesto allo stes­ si di nuovo il Consiglio, innanzi a cui so la trista circostanza, in cui ritrova­ furon lette le Convenzioni trattate la vasi, e consideratosi dal Consiglio. sera precedente, e si concedette ai che l'opporsi alla dimanda de' Ma­ Commissarj ogni autorita per fermarE. gistrati, e de' Baroni sarebbe stato 10 Cosi avvenne ecco tradotte fedelmen­ stesso ch'esporre al popolar furore te dal foglio francese, impresso a THE FRENCH INVASION OF MALTA 13

Bordo del Vascello Oriente del Gene­ se dara una pensione di settecento ral Buonaparte. = Franchi ai Cavalieri Francesi, che Convenzione stabilita fra la Repub­ sono attualmente a Malta vita duran­ blica Francese, rappresentata da una te. Questa pensione sara di mille parte dal Cittadino Generale in Capite Franchi per li ,cavalieri che sono di Buonaparte, e dall'altra da' Cavalieri sopra ad anni 60 di: eta. La Repub­ di S. Giovanni di Gerusalemme li blica 'Francese impieghera i suor ufficj Signod Ball. Torino Frisari, il Com­ presso la Repubblica Cisalpina, LiguL mendatore Bosredon Ransijat, i1 Baro­ Romana, ed Elvetica, affinche accor­ ne Mario Testaferrata, il Do~tor dassero la stessa pensione alli Cava­ Nicola Muscat, l'Avvocato Benedetto lieri della loro Nazrone. Schembri, e il Consigliere Bonanno Articolo V. La Repubblica Francese sotto la mediazione di Sua Maesta impieghera questi buoni ufficj presso Catto:ica Re di Spagna, rappresentata le Potenze dell'Europa, per conserva­ dal Signor Cavaliere FHippo Ama:o re ai Cavalieri delle loro Nazioni suo incaricato a Malta. l'esercizio de' loro dritti sopra H beni Articolo 1. I Cavalieri dell'Ordine di dell'ordine di Malta, situati ne' loro S. Giovanni di Gerusalemme rimet. Statio teranno all'Armata Francese la Citta, Articolo VI. I Cavalieri conserve­ e le Fortezze di: Malta, e rinunciano ranno le proprieta che posseggono in favore deUa Repubblica Francese i nell'Isola di Malta, e Gozzo a titolo dritti di Sovranita, e di' proprieta, ch' di proprieta particolari. eglino hanno sopra quest'Isola, come Articolo VII. Gli Abitanti dell'Isola sopra le Isole di Malta, di Gozzo, e di Malta, e Gozzo continueranno a di Comino. godere, come per 10 passato del libero Articolo n. La Repubb'ica iFrancese esercizio della Religione Cattolica impieghera la sua influenza al Con­ Apostolica Romana, conserveranno le gresso di Rastad, per fare ad avere proprieta, e privilegj, che posseggo­ al Gran Maestro sua vita durante un no, non si mettera alcuna contribu­ Principato equivalente a que 1 che zione straordinaria. perde, e frattanto la detta Repubblica Articolo VHI. Tutti gli Atti Civili, Francese s'impegna di fargli avere passati sotto il Governo dell'Ordine, una pensione annuale di trecento mila saranno valevoli, ed avranno le loro Franchi, che gli sara data oltre il esecuzioni. valore di due annualita lib ere dePa Fatta al Bordo del Vas cello L'Orien­ detta pensione a titolo d'indemnita te davanti Malta li 24 Prairial, anno per il suo mobile. Egli conservera nel VI. della Repubblica Francese; 12 di tempo che restera in Malta gli stessi Giugno 1798 Vecchio Stile. onori militari delli quali godeva. Luogo del Sigillo. Articolo UT. I Cavalieri dell'Ordine Firme. se dara una pensione di settecento Buonaparte. sono Francesi attualmente a Malta, n Commre. Bosredont Ransijat. 10 stato deIli quali sara arrestato dal Il Barone Mario Testaferrata. Generale in capite, potranno rien'rare Il Dr. Niccolb Muscat. nella loro Patria e la loro residenza Il Dr. Benedetto Schembri. in Malta sara contata come se rise­ Il Conse. F. T. Bonanno. dessero in Francia. Il Ban di Torino Fri:sani salvo i1 Articolo IV. La RepubbHca France- dritto d'alto Dominio, che 14 HYPHEN

appartiene al mio Sovrano, anno VI. della Repubblica Francese; come Re delle Due Sicilie. 12 di Giugno 1798., Vecchio Stile. El Gabbalero Felipe de Amat. Loco del Sigillo. In esecuzione degli Articoli conchiusi Firme li 24 Prairial fra la Repubblica Fran­ Buonaparte cese, e I'Ordine di Malta, sono state Il Commr. Bosredont Ransijat. date le disposizioni seguenti: Il Barone Mario Testaferrata. Articolo I. Oggi 24 Prairial il Forte Il Dr. Niccolo Muscat. Manuel, il Forte Tigni, il Castello S. Il Dr. Benedetto Schembri. AngeIo, le Opere di Bormola, della Il Consigliere F. T. Banno Cottoniera, e della Citta Vittoriosa, Il Ball di Torino Frisani, salvo ii saranno rimesse a mezzogiorno alla dritto d'altro Dominio, che truppa Francese. appartiene al mio ;Sovrano, Articolo H. Domani 25 il Forte come Re delle Due Sicili'e. Ricasoli, il Castello S. Elmo, le Forti­ El Gabbalero de Amat. ficazioni della Valletta, quelli dell a Alli 12 intanto del detto mese di Floriana, e tutti gli altri saranno Giugno entrarono per la porta de rimessi alle Truppe Francesi. terra due Reggimenti di (F·anteria Articolo Ill. Gli Officiali Francesi si Francese, e molti soldati di Cavalleria porteranno a dieci ore della mattina avendo lasciato questi i Cavalli fuori presso il Gran Maestro, per predere le mure, per impadronirsi de' posti, gli Ordini per 1i Governadori, che e de' Castelli della Citta, giusta il comandano negli differenti- porti, che seguito stabilimento. debbono essere consegnati ai Fran­ Alle ore 19 s'intese una grande cesi, e questi saranno accompagnati scossa, cagionata dalla Torre, detta di da un Uffidale Maltese per ciascun S. Giuliano, la quale ando tutta per IF'orte. aria con cinquanta Francesi che Articolo IV. Si daranno le stesse l'aveano assalito, per aver preso disposizioni per le Fortificazioni, che fuoco la conserva della polvere. per domani 25 debbono essere rimessi Verso le ore 21 s'inalbero la Ban­ ai Francesi. diera Francese nel Castello Ricasoli, e Articolo V. Nello stesso tempo, che di S. Elmo, e di poi in tutti gli altri si consegneranno le fortificazionL si castelli. consegnera l'artigli:eria, li magazzini, Le due Fortezze nominate Ricasoli-. e le carte appartenenti a1 corpo del e S. Angelo non volevano ominamen ~e genio. arrendersi, facendo incessante fuoco, Articolo VI. Le truppe dell'Ordine onde furono a110ra spedite dal Gran di Malta potranno restare ne11e Ca­ Maestro il Magistrato, il Gran Vis_ serme, che occupano, sino a che si conte, ed alcuni Preti, e con le loro proved era diversamente. persuazione fecero lasciare i forti, in Articolo VII. L-Ammiraglio France­ seguito della conchiusa Capitolazione. se nominera oggi un Ufficiale, per Fu spedita alle ore 22 per incontra­ prendere possesso de' Vascelli, GaJee. re il Generale Buonaparte una Galea, Bastimenti:, magazzini, ed altri effetti da lui richiesta. Il Gran Maestro des­ di marina, appartenenti all'Ordine di tino a tal uopo il Commendatore, Malta. Miari, e H Commendator Sanprl a Fatta al Bordo del Vascello l' prestare i loro ufficj; ma incontrati Oriente davanti Malta li 24 Prairial nel cammino, il detto Generale sopra THE FRENCH INVASION OF MALTA 15 una lancia col seguito d'altre sei 10 ai Francesi, e dopo la dimora di pochi salutarono COn la batteria della Gale­ minuti, prese nella quarantena alcune ra, ed abbassarono in una lancia provisioni, e si pose in cammino per alcuni Cavalieri, per offrirsr a servirlo Napoli. con la galea, come avea ordinato, ma La mattina de' 13 Giugno entrarono ringraziandoli il Buonaparte, incarico per la porta di terra moltissimi Sol­ loro di seguirlo. dati, e co si praticavano di giorno in NeJl'entrare prima in Citta si ferm~ giorno, commettendo sempre delle per 10 spazio di: un'ora nel Castello irruenze, e senza aver riguardo alle Ricasoli, ed ivi lascio la guarnigione, chiese stesse. Parte di essi si fissarono che seco portava sopra diverse lance. nel Castello di S. Elmo, e parte altro­ Indi venne in citta preceduto da una ye. Erano frattanto frequenti le segre­ lancia con dentro la Banda militare, te conferenze tra il General Buona­ quattro altre con le guardie del corpo, parte e i suoi ufficiali. e l'ultima la sua in uni:one de' Tenenti Alli 14 seguitarono ed entrare per Generali di Campo, e Generali. la porta di terra i soldati pedoni, e Sceso in terra, si trovarono pronte compirono il numero di circa a sei tutte !e carrozze del Gran Maestro; mila, divisi in piu Reggimenti. Alcuni una delle quale a sei cavalli. Due di essi si fissarono nel Castello di S. Battaglioni Francesi fecero cordone Elmo, e parte in altri: luoghi, altre di aIli detti cocchi, e 400 guardie pedoni altri circa a 30 mila soldati, ch'erano precedevano con la banda Militare, e sopra tutta la ISquadra. le cornette. Attendea il Gran Maestro la visita Giunto al Gigante, luogo COS! detto, del General Buonaparte. ed erasi pre­ discese dalIa carrozza, ed entro in parato a riceverlo pomposamente; ma Citta, preceduto, e seguito nella stes­ il detto Generale penso altrimenti per sa guisa come sopra sine alIa Casa opera de' Cospiratori. Venne intanto del Senato da' Generali, ed Ufficiali obbligato l'Eminentissimo Hompesch Francesi, e da' Cavalieri delI'Ordine, di portarsi: verso le ore 23 dal General dove formo la Municipalita, e final­ Buonaparte, vestito d'abito nero, sen­ mente si porto in Casa del Barone za spada, e bastone, ma con la Gran Parisi destinata per la sua abitazione Croce nel petto. Ebbe dalIe miIizie, Tutti gli Ufficiali francesi furon divi«j che guardavano il portone, l'onore ner le Case de' Baroni. e Mercatanti delle armi a spal'a, e tamburo bat­ Maltesi. come ancora de' Ban, e Ca­ tente 10 ricevettero nell'entrare due valieri. I Battaglioni iFrancesi si ritira­ ufficiali Francesi; altri due a mezza rono ne' quartieri, ma non lasciarono Scala, altri due ne:Ia porta dell a Sala, di saccheggiare i magazzini, e le bot­ altri: nella camera, ed anticamera, teghe di: vino. e di tabacco. fincM giunse col seguito de' Ba'i, e Fu nel giorno stesso intima to Cl Cavalieri dell'Ordine, e tutti senza n~rtire fra il termine di ore tre i' spada dentro, la camera di Buonapar­ Ministro immediato di Moscovia te, che trovallo alzato, e poscia An'onio Ovara, il quale il mercoledi la sedendo insieme con il Gran Maestro, "era del seguente giorno verso le ore dopo circa sette minuti si congedaro­ due. e mezza della notte capito nel no con 10 stesso cerimoniale. I1 Buo· n0rto di Siracusa sopra una speronara naparte lascio il Gran Maestro innanzi ed egli fu i1 orimo che diede la certa la porta della Sala, e fingendo di an­

e funesta notizia della Resa di Malta darsene1 ritorno, e 10 accompagno 16 HYPHEN sine all meta dell a Scala, facendo ala de' rispettivi loro Sovrani amici; il a dritta, e sinistra le guardie del Buonaparte si oppose, e si: protesto Corpo. Il Buonaparte restitul. poi la a non voler esser responsabile, ne visita al Gran Maestro, ricevendolo soffrivano qualche insulto da' soldati innanzi la porta della Sala, e tutti i vedendoli senza coccarda; onde alcuni Cavalieri schierati nel portone, e nelle si posero quella della rispettive nazio­ Scale restituirono al Buonaparte gli ne, ed altri la Francese. 11 Vescovo in stessi onori fatti al loro detto Gran sule prime non volle far uso dell a Maestro. coccarda, per cui si porto dal General Lo stesso Giorno il Vescovo, ch'era Vaubois; Comandante della Piazza, stato fatto prigoniero di Guerra in pregandolo diessentarlo di un tal Civita Vecchia, temendo di condursi distintivo. 11 Generale suddetto 10 nella Valletta per le insolenze gran­ persuase a portarla, per non essere dissime de' Soldati, fu accompagnato ad un Vescovo disonorevole e per non in Carozza dal Generale Vaubois, a comparir nemico delle leggi Nazionali. cui cedette l'onor del luogo. Le stanze esistenti nelle case della Ordinossi a tutti i Cavalieri dell' Fonderia vennero rovinate. La casa Ordine a partire nel termina di: giorni de' Poveri, situata nel luogo detto la tre, eccettuati i sessagenarj. I Portuesi Floriana, e mantenuta dal Gran pero fra due giorni. Maestro, si serro per non esservi piu 11 Vescovo verso le ore tredici fece chi la sostenesse. I poveri ammalati la visita a Buonaparte col seguito di del grande Spedale lasciati in abban­ alcuni Preti, e fu dal detto Generale dono, e gettati a terra ne' cantoni bene accolto,ed accompagnato sino ai dell a Citta. Distrussero i Francesi gli limiti della sua camera, proibendog~i Archivj appartenenti alle diverse Lin­ di portar la Gran Croce. gue della Religione. Profanate si Si comando poi di serrarsi tutte le videro le chiese; violate le zitelle, ed chiese della Religione, e di prontuarsi anche alcune donne d'anno 60, poste la nota degli ori, ed argenti-. Indi fu­ a sacco le case, portato via tutto il rono consegnate dal Generale le chiavi Tesoro, e l'Armeria. e l'argento anco­ di que1la di S. Giovanni per servirsene ra delle chiese, delio Spedale, e della di chiesa Cattedrale, ordinando al Religione. Vescovo suddetto a non far piu uffi­ Alli 14 a buon ora furono invitati i ciare, e a non aver parte alcuna i magistrati della Citta, e dell'Isola a Preti ConventuaU, ed a predicare COn portarsi nella sala dell' Albergo di l'ultima semplicita il Vangelo; cosl Francia ed ivi fecero H solenne giura­ parlo ancora il Buonaparte ai Monaci mento per tre volte di ubbidire alla Cappuccini. Costituzione Francese, e formossi Tutto il Clero Secolare, e Regolare poscia la Municipalita di nove Sog­ fu obbligato a portar la coccarda della getti. Repubblica Francese, e quelli che non Innanzi le chiese della Religione, usavano cappello appeso al petto. Le gia serrate si posero le sentinelle per donne pubbliche portavano la coccar­ ispogliarle'di tutto quanto di buono, da. Le zitelle pero furon nascoste da' e prezioso ivi racchiudeasi. Nel1a sola loro parenti, ed alcune non ostante chiesa di IS. Giovannr, oggi Cattedrale, cio vennero da' Francesi violate. I lasciarono a preghiere del Vescovo Cavalieri Nazionali fecero sentire al dodidi Calici due Pissidi, una Sfera, Generale di voler portare la coccarda incenziere, n~vetta, la canceUana di TIlE FRENCH INVASION OF MALTA 17 argento nella cappella del SSme. mandante, per essere trattati come Sagramento, un lampiere, e sei can­ Prigionieri di guerra; ed atteso l'armi­ deliori per ogni altare; Ma tutto cia stizio, ch'esiste tra la porta Ottoma­ dopo pochi giorno tu anche tolto da' na, e la Repubblica Francese, saranno Francesi. rimandati, quando il Generali in Nel giorno 15 si pubblica dalla Mu­ Capite l'ordinera, e quando avra nicipalita un Editto; affissato in tutti cognizione che i Bej acconsentiranno i Cantoni deIla CiWt di non far piu a rimandare in Malta tutti gli schiavi uso delle libree, e che non si dassero Francesi, 0 Maltesi, ch'essi: hanno in titoli ad a1cuno. Spezzarono tutte le lor potere. Tutti gli Abitanti dell'Isola armi della Religione, e de' particolari. di Malta, e Gozzo; che portassero la ch'erano ne' palazzi, nelle chiese, ed coccarda a tre colori. Nessuno abitan­ altrove, eccettuate queIle delle poten­ te potra portare l'abito Nazionale ze amiche, e perche nella confusione Francese, se non ne av:ra ottenuto il fu tolto il Regio Stemmo di NapoU: permesso specia!e dal General in Capi­ il Console se ne risenti, e subito si te, e se ne abbia reso meritevole. 'Si ordino di remettersi. Si voleano proibi inoltre di portar delle armi ridurre in pezzi tutte le lapidi sepol­ tanto nell'interno, che nell'esterno crali de' Cavalieri' della Religione delle case, di sigillare le lettere Con le ctentro S. Giovanni, ma per non per­ armi, 0 di adoprare titoli feudali, di dersi tutto il pavimento. a consiglio Ball, di Commendatore, e Cavaliere, e del Vescovo, si determino di vuotarsi far uso dell'antico uniforme dell' tutte sossopra. Alcuni soldati France­ Ordine di Malta. In ogni chiesa s'in­ si per le insolenze, aggravj, e scelle­ nalzino invece delle armi del Gran ratezze che commetteano, erano cas­ Maestro quelle dell a Repubblica. Resa ti,gati con pena di morte. e do per cessata la missione di diversi Ministri comando del General Buonaparte: non Plenipotenziarj. I Consoli: Stranieri ostante pera gli altri si rendeano debbano sospendere le loro funzioni, semDre piu arroganti e contumaci. e levar le armi sopra le loro porte, Al1i 16 ordino Buonaparte con un fin tanto che non avranno le lettere nllbhlico Editto in istampa sottoscrit­ credenziali del loro Governo. Tutti gli to non menD da lui che d'Alessandro stranieri, abitanti nell'Isola di Malta Berthier Generale di Divi·"ione. Cano di qualsisia grade si uniformino alle delle Stato Mas:>:giore. e del Vaubois accennate Costituzioni. Finalmente si Generale della Divisione Comandante prescrisse, che tutti li Controventori iT' capite delle Jsole di Malta: e Gozzo degli Articoli precedenti saranno con­ np.r cui si fece "apere Che gli Abitanti dannati per la prima volta ad una cti Malta saranno ormai' eguali ne' multa del terzo delle loro rendite, per rlritti, e i1 loro mArito. i1 loro partril)t­ la seconda a tre mesi di carcere, per ic:mo ed illoro affetto alla Repubblica la terza ad un anno di carcere, per la ]:;'''''l.ncp."p c;tabiliranno sol tanto la di quarta all'esilio dell'Isola di Malta, ed loro di:fferenza Abolita la sciavitu. alla Confiscazione della meta de' loro p. rimec:si in liberta tutti glj schiavi, beni. conosciuti "otto il nome di Buona­ Nel giorno 17 dePo stesso Giugno voq;l ia e nullo iJ contratto che fecero il Gran Maestro convoco Consiglio.. clic;onorevole alI'umanit~. Tutti gli congedandosi con le lagrime agli "chi'avi poi d'alcuni oarticolari saran­ occhi co BaIi, e Cavali:eri tutti dell' no posti nelle mani del General Co- Ordine, e sempre piangendo fece Ioro 18 HYPHEN sperare di dover avere l'Ordine di S. Maestro dimando per grazia prima di Giovanni di Gerusalemme miglior sit:.. partire di voler la Reliquia di S. Gio­ uazione di quella di Malta. Verso le vanni Batti'sta, a cui fu subito con­ ore 22 dal General Buonaparte fu segna ta, involta in un pezzo di carta augurato al detto Gran Maestro il senza la solita conserva d'oro. buon viaggio, e ricevuto venne nel Alli 19 s'imbarco di buon ora il Palazzo Magistrale, come si pratica General Buonaparte sopra una lancia nel restituirgli la visita. Indi alle ore per portarsi a bordo del suo Vascello, 5 della notte s'imbarco sopra un Bas­ ch'era uscito un giorno prima dal timento Imperiale mercantile, portan­ porto. Incomincio l'armata a far vel a do seco 22 persone, e fra queste per Levante, restando soltanto in Monsieur Licande Cameriere Maggio­ porto quindrci barche Cannoniere, e re, il Commendator Lagarda Secondo circa 20 Bastimenti di trasporto. La Mae3tro di Casa, il Bali Santrope co­ notte del detto giorno partirono una mandante de' VasceIIi, il Ban Moni­ Fregata Francese, ed una Galea di tara Gran Commendatore, il Commen­ Malta, dell a quale fu eletto Capitano dator Bordo Servente d'armi, il Padron Naro arnica Piloto Maltese; Commendatore Prepo Servente d'armi, portando tutte le Bandiere della Reli­ il Sotto Maestro Suidiere, H Guar­ gione, e circa a cento mila FucHi. S' da Mancia, e suo figlio Gravagnia, iI imbarcarono sopra la Flotta ancora Commendator Miari Segretario Mag­ per ordine del General Buonaparte le giore, e due Camerieri Segreti, e guardie del Gran Maestro, i So!dati scortato da una Fregata Francese sino de' VascelIi, e Galee, e moltissime ma­ a Trieste. GH furono pagati 300 mila rinaria, !asciando in Malta circa a sei Franchi a seconda della Convenzione. miJa Francesr, e tre Generali, in con­ consistendo ogni Franco due tari, set traccambio di quanto Maltesi irnbar­ grani, e quattro piceoli di moneta cossi. Il General Vaubois resto in Siciliana, della quale somma ne lascio capite, e Bosredont Ransijat fu eletto per i debiti 200 mila, e 10 resto in Presidente. polizze di cambio e in danaro effet­ Ne! giorno 20 seguitarono a darsi tivo, oltre di altre somme, che in una provvidenze, per sistemare cio, che i cassa imbarcossi, e tutti gli argenti, Francesr stimavano necessario alla provisioni', e roba, che avea nel Pa'a­ nUova politica costruzione dell'Isola. zio Magistrale. AlIi 21 Giugno giorno di Giovedi AIIi 18 il Capitan del Porto Piesrier­ comparve tre miglia distante da Sira­ ga imband' nel suo Casino di Cam­ cusa' l'unica divisione dell'Armata pagna alla Floriana in laute pranzo al Inglese, che si trova dentro H Mediter­ General Buonaparte. Nelle ore vesper­ raneo, compresa di 14 Vasce1li, cioe tine incomincio a far veJa la prima sette . di 74; e sette di 80 pezzi di divisione della Squadra, e la maggior Cannoni, comandata dall'Ammiraglio parte de' Bastimenti del Convoglio. Orazio Nelson privo del braccio des­ Part! ancora il legno carico di Argen­ tro, la quale era passata da Messina, to, oro, e gioje, prese dal tesoro, dallo andando in cerca dell a squadra Fran­ spedale, e dalle chrese dell a Religione, cese, e l'avrebbe certamente soprag­ scortate da una Fregata, per la Fran­ giunta se non veniva ingannato da un cia. Tutto l'argento fu ca1colato 80 Bastimento Raguseo nell'averle assi­ qUintali circa, e l'oro circa a 200 curato che avea fatto vela per Levan­ libre non comprese le gioje. Il Gran te, nell'atte che allora ritrovavasi THE FRENCH INVASION OF MALTA 19 innanzi Malta. La detta Flotta Inglese mantenimento di nuove truppe in poi alli 19 di Luglio entro tutta nel difesa della Citta. porto di Siracusa verso le ore 20, ed I Congiurati mostrano restar con­ alli 21 dello stesso verso la meda ora tenti del nuovo Governo Democratico, sopraggiunse un Brich con 18 pezzi ma la maggior parte della popolazione di: Cannoni, e la detta Squadra dimora vive dispiacuta. l'ancora in Siracusa che sono 1i 24 di I soldati avidi sempre di commet­ do. mese. tere rapine, abbandonano li stessi Alli 22 circa le ore 14 arrivo in posti de' Castelli, Iasciando la sola Malta un Bastimento Raguseo, por­ Sentinella. tando 20 mila pezzi duri dalla Spagna AlIi 14 Luglio si alzo innanzi il in cinque Cassa per conto del Tesoro, Palazzo del Gran Maestro I'Albero ignorando la funesta vicenda, della della Liberta COn 10 sparo di tutta I' quale somma se ne impadroni la artiglieria, e la sera illuminazione, ed Muni'Cipalita. una Gran Cena, e sotto l'Albero furo­ 11 Console Inglese residente in Mal­ no brudati tutti gli Archivj dell a ta nominato Guglielmo England, fu Religione. trattenuto per giorni 13 in arresto, e Tutti i Borghi sono evaccuati da' sabato 23 Giugno fu da' Francesi Francesi, perch?! cacciati da' Maltesi imbarcato sopra la speronara del con violenza, e si sono tutti ritirati Dispaccio, che 10 condusse in Siracu­ neHa Valletta. Si sono disarmati: tutte sa, da ove dopo la dimora di pochi le Torri, ed i cannoni trasportati in giorni: se ne part! gli venne in Malta Citta. sequestrato tutto il suo equipaggio, Quattro Fregatez edun Brich Ingle­ suggellate le carte dentro la propria se costeggiano sempre innanzi Malta casa, ove abitava con la sua Famiglia. per impedirle il commercio; una di AlIi 2 del Mese di Luglio, il General queste prese una barca Cannonniera, di Divisione Vaubois Comandante in che veniva da Francia, con alcuni Capite nelle IsoIe di Malta, e Gozzo. plichi e gli Inglese le buttarono a mare pubblico in istampa un editto, facendo 1i sei cannoni, si presero tutta la sapere al Popolo Maltese, che alli 14 provisione; una con li detti, e lascia­ dello stesso dovea pian tarsi l'Albero rono andar liberi in Malta la Barca della Liberta con queUe solite pubbli­ con tutti li Francesi. che cerimonie, praticate in altri Iuo­ Dentro H porto di Malta altro non ghi. sono restati della Religione, che tre Seguitano tutto giorno le rapine, le barche Cannoniere, due navi, e due violenze de' soldati Francesi ad onto ga,lee non atti a navigare. di qualunque castigo. Alcuni si man­ Gli Abitanti della Citta di Malta tengono ancora nelle campagne affli­ dopo le ore 24 si serrano volontaria­ gendo i poveri contaddini di quei bor­ mente dentro le loro case, senza ghi, ma questi animosamente li af­ punto uscire, nonostante il caldo frontano a costa della propria vita. eccessivo, che soffrono. Cercano i Francesi impadronirsi delle Tutto giorno ne' Cantoni della rendite, e de' fondi delle Cappellanie, Cit':a di Malta si vedono fissati Editti, ed Opere pie, come ancora di quel'e e nuove Leggi, ma non si curano, e la de' Monasterj e Conventi. Dimandato mag~ior parte resta ineseguita. hanno da' Baroni e Mercatanti la Sabato 21 del corrente Luglio alcuni somma di' due milioni di lire per 10 abitanti di Malta si rivoltarono contro 20 HYPHEN i Francesi, e uccisero molti, con Malta con le sue Isole. pochissima perdita di Maltesi, e si resero padroni di due Forti, con alzare ivi la Bandi'era del Re delle due Dr. Grazio V. Ellul B.A. Hons. (Land.), Sicilie. D.Litt. is Assistant Head at the Upper Questo El 10 Stato in cui Trovas: Secondary School, Valetta. THE BRITIS COUNCIL INDEPENDENCE SQUARE, VALLETTA 20,000 books 80 periodicals 1,300 records sheet music books for children British and Maltese newspapers

The Library and Reading Rooms are open to the public free of charge. There is a small annual subscription for borrowers. This Library is intended to be of particular assistance to teachers, students and people in academic and professional fields. ANTONY: THE SHAKESPEAREAN COLOSSUS - Part II *

David Cremona

Among the problems with which an elastic concept of time, in terms Shakespeare was faced when he was of which objective circumstance pro­ contemplating ANTONY AND CLEO­ ceeds at a regular unhurried rate, PATRA, which was to be in some sort wheras individual characters of note a sequel to JULIUS CAESAR (as well seem to live at a subjective speed as a tragedy in its own right), there which is considerably accelerated. were two which he had met before That Shakespeare was not unaware and solved reasonably well. The first of the paradoxes involved may per­ is partly technica:l: how to maintain a haps be gleaned from Rosalind's pat­ fairly clOse continuity of events with ter on the subject in AS YOU LIKE the preceding play in a sequence, and IT: 'Time travels in divers paces with yet a.J:low for a change, often an ex­ divers persons'. Once the convention treme change, in a principal character. is accepted - and in the general sus­ The other, rather more difficult, pension of disbelief accorded to the how to present a personage onstage play, this is not difficult - it is seen who is to be truly heroic, without hav­ to work very well. ing him fall into Marlovian rhetoric or The problem involved in the deline­ more rhodomontade. ation of a heroic figure on stage is In both cases, the chronicle plays had rather more complex and more deli- already presented analogues. The re­ solute implacable figure of Bolingbroke ~~O~~ t~~~ CL~~~~T~~ra~~~ in RICHARD 11 is already 'weary' and made further compficated by the dra­ 'wan with care~ in the first line of matic necessity of showing that hero­ H~NRY IV part 1, and is broken in ism obliquely, askance, as it were, in health and spirit halfway through part the distorting mirror of unflattering 2, yet the events in all three plays vicissitude; indeed, often in eclipse are otherwise felt to fol1ow on each and finally in decline. Many of the other without interruption. Earlier plays, concerned with warfare either still, the lusty and triumphant Edward as matter for conquest, means of poli­ IV, newly restored to the throne in tical domination, or merely gentle­ the last scene of HENRY VI part 3, is manly avocation, deal with figures of already spoken of as wasted and ail­ solidierUy eminence, but the nearest ing in the first scene of RIOHARD III parallels must be with those whose and dies shortly thereafter, yet hard­ protagonists are warriors before they ly enough time seems to have passed, are anything else, even if they over­ judging by concurrent events, to allow lay individual prowess with some for this. In effect, Shakespeare adopts other gloss. A Henry V, simplified as

* Ant01£y: The Shakespearean Colossus - Part I appeared in Hyphen Number 2, Winter 1978, pp. 36-46. 22 HYPHEN he is from the earlier Ha:l, who is yet it is a heroic excess in debauchery not without either subtlety or policy which is, when all is said, only the - his father's son in that; an Othello, other side of the coin, of which the whose 'occupation' is war, victim of obverse is his heroic excess in battle his own image of himself; a Macbeth, - concedes that 'sometimes, when a fighting general of high birth and he is not Antony. He comes too higher ambition whose conduct in bat­ snort of that great property I which tle is described in terms which very still should go with Antony'. Some­ closely recall those applied to times. This then is not a permanent Amtony. All three, like Antony, are condition, a period of 'poison'd hours', much concerned with 'honour', a a bank of clouds obscuring for a while word whose multifarious ramifi­ the bright luminary that is Antony. cations lent themselves to paradox; it A 'Roman thought' can still break is when Macbeth begins to quibble through the clouds, and Antony reas­ with the word that he destroys him­ sume himself. After all, this is the self, losing honour in seeking to aug­ 'masker' and 'reveller' of the earlier ment it, in spite of Banquo's warn­ play; if we have not had the oppor­ ing. He would not, of course, have tunity before of seeing him in his cups taken kindly to advice from Banquo or at his whoring, it was because the in any case, since he feels that 'under pressure of greater events allowed him/My Genius is rebuk'd; as it is time for neither. Now the crisis is said / Mark Antony's was by over, and some relaxation is permis­ Caesar's'. The analogy is there, cer­ sible. In Cleopatra, too, Antony has tainly, though the other circumstan­ met a 'royal wench', one who has al­ ces differ greatly. ready fascinated the mighty Julius and The Antony we hear of in the ex­ Pompey the Great, neither (in Shakes­ asperated opening speech of the play peare) much add!cted to incidental is complained of in terms the very amours or Sybaritic luxury. Antony, antithesis of heroic; he is described as we know, is particularly prone to as besotted, maudlin, hag-ridden in just those things. In coming to Egypt one sense at least, and ridiculous: 'a he has found, if not a spiritual home, strumpet's fool'. Yet the same speech at least an earthly Paradise for that reminds us that this man has been part of his disposition given to sensual­ a very god of bottle, Herculean in his ity and self-indulgence. It is Aeaea, strength and feats: all of which is con­ and Cleopatra is the Circe whose stanly confirmed by other sources, charms effect a swinish metamorphos­ favourable to him or hostile, in the is in him, for if he is of the Odyssean course of the p'lay. Skilfully Shakes­ brand of heroism, no thoughtful Her­ peare interweaves disgust and admir­ mes has provided him with the moly ation, each setting off the other; and to ward off her compelling charms. The if for the present the Olympian en­ only counterspeH he can intermittent­ ergy is withdrawn, and the Egyptian ly use is his Romanitas.. This should degradation a squalid reality, yet the not be discounted however: he is existence of that mighty potential has Roman, very much so, and a noble been established. That the context is Roman at that. He has in fact become negative is unimportant. Antony, one of the three mightiest Romans, moreover, will not be drunk forever. one of the 'world-sharers', and it is en­ The Roman soldier who austerely tirely by dint of the Roman virtues of condemns him for his excess - and manly vigour, spartan self-denial, Stol- ANTONY: 'I1HE SHAKESPEAREAN COLOSSUS - PART II 23 cal indifference to hardship, relentless the 'garboils' created by his brother and unflinching effort in pursuit of his and wife in Italy, the latter's death in aims. It is his misfortune perhaps that Sicyon, the victories of Labienus at a these admirable qualities should in time of his own inertia, the political him each be matched, and at times jockeying for position in Rome, and overmatched, by its opposing vice; sot­ the Pompey rebellion, all of which tish lethargy, gross self-indulgence, an might have been prevented, matched Epicurean love of sensual delight, total or settled by energetic action on his abandonment in a languor of end­ part. Yet though he castigates himself less debauch. And Egypt the land, and unsparingly, he is never recriminatory certainly Egypt the queen, are most or hysterical, fatal signs of weakness. exquisite'y gifted to gratify these Nothing is more mistaken than to con­ vices on a truly heroic scale. It may sider him a 'weak' character. True, he be ignoble, but it is consistent, that has weaknesses, flaws; bu t Lepidus the negative Antony should so exactly speaks for iShakespeare when he de­ parallel the positive one. The sca;e, clares these to be negligible in com­ whether of achievement or of loss, of parison with the strong positive quali­ ambition or of indifference is at all ties; adding that the very magnitude times superhuman, and ~t certain of his character enhances, if only by times, terrifying. The negative aspect contrast, the disfiguring blemishes. may be, at its worst, an appalling When Antony gravely speaks of him­ selfishness, an unpardonable irrespon­ self as 'the firm Roman', it is no vaunt: sibility; but there is nevertheless a he is firm in the contemplation of his perverse sort of magnanimEy in such defects, firm in apologising for them a statement as 'Let Rome in Tiber where a man of weaker character melt, and wide arch/ Of the rang'd would not risk compromising his 'dig­ empire fall'. This is a man who nity', firm equally in refUSing to be conquers the world with Roman crushed by those defects, and firm, in doggedness in Roman sobriety, the face of spiteful accusations by and carelessly gives it away piecemeal Caesar, in refusing at once to be pro­ in Egyptian carousal and jest. One voked into losing his temper and to be man, indivisible; yet his Roman friends browbeaten into shouldering more of can only see the great triumvir the responsibility for past misunder­ through their straitened vision, and standings than he dispassionately con­ regret one aspect of him as betraying siders to be rightly his. He is weak the other. His Roman enemies hardly only in confrontation with Cleopatra, concede him nobility at all. and then it is largely because (as wdth Antony himself, has no such universal Lady Macbe:h and her Thane) she is, view of his own character as will per­ to a very considerable extent, a power­ mit him to accept himself for what he ful externalisation of impulses at work is, the good and the bad together. He within him. Might Macbeth have re­ cannot say, with Parolles, 'Simply the sisted the murderous ambition within thing I am I Shall make me live'. He him had he not an even more ruthles­ lacks the detachment in his Roman sly ambitious wife to spur him on (to moments; especially when his awak­ say nothing of the Weird Sisters)? ening awarene!?s, lashed by self-con­ Could Antony have kept under control tempt, is further exacerbated by the the anarchic sensuality within him had salt smart of external event - such as he not fallen into the toils of the 24 HYPHEN voluptuously sensual queen of a land ing mechanics to smirk and titter at: of eternal hedonism? Profitless specu­ Antony to be brought drunken forth, lation, in either case. In both the Cleopatra's greatness exposed for en­ p~ays, events ran otherwise. The tertainment 'i' the posture of a parallel is one of which Shakespeare whore'. Yet already in the first act of could not but have been aware, I the play, eternity was in their lips and think; there are strong affinities bet­ eyes, bliss in their brows' bent; their ween the two plays. In each, a vigor­ every part, a race of heaven. As ously heroic soldier yields to the early as then, they had left the plod­ blandishments or persuasion of a ding succession of days (the dreary succuba, against his better nature 'tomorrow and tomorrow and to­ and judgment, to his brief gra­ morrow' which is Macbeth's af­ tification and eventual ruin; both of fliction), for an eternal now the women concerned are overwhelm­ whose instancy is love, not per­ ed in the debacle they have been in­ haps as rarefied as moralists would strumental in bringing about. The dif­ wish, but love notWithstanding. In this ferences are as significant as the simi­ time outside time, the normal division larities, it may be thought. Where in­ of night and day, with the activity con­ ordinate ambition is a corrosive, des­ ventionaUy assigned to each, hardly troying predator and prey in that or­ exists; the concerns of the everyday der, having already destroyed the posi­ world matter not at all; the world can tive bond of love between them, sen­ go hang. In anyone of lesser stature, suality is with difficulty separable from this colossal indifference, already re­ love (in our play, there is no separ­ marked on above, would be a foolish ation, in fact) and through over-indul­ and reprehensible solipsism. In them gence is as assuredly ruinous, there is - well, to the Roman world it is a an Elysium for Antony as there is not monstrous irresponsibility, no doubt; for Macbeth, nor any corresponding to us, filtered through the lens of the Heaven; and Cleopatra survives him, Shakespearean vision, it might even partly to suffer longer that she may seem a truly superhuman unconcern the more properly purge herself of that with anything so trivial as mortality. remnant animality which still in part They have entered upon eternity - or tinges her; that done, she too has im­ a reasonable facismile thereof; what mortal expectations. have the irksome squabbles and sordid She has moreover another function to affrays over a few feet - or a .few perform: with the clear vision of the thousand miles - of grubby soil here disillusioned and the dying, freed or there to do with them? It is ines­ finally of time and wormy cir­ capable, that aura of divinity about the cumstance, she portrays for Dola­ indifference, though it is the alchemy be]a and for the world the true of poetic presentation that makes the - dramatically, poetically, pneum­ vision golden. New earth, new heaven atologically true - stature of Antony: are required to compass the love that not the less true for being told, as it an Antony can give - cannot but give were, in a vision, and with the dying - to a Cleopatra; the existing arrange­ rapture of dream music. The Romans ment will not do. Antony away, the in­ can only be expected to see the exter­ tervening period till his return to nals, simplified in the burlesque re Alexandria is a 'great gap of time' to ductio ad absurdum of a play for stink- Cleopatra; similarly, when her barge ANTONY: THE SHAKESPEAREAN COLOSSUS - PART II 25

is rowed down Cydnus, and time heady air of Olympus. Or so Shakes­ stands still, the city empties itself, peare induces us to interpret the mat­ and the very air almost had left too, to ter. Granted, this brave claim is made gaze on her, making 'a gap in nature'. by Antony when in his cups; the later They have their own time; their own Antony seems to recant, involving space; their own dimension. All about himself anew with imperial business. them is larger, richer, other than But then, his view of himself, coloured the mundane world in which.. by Roman convention, is not necessar­ nevertheless, they yet exist, and ily correct, as has already been sug­ towards which both, but especial­ gested. An appeal is always open from ly Antony, have grave responsibilities. Antony sober to Antony drunk. In vino Which he is ignoring. It is part of their veritas is a Roman proverb, after all. dilemma that they are called upon to Rather than those defects of charac­ live in both worlds at once, and these ter which Roman severity and the cen­ are incompatible, with different rules, sorious world condemn as flaws, it and obligations which run counter to might be more profitable, reversing each other. They are constantly being the viewpoint, to examine what con­ condemned, where they should not siderations inhibit the 'mutual pair' even be assessed, by the rules of this from achieving their Own kind of har­ world: yet their own views are condi­ mony. One element is implicit in the tioned by it. The paradoxes abound. sequencing of the plays already re­ Antony acknowledges that he has not ferred to. The Alexandr,ian revel which 'kept the square'; yet we are toM that opens the play takes place, we are the excess of all passions beomes him made to feel, at no great time after - 'so do they no man else'. Cleopatra Philippi, yet we see an Antony not equally is seen to be more gracious by only apparent,y far gone in 'dotage', reason of her faults: 'everything be­ beyond a:ll expectation engendered by comes' her; defects physical and moral the finale of JUVIUS CAESAR, but are transformd into so many perfec­ naggingly conscious also of his ad­ tions, so that even the holy priests vancing years. With Cleopatra too, and bless her when she is riggish. It is felt perhaps more keenly, this is a source to be fitting that two such personali­ of unease and self-doubt. Each is re­ ties should be at the top of the hier­ gretfully aware of it in himself or her. archical pyramid of the world; it is no self; both consequently fear for the less appropriate that, by a different stability of their love, based as it part­ logic, they should ignore that world ly is on manly vigour and feminine and its needs, being who they are and beauty, transient qualities. The irony what they are: they stand up peerless. is that their worries and fears are un­ For them it is manifest that 'the noble· justified; but their self-confidence is ness of life is to do thus' (be totally eroded. Antony is conscious, as every absorbed in each other, ,in effect) 'when man must be who has reached the such a mutual pair and such a twain head of his particular profession, of can do't'. No egalitarian nonsenes here nothing left to strive for, and, in the about the idylls of Jack and Jill: these retrospective pause, of the expendi­ are two matched colossi, their legs ture of energy, concentration and - perhaps of friable Egyptian clay, ulti­ above all - youth in the achieving of mately frangible, but their heads of his present status. Since love is tradi­ super-refined gold towering high tionally a young man's vocation, yet above the region cloud, breathing the he is himself passionately involved 26 HYPHEN with Cleopatra, there cannot fail almost diametrically opposed; the to colour his love certain compli­ natural fear and suspicion between cating factors: uncertainty, jea­ two equaHy powerfully rivals in a lousy, a loss of dignity keenly real­ shifting situation. Add to these the ised, an underlying melancholy, a bit­ psychological inhibition Antony feels terness at times. The jealousy may be in Caesar's presence, and we have the extended outside the amatory; to ris­ makings of a very pretty little ferment ing soldiers such as Labienus, Venti­ of resentment. The one element that dius, young Pompey; this in his own seems not to have contributed its professi'on of arms. It is not a strong venom is a fear that Cleopatra might jealousy, to be sure - Ventidius' com­ enchant Caesar sexually; Octavius no ments may be a little sour, and Pom­ doubt is as forbiddingly chaste (to the pey's assessment the truer tribute. temperaments of Antony and Cleo­ Such as it is, however, it is age which patra) as his unenthusiastic sister. lends edge to it. EssentiaUy the uncer­ Even the eye of jealousy, quick to per­ tainty is emotional; unsure of her love, ceive betrayal where none yet exists, and even of her loyalty, through-out and prompting savage reprisal (not much of the fourth and fifth acts, he that Thidias/ Thyreus wins much sym­ torments both himself and her. That pathy) stops short of considering she should have 'pack'd cards Caesar as a rival in love. with Caesar' must have seemed at any There are other betrayals possible, to time unlikely; but his judgment, dis­ be sure. Cleopatra has been 'a boggIer torted by conflicting passions at that ever', and might (after all) have accep­ stage, is vitiated. A third strand of ted Caesar's terms: so Antony be­ jealousy may have served further to lieves. Yet this is not entirely fair to warp his mind: that of the 'boy' Oleopatra. True, there is a deal of Caesar. Cleopatra is prone to goad moral obliquity in her character; she is him with references to Caesar, sug­ a born 'survivor'. Then, she has had to gesting that Antony feels a sense of In­ be, in the turbulent politics, domestic feriority to him which is nowhere ap­ and international, of her Egypt. She parent, except in the matter of luck has a highly developed instinct to ad­ analysed by the soothsayer and con­ apt to any situation she is faced with, firmed by Antony. (Macbeth had been however drastic, however desperate; similarly scornful of 'the boy Mal­ hers in the sinuousness of the serpent colm', who was to defeat him in battle that Antony calls her. She is infinitely and succeed him as king). It is a supple morally, and bends where jealousy compounded of various ele­ others might break Not so Antony; ments: the resentment of middle age his backbone may be a little curved towards youth, and a youth already with age and debauchery, but he has established, at that; the scorn of a never learnt, will never ,learn, it is not good man-at-arms, a 'sworder', for one in his nature, to bow before the whirl­ who held his weapon 'Elen like a dan­ wind. Eastern he may be in his sym­ cer'; the amused contempt of a profes­ pathies and in many of his pleasures, sional general for an amateur whose but this particular flexibility he will victories were won for him by proxy, find contemptible. And since she can­ by 'lieutenantry'; the total incompati­ not make an Egyptian of him, and bility and ensuing antipathy between keep him great, or even alive, two men whose talents and faults were she borrows Romanitas of him, ANTONY: THE SHAKESPEAREAN COLOSSUS - PA:RT H 27 most Roman in his death, and science - for he is a gentleman kiI:s herself in turn 'in the high - Antony marries Octavia 'for his Roman fashion', making death peace', and plays fair for as long proud to take her. Possibly, though, as he can; until her brother high­ there was little choice left her. The lip handedly takes it upon himself to that had charmed C. Julius Caesar. Cn. suppress Pompey and depose Lepidus, Pompeius Magnus, and M. Antonius in without consulting his new brother-in­ turn is 'wan'd'. She is 'wrinkl'd deep in law and former partner; moreover he time'; her complexion darker than it goes out of his way to alienate Antony was in her 'satlad days'. Even with by slighting remarks pubUcly made Antony she dare not rely on her physi­ and by a grudging and ungenerous of­ cal appeal alone, but must play an ela­ ficial mention. Morally relieved of his borate and sterile game, tauntng him obligations, Antony heads back to constantly, plaguing him with tan­ Cleopatra, giving Caesar the eXcuse he trums. She cannot afford, so she needs for launching on all-out, winner­ thinks, to let him take her for granted. take-all war, Cleopatra and Antony So the jaded meat she has to offer have in the meantime officially crown­ must be made more piquant by sharp ed themselves in a ceremony 'a,s much 8auces and astringent herbs. How far religious as royal; they seem to have this policy accoun:ts for her more-than­ arrogated to themselves the trappings, lunar changeability, and how far she and something of the status, of divi­ is the Elizabeth concept of Woman nity. Tota'ly committed to Cleopatra carried to the nth degree, is uncertain. now, he is more heavily infatuated She is queenly and sluttish at once, with her than ever before: and his in­ noble and bawdy,by turns, now girlish­ infatuation has by this time not only ly sentimen ~al, now shrewishly affected his statesmanship: it is fast spiteful, again tearful and pathetic: corrupting his generalship and invad­ the epitome of wilfulness, yet stable ing his common sense, No doubt what enough at bottom if she might only be he is suffering from is la kind of hubris; sure of her anchor, Antony, Again he has for so long been the heroic war­ paradox obtrudes itself: she can, yet rior and triumphator that the thought she can not. That is, did she but know, of his losing to the amateur soldier Antony is safely hers: they are the Octavius is inconceivable, so why .'mutual pair' of his claim, But of this should he not indulge darling Cleo's she cannot be sure for much of the whim and fight on her bright new play, or he of her towards its end. Hinc navy? Protest only evokes stubborn­ illae Iacrymae. ness, and he ignores the remonstran­ The actual events of the play, seen ces of Enobarbus, of his seasoned gen­ from this aspect, seem unimportant, eml, even of the old legionary, And They allow Antony to make a bid to after hubris, peripeteia; eventually, in reassert himself in his own mastery; both the technical and the idiomatic he shows great forbearance towards sense of the word, catastrophe. And Caesar under gross and petty-minded this is just: Antony the mortal, how­ provocation; his presence dwindles the ever exalted and renowned among men mighty menace of Pompey's bid for for his eminence and luck in warfare, domination to a piratical expedition, is subject to the gods, not least to and the budding world-ruler is fobbed Fortuna, notoriously fickle. He must off with the crumbs of Sicily and Sar­ die before the immortal can be whollv dinia, With some shuff1.ing of his con- freed, The Roman commander-in-chief, 28 HYPHEN self-charged in the most vehement indirectly, betrayed his soldiership; but manner of conduct unbecoming a sol­ it no longer matters. His horizons dier, let alone an imperator, and of tur­ have suddenly widened - widened pitude disgraceful in any Roman, but beyond mortality. Nothing now re­ especially base in the greatest Roman mains but for him to release that true of all, disintegrates; in successive fi~s inner self, finally identified, which of self-disgust, horror, rage, recrimin­ can only find empery and satiety in ation, bewilderment,' reconciliation, Cleopatra'.sarms. As with Brutus in melancholy and after an attempt at the earlier play, his friend and servant rallying of spirits - all totally intro­ declines to be the instrument of killing spective, as if he cannot escape the him; Eros indeed stabs himself sooner fascinated contemplation of his own than fulfil an oath. Antony is wonder­ falling apart - he staggers on to one fully humble now: no l"ating, no in­ more heroic but inconc~usive victory, temperate bellowing under the pricks then is finally shattered in irreversible of Fortune. The tone is quiet, reSigned: defeat. He gropes blindly, wondering­ he accepts the tribute of Eros' death, ly for identity: Antony in defeat is no and if he is a little bitter at botching longer the Antony he remembers and his own suicide, he has the feliCity of recognises, the only Antony he has learning that Oleopatra lives still. He known; who then is he? He has hardly makes no reproaches for her deceit, he vitality enough now to curse Cleo­ is haunted by no guilt, he experiences patra, though he believes she has be­ no shame now: that is all past. He is trayed him. Yet the news of her death dying honourably - !8. Roman by a (false though it is) resolves matters Roman valiantly vanquished; he is ly­ once and for all: it is the touchstone ing in her arms, her kisses on his that tests true metal. The complex is­ brow. They may not staunch his sue is miraculously clarified. The fugi­ wounds nor salve his hurts, but his tive soldier, the defeated general, the tormented spirit is wonderfully at disgraced 'emperor', the renegade peace. His thoughts are for her: with Roman, these aspects all cease to mat­ what his failing breath will allow, he ter: the situation is drastically sim­ soothes her anguish, comforts her for plified by death. It becomes a clear the future, giving what counsel he can; case of, can he live, and be essentially there is no thought that he expects she himself as he now realises that self t.o should foHow, though he has attemp­ be, without Cleopatra. All the cere­ ted to follow her. Finally, without mony and deference taken for granted bragging, he invites her to consider in the past, stripped of which he had what splendour their common past had feIt so diminished, are now seen to be achieved. And so he dies. The star is nonessentials: robes of state, indeed, fallen; and time is at his period. but one is a king without them. It is There are no earthquakes, no mighty symbolic that at this point he throws upheavals, no fissures in the orphaned off his armour; it is as irrelevant to the earth, no reversal of the natuml order, real soldier as purple and gold to the such as even Caesar half-expects at so lord of men. Macbeth, faced with de­ momentous an event. 'A moiety of the feat and death, puts on his armour: world' is dead; the other half lives on soldiership is the one thing in himself impoverished. Fortune now flaunts he has not betrayed, and which will Caesar like a minion: he is the 'sole sir not therefore betray him. Antony has, o· the world'. Increasingly, however, ANTONY: THE SHAKESPEAREAN COLOSSUS - PART II 29 we are made to see, as the dying of Antony as she has known him in a Antony has seen perhaps, as Cleopatra timeless past, as he now is in her mind with her mind set on death sees also, as an abiding reality. how paltry it is to be such, great mere­ I dreamt there was an Emperor Antony ly by grace of Fortune, a sop given to ... His face was as the heav'ns, and therein men by the gods 'to excuse their after stuck wrath'. Caesar may now dispose of A sun and moon, which kept their course men and kingdoms; he may even dis­ and lighted pose of Cleopatra, so it seems. But he This little 0, the earth ...... i:s not Fortune; and, 'not being For­ His legs bestrid the ocean: his rear'd arm tune, he's but Fortune's knave.' Crested the world. His voice was propertied All his far-sighted schemes, his As all the tuned spheres, and that to tortuous deep-laid poliCies, the stud­ friends; ious cultivation of the public image But when he meant to quail and shake seen from the standpoint of eternity, the orb, they seem childish, petty, absurd. He is He was as rattling thunder. For his bounty as truly 'an ass unpolicied' as she 'a There was no winter in't; an autumn 'twas lass unparalleled'. To rise above For­ That grew the more by reaping, His tune and her current servant by doing delights 'that thing ... Which shackles acci­ 'Were dolphin-like, they show'd his back dents and bolts up change', that is above greatness. There is moreover some The elements they liv'd in: in his livery small relish in frustrating Caesar's \Valk'd crowns and crownets; realms and triumph in its determined fullness - island were a flick on the nose at the last, to show As plates dropp'd from his pocket. him how far his power extends, world­ To be the eternal wife of such a master though he may be. It is not Titan is in itself an apotheosis; and easy for so vital a creature as Cleo­ her courage earns her the right to that patra to do, this: to release her hold title, in the teeth of all pallid morali­ on life, and with such amused assur­ ties. The finale is solemn, hieratic, ance. An her past cries against it: her stately: she is the hierophant presid­ every instinct must be oveI'borne. In ing over her own dissolution, and all the general catharsis brought about by must be done well. Robed, crowned, sorrow and humiliation, all her gros­ crook and flail in hand, finally serene ser elements are laid aside: she is air beyond change, supreme in majesty and fire. Now indeed worthy of Antony and beauty, as if she were once more at the last. she can see him with a for Cydnus to meet her Antony: she clarity and a vividness unsuIlied by has never been so self-possessed, so the viciss1itude /oit change. DIolabella regal, yet tender and lyrically gentle will not aoknowledge the justice of the withaL It is a wildly improbable yet vision; and we ourselves hardly recog­ exquisitely apt conclusion: one more nise it from our personal experience of paradox. She is, what Oharmian calls the man. Yet there is no sentimental her. the Eastern star, most beautiful canonising here, no wistful aggran­ at its setting, yet in setting finally dizement by hindsight. If Cleopatra matched in an eternal firmament with has survived her Antony by .an entire that other fallen star which is Antony. act that she may prepare herself for A last paradox: she kills herself, dying him, she also lives that she may pro­ in the high Roman fashion; yet the in­ vide us with this exceptional portrait strument of her death is as essentially 30 HYPHEN

Egyptian as Antony's shortsword is VergHian one in Elysium, where they Roman. More, it is just suoh a 'serpent will supplant their prototypes, Dido of old Nile' as Antony has always and Aeneas - the one a powerful called her. Only Cleopatra can kiII North African queen, the other the Cleopatra, as Antony can be killed by ancestor of all Romans, fleeing from Antony alone. Demigods are mortal, the ruins .of gutted .Troy - as the ex­ but they lay down their own lives at emplars of true lovers. This then is wiII. Shakespeare's solution to the second The tragedy - insofar as it is a tra­ problem, how to depict the truly her­ gedy - is electric with paradox, as oic man, at once a professional sol­ has appeared. Its theme is greatness, dier like Othello, a great nobleman its protagonists heroic in the strictest like Macbeth, and an honour-dealing c1assicaI mould, Emperor and Queen, king like Henry V, but wth a Roman exceptionally masculine man in the dimension added. Let him be great­ traditional male roles of warrior and souled enough to conquer the world, autocrat, essentially feminine woman yet magnanimous enough too not to in the traditionally female posture of be possessed by it. Unking'd Riohard enchantress and succuba. Yet both II collapses into a welter of narcissis­ warrior king and seductive siren tic self-pity, yet discovers the poet in are in decline, uncertain of them­ himself; but Antony, defeated and dy­ selves and consequently, though need­ ing, is calm with the calm, of eternity. lessly, of each other. To the extent He surveys the past without regret. that the progression is one ~rom abso­ Not Rome, not Egypt, not the world, lute power and authority to a condi­ certainly not life does he grudge los­ tion of ruin and suicide, the play fits ing. He has lived 'the greatest prince into the category of tragedy as gener­ l' the world, the noblest'; he dies by ally understood. On the human plane, his own hand, in Cleopatra arms: however, there is a counter-movement, all passion spent. SimiIarly, she a development towards self-know­ slides into death with his name on ledge and fulfilment. For this, the in­ her lips, the deadly babe at her breast, essential and distracting panoply of in an almost sexulail languon, No imperi:al pomp and military glory more than for Samson is there cause must be stripped off, and the stature for mourning here. All has been well of protagonists revealed - as with done. Both have travaiIed, suffered classical statuary - in heroic nudity and been cleansed of their baser ele­ It is a lengthy, violent, humiliating ments; each in dying looks to other, and painful process, imperfectly un­ juster worlds than this, which has derstood and for long resisted: con­ never been worthy of them. There, vention blinds even the unconven­ they wiII reassume that eternity tional. With hindsight it is clear that which was always properly theirs, un­ no other path was open to Antony, troubled by mundane concepts of too great to be anything but lord duty and the like,so dear to a glori­ of the world, yet too great also fied civil servant like Octavius Caesar. to be concerned with so small a His changes are still to come, nor will thing as the world. Mars. Hercules, they be all pleasant: but they are set Jove, half the Pantheon 'is invoked firm beyond change, in an endless to trick him out fully, as Venus Elysian afternoon among the aspho­ and Tsis are on Cleopatra's be­ dels. half; their real immortality is the INORGANIC COMPLEXES: AN INTRODUCTION Alfred Vella

DEFINING COMPLEXES A complex or coordination compound consists of a central metal atom which is associated with a number of mo;ecules or ions called the ligands. The complex mayor may not be charged and generally its properties are distinct from those of the free metal ion and ligands that constitute it. Complexes are, in fact, more ubiquitous than is generally imagined. When a soluble ionic compound is dissolved in water, its ions are hydrated, i.e. become associated with the solvent molecules by an ion-dipole interaction (fig. 1). In general, cationic radii are smaller than anionic ones and the () 'D 00·':;JO 00

fig. 1. cation-water interaction is therefore greater and more important than that between anions and water. In fact we can consider the cations to form new distinct species in aqueous medium, namely, aquo complex ions. The greater the charge density of the cation (Le. the charge/radius ratio), the stronger will be the force of attraction of the ion for the water Iigands. Thus species like FeZ +, MnZ +, Cr3 + etc. exist, at low pH, mainly as discrete hexaquo complex ions [M(H20)6]n + and direct evidence for the existence of these species comes from ultraviolet spectroscopy and other sources. Non-transition metal ions, e.g., MgZ +, Sn2 +, Al3 +, Zn2 +, are also composed of aquo com­ plexes and physical methods of investigation (e.g. Raman spectroscopy and OI7n.m.r. studies) support formulations such as [Mg(H20)6]2+, [Zn(H20)6]2+, [Al(H20)6]3+. Corroborative evidence for the existence of aquo complexes stems from the fact that many salts containing these cations crystallise with 32 HYPHEN a number of water molecules equal to the coordination number of the presumed aquo complex, e.g. MgC12.6H20 or better [Mg(H2o.)6]CI2 and AI2(So.4)3.l2H2o. or better [AI (H2o.)6]2 (So.4)3'. However, not all crystal water need be ligand water in the sense that it has little or no association with the anions. Thus in Na2So.4.lo.H20, the water is largely bound to the sulphate (VI), in CuSo.4.5(H2o.) the water is partly bound to the metal (4 moles) and partly shared between the metal and the sulphate (VI) (1 mole), i.e., [Cu(H2o.)4}S04.H2o.. For large, weak:y charged ions like Na+, K+, Cs+, the metal ion - water association will be weak (Coulomb's law) and thus the aquo complexes will be of a rather fragile nature.

MORE ABOUT AQUO COMPLEXES With few exceptions, meLal aquo complexes have the general formula [M(H20)6]n +. Since the water ligands are neutral, n+ is the charge present On the metal ion M. The sL"{ waters surround the central ron in an octahedral fashion, as would be anticipated from the Sidgwick-Powell repulsion theory. We say that we have an octahedral complex and fig. 2 illustrates the shape of such a species.

fig. 2. This octahedral shape is the most common structure of all complex ions. o.ctahedral hexaquo complexes are found in blue-green solutions of chromium (Ill) salts, in pink solutions of manganese (n) sulphate (VI) and in the sky­ blue solutions of copper (n) compounds. A notable exception to this octahedral geometry is afforded by the silver aquo complex; for some obscure reason, this complex exists as [Ag(H20)2] + , Le. it is a bi-coordinate linear species with structure [H20 - Ag+ - H20]

All solutions of hexaquo ions have a pH lower than 7 - the higher the charge on the central atom, the higher will be the acidity (and the lower the pH) of these solutions. This acidity must be due to the ionisation of one or more of the ligand waters of the aquo complex. For [Fe(H20)6]3 +] for example, we have INORGANIC COMPLEXES 33

VFe(H20)6]3 + + H20 = [FeOH(H20)5]2 + + H30 + For which, PKa, 1 = 2.2*, i.e. the iron complex ion is as strong an acid as orthophosphoric (v) acid with a pka,l equal to 2.1. Presumably, the attraction of the electrons of the O-H bonds by the highly polarizing Fe3 + ion induces the observed ionisation, a process which we can depict as follows:

For large, unipositively charged ions, e.g. N a +, K +) this attraction for the electrons of the water molecule is small, and these ions do not funcH-on as acids. For small, highly charged ions like V4+, this attraction is actually so intense that species like [V(H20)6]4 + do not even exist. Instead, the aquo vanadium ion is in the form [VO(H20)5]2 +, a species that can be thought of as arising from the complete deprotonatiori of one of the six li:gand waters in the hypothetic hexaaquovanadium (IV),

[V(H20)6]4+ [(V = O)(H20)5]2+ + 2H + All ionic vanadium (IV) compounds contain this oxo ion; thus, the so­ called vanadyl sulphate pentahydrate, a blue crystalline materi'al, is, in fact, pentaaquooxovanadium (IV) sulphate: [VO(H20)5]S04. Other similar oxo ions are known, e.g., the uranium (VI) species (U02)2 + , which occurs in the aquo complex [U02(H20)4]2 + and in other uranium complexes. The acidic properties of aquo ions also explains why carbonates of Cr(I1I) , Fe(II1) , AI(III) etc. are unknown. When solutions containing these metal i'ons are treated with aqueous sodium carbonate, carbon dioxide is evolved and a precipitate of the metal hydroxide is thrown down. Thus, for alumi'niium {Ill), we may represent the process by the following diagram:

[Al(H20~6]3+ + H20 = [AIOH (H20)5]2+ + H30+

[AIOH(H20)5]2+ + H20 = [AI(OH)2(H20)4] + + H30+ removed by reaction with [AI(OH)2(H20)4] + + H20 = [Al(OH)3(H20)3] + H30+ base, (C03)2' solid white ppt. Similarly, certain sulphides cannot be prepared by 'wet' reactions, i.e. by the interaction of metallic aquo ions and solutions containing sulphide. Thus, no Fe2S3 is formed when iron (Ill) solutions are treated with aqueous

* pKa, 1 stands for - log (acid ionisation equilibrium constant). The sUbscript 1 refers to the first ionisation of the six that are theoretically possible. 34 HYPHEN sodium sulphide. Instead, hydrogen sulphide is given off and hydrated iron (HI) hydroxide precipitates. That this is not due to the instability of the sulphide itself is shown by the fact that the compound Fe2S3 can readily be prepared by dry methods.

In all the above reactions, the hydroxide of the metal is formed when the complete ionisation of three water molecules occurs. This ionisation is induced! by the presence of basic species (e.g.(C03)2- .or S2-) which react with H30+ and remove it from the equilibrium system (see above). When the base is very strong, as in the case of OH-, and with highly acidic complexes, e.g. hydrated aluminium {Ill), beryllium(II) or titanium(IV), the solid metal hydroxides may dissolve in excess base to form anionic hydroxo complexes. e.g.

[A1(OH)3(H20)3] + OH- [A1(OH)4(H20)2]- + H20 Such complexes, therefore, show amphoteric behaviour.

OTHER LIGANDS

A species can act as a ligand if it can be strongly attracted by a positively charged metallic nucleus. This rules .out all postitely charged ion, e.g. H30+, NH4+, (CH3.NH3) + and also neutral, non-polarizable mo­ lecules which are devoid of any readily available lone pair electrons, e.g. CH4, ISiH4. OF4. Preferably, the ligand should possess a lone pair .of electrons sited on an electronegative atom, and be negatively charged. A few examples of commonly encountered ligands are:

H20: :CN- :OH- :C1- :NH3 CH3COO:- OH3NH2 CH3.S.CH3 CH30:- CH3S:-

Hydrogen sulphide does not generally function as a ligand. Although the sulphur atom has two lone pairs of electrons, these are not easily accessible since sulphur is not a very electronegative atom and therefore the C-S bond is not sufficiently polarized. If we substitute the hydrogens in H2lS with methyl groups, as in dimethyl sulphide, CH3-S-CH3J the inductive effect of the alkyls renders the S atom slightly negatively charged, and thus 'activates' the lone pairs towards ligation with a metal ion.

Ligands may be classified on the basis of the number of bonds that they can form with the metal atom. Thus, if they can form one bond with the metal, they are said to be unidentate. All the ligand's mentioned so far in this article normally act as unidentate species. Ligands that have two donor sites per molecule are said to be bidenta~e, Le. having two 'teeth' with which to hold on to the metal. Examples of bidentates are INORGANIC COMPLEXES 35

;t '\ ., ., B2I-CH29H2-NlI2 1,2-di'aminoethane -ooc-coo- ethandioate ion ~ ~ , '\ ~l-§-cH2CH2-¥.-CH3 2,5-dithiahexane o. e-O- ..... carbonate ion 'o"'~

Ligands with higher denticity are known, thus the tridentate 1,4,7- triazaheptane (1), the quadridentate 1,4,8,1l-tetrathiacyc'otetradecane (II) and the sexidentate bis(di(carboxymethyl)amino)ethane, (III), more commonly known as ethylenediaminetetraacetate (EDTA) ion. ~.-02CH2C"'N..cH2C

5 5) CH2 H"N·C2HlN·C2H4·N H2 C ~ H ~ H' T 2 5 S. ,N.. _ V OICHtC CHZC02

11 III When a polydentate ligand forms a ring structure by bonding with the me­ tal, then it is said to be a chelate ligand. Thus bidentate 1,2-diaminoethane is acting as chelate ligand when forming the complex [Ni(NH2.C2H4.NH2)2]2+; two 5-membered rings are formed each composed of a nickel atom, two nitrogens and two carbon atoms (fig. 3a): 2+

~o . ." fig.3a fig.3b 36 HYPHEN

On the other hand, dioxan (fig. 3b), although a bidentate ligand, is not a chelate. In dioxan, the two oxygen atoms have their lone pair electron lobes directed away from each other and cannot, as it were, bend over backwards to bond to the same metal atom and form a ring. A few years ago, a formidable ligand was synthesised containing eight donor atoms. Labelled OTO (for 1,4,8,11,15, 18,22,25-octathiacyclooctacosane), it acts as a sort of double quadridentate ligand with Ni2+ when it forms the complex compound [Ni2(OTO)] (BF4)4. The structure is shown in fig. 4. The four sulphur atoms bonded to each nickel atom are in one plane: the plane of the nickel atom.

fig. 4

NAMING COMPLEXES

As is usual in naming simple salts, the cation is mentioned first and then the anion. The Jigands are named before the metal ion, negatively charged ligand!s preceding neutral molecule ligands. If more than one type of neutral (or negatively charged) ligand is present. they are named in alphabetical order. Thus, for example, ammine before' aquo, bromide before chloride. The prefixes di-, tri-, tetra-, etc.* are used for multiple Ugands of the same kind and the central ion's oxidation number is shown with a Roman numeral. When the complex ion is overall negatively charged, then the metal ion's name takes on an -ate ending. The names of some common ligands are given in the Table below.

* The prefixes mono-, bis-, tris-, tetrakis, etc. are used for the more complex­ named Iigands. INORGANIC COMPLEXES 37

H2O aquo F- fluoro NH3 ammine Cl- chloro CO carbonyl Br- bromo NO nitrosyl 1- iodo CH3NH2 methylamine CN- cyano (C6H5)3P triphenyl- OH- hydroxo phosphine (C03)2- carbonato (N02)- nitro (N03)- nitrato

The following list of names shows how the above rules are app;ied in practise.

[Co(NH3)6]C13 hexamminecobalt(III) chloride [CoC03(NH3)5]N03 carbonatopen tamminecobalt(III) nitrate (V) K3[Mn(CN)6] potassium hexacyanomanganate(III) [NiC12(P.Ph3)2] dichlorobis(triphenylphosphine)nickel(II) ~Ph=phenyl) (NH4)2[NiC14] ammonium tetrachloronickelate(Il) K3[Fe(C204)3] potassium tris(ethandioato)ferrate(III) [Fe(NO)(H20)5]S04 pentaquonitrosyliron(II) sulpha ~e(VI)

SHAPES OF COMPLEXES

We have already mentioned the octahedral shape of six-coordinate com­ plexes. Coordination compounds of the type ML6, where L is a unidentate ligand would possess this shape, e.g. [CrC12(H20)4] +, ~Fe(NO)(H20)5]2 + , [Cu(NH3)4(H20)2]2 +, [Fe(CN)6]4-. When chelating ligands are present in octahedral complexes, the chelate always straddles two cis positions of the octahedron, e.g. in [CoC12(NH2.C2H4.NH2)2]+, fig. 6 where en stands for the 1,2-diaminoethane mo;ecules. It is not difficult to see that when more than one type of ligand is present, isomerism will be possib'e. Indeed the multitude of possible isomers (and sometimes the ease with which they can interconvert) has perplexed early workers in the field of complex chemistry - and perhaps even earned it its name! Thus from aqueous solutions of chromium(III) chloride, three different complexes can be isolated:

a vi:olet compound with structure [Cr(H20)6]3+ (Cl-)3 a: pale-green compound with structure [Cr(H20)5Cl]2 + (Cl-)2. H20 and a deep-green compound with structure [Cr(H20)4C12]+ (Cl-). 2H20

A fourth isomer, the neutral complex Cr(H20)3CI3. 3H20, has been prepared from ether solutions. This last isomer can in fact, exist in two possible forms: the facial isomer (fig. 5a) and the meridional isomer (fig. 5b). The deep green isomer, dichlorotetraaquochromium(III) chloride can also exist in two forms: thecis isomer (fig. 5c) and the trans (fig. 5d). Optical isomerism is also possible, especially when chelating ligands are involved. Thus the cation in dichloro-bis(1,2-diaminoethane)coba~t(III) can 38 HYPHEN

O;Rt Cl-~_ et -4F---I!l' Cl HtO Cl fig.5a fig.5b

-...,...... - OH.,..

Cl fig. 5c fig. 5d exist in three forms: the trans, optically inactive form (fig. 6a) and two cis forms, one being the mirror image of the other (figs. 6b, 6c). These two different compounds are both optically active *.

fig. 6a fig. 6b fig. 6c Four coordinate complexes ML4, can either be tetrahedral, as in [ZnCI4]2- [Hg(ON)4]2-, [FeCI4]2-, [CoBr4]2- or flat planar. The only important flat planar complexes are those of nickel(II) and copper(II) and a few other second and third row transition metals. Perhaps the best known of these flat complexes

* To ascertain whether a complex on (or any molecular species) is optically active or not, look for the presence of a plane of symmetry. If abs81~t, the molecule will exist in two different mirror image forms and both forms will be optically active, i.e. will be able to rotate the plane of polarization of plane polarized light. INORGANIC COMPLEXES 39 is the tetramrninecopper(II) ion, [Cu(NH3)4]2+. However, such an ion, when present in aqueous solution, will certainly be approached very closely by the water molecules, especially above and below the plane of the ion. It is probably best to regard such 'flat' complexes as being te~ragonally distorted octahedral ones, at least when present in solution (fig. 7).

Moreover, even when they crystallise into solids, planar complexes are known to arrange themselves in such a way that each metal ion is still octahedrally surrounded by ligand atoms (fig. 8).

x

X>y Fig. 7 fig. 8

Alt"id Vella B.5c., M.Sc. teaches Chemistry at the Upper Secolldary School, Valetta. 40

MEMORIA E POESIA VERGHIANA

Joseph Eynaud

La memoria verghiana e essenzial­ di mangiapane, staffien e camerieri, mente romantica e tale rimane nei che sbadigliavano a bocca chiusa, capolavori, nei momenti piu intensi camminavano ,in punta di piedi, e vi del racconto realistico, percM sempre senvivano senza dire una parola 0 viva intorno ai nuclei dell'emozione, fare un passo di piu, con tanta de­ popolare nel senso migliore attribuito gnazione da farvene passar la dai Romantici a questo termine di ri­ voglia". ferimento, oggettiva, capace di porsi Nuove appaiono, cosl, le luci del­ tra i personaggi e rivedere, con loro e la memoria verghiana, percM non per lor~, cio che ama e rievoca. Cosi seguono una via predisposta in modo iJ personaggio diventa il punto di meccanico - la ricostruzione del vista; la prospettiva del racconto documento, ,la fotografia, l'inchiesta nasce da lui, non appare preordinata sociologica - n~ vagano secondo dagli impulsi sentimentali di una impulsi irrazionaii, ma procedono, piu storia interiore. intense 0 velate, crude 0 lievi, secon­ Cosi, come nota il Russo nel suo do un andamento piano e a fuoco, saggio Giovanni Verga(Bari, Laterza, scoprendo rilievi esatti e contorni 1941) accanto al "pathos' tragi co na­ sfumati, visi a tutto rilievo e rapidi sconQ le note di un umorismo acre. n prafili, nOn escludenda un sottiIe modo epico-comico e profondamente filo della ragiane quasi ilIuministico legato alIa storia italiana, come n~ un piu antico rifermento al dram­ l' "idillico aceto" di cui parla Orazio, ma e alIa commedia greca, voce dIi un l'incontro di drammatico e comico, il papolo e di una civiIta. ridere suIle lacrime, il piangere tra le Con una formula feIice, "la in­ risa, poiche tutto nasce da un popolo sUilTezdone lirica dei primitivii", iI che ha conosciuto profonde pene, Russo ha definito il mondo della me­ ammaestrato da lutti e sofferenze. In moria e deIla osservazione verghiana questa luce appaiono i momenti del­ filtrata attraverso 10 scarno lavoro l'amaro umorismo verghiano: quando stiListic'O: 10 scrittore cosi racconta la per esempio, nei Malavoglia. l'ostessa storia interna di un popolo, che e an­ del piaese Santuzza, che puzzava ill tica per le tradizioni che si sono tra­ vino e aveva sempre il miele in bocca, mandate in uno spazio umano piccolo, compiange la morte di Bastiano perito entr~ un orizzonte fermo che l'unita in mare durante la tempesta: "Beato italiana non ha ancora smosso, di­ lui! - sospirava la Santuzza, - e staccato dal sua fondo. E' una me­ morto .in un giorno segna}ato, la moria storica che opeJ.'a e da vita alIa vigilia dei DoloM di Maria Vergine, e materia, non can abito dello storico prega lassu per noi peccatori ... "; e ma con ]la soosibtlita viva del quando, nel Mastro-don Gesualdo, paeta. Verga ha tutte le qualita Verga descrive n mondo che circonda del grande poeta: iI ritmo della scrit­ iI protagonista morente: "Un esercito tura, la forza deIIa immagine, le sin- MEMORIA E POESIA VERGHIANA 41 tesi che portano alla vetta una pro­ Anche la contemplazione e rara: gressione drammatica in modo ra­ Rosso Malpelo non so guardare la pido, la chiarezza e la misura del luna come il pirandelIiano Ciaula, paesaggio; e ha anche grandi quallta cosl simile per certe situazioni d'e~ e di narratore quando racconta, con d'ambiente, ne piangere di sollievo. passo tranquillo, con fare largo, le Nel ragazzo verghiano la miseria e vicende e ha, infine, doti evidenti di le offese, la morte del padre - drammaturgo nei dialoghi, nelle che della miseria e dell'offesa e n ri­ azioni, nei passaggi, e cioe uno scrit­ cordo bruciante - mutano gli slanci tore nel quale tutte le componenti affettivi, il bisogni di amicizia, in rab­ della letteratura si sommano. bia e cattiveria ed egli e buono quando E' poi uno scrittore triste e gri­ picchia l'amico; e un vinto perche tut­ gio : ogni viv:acita appare misurata, to il bene s'e trasformato in un dolo­ non calcolata con arte, trattenuta roso e violento antagonismo. N~l ra­ da un carattere schivo e nemico delle gazzo pirandeIHano la fatica da be­ esibizioni, mai pirotecnico, incapace stia mansueta non ha ucciso iI can­ dt risolvere un"immagine sulla super­ dore, non gli ha tolto la capacita di alzare gli occhi e contemplare la luna, ficie leVigata della pagina, 10ntanCl dl avvertire, in quel,lo sguardo, 10 sgo­ dalle tentazi'oni del plagio e dell'imi­ tazione letteraria cosl diffuse dal dan­ mento di una confusa liberta della poesia, presagio di cio che I'uomo puo nunzianes'imo, pronto a cogliere ca­ essere. denze e ritmi altrui, sollecitato da un orecchio esperto. La tristezza grigia E' stato detto che i1 Verga resta del Verga quando sfocia nelle elegie fedele alla sua poesia realistica, alIa diventa naturale e profonda, anche "roba", animato da una "passione tenera, con le stella e le luci lontane; eoonomica": riconosciuta come una quando non trov·a la propria vena si dura legge dell a vita sociale la condi­ impasta con la vecchiaia, con le anti­ zione della miseria, deIla fatica, egU chita delle cose, diventa come n scopre, nell'amore per la casa, per la musco e l'edera, e quando s'apre terra, per tutto cio che il lavoro e iI drammaticamente, allora prende altri possesso dei beni materiaIi puo dare e piu violenti colori, !ha sempre su all'uomo, una realta deIIa poesia, il gradazioni basse e profonde, rara­ mondo degli affetti e delle pene, egli, mente allegre e squillanti. Come ogni vede il decadere della vecchia nobU­ poeta, il Verga si esprime medianti ta. Ma Gesualdo non e il simbolo di colori registrati su alcune grandi tona­ una nuova classe che avanza, non e lita, sulle voci dei personaggi, sugli il mercante Lopatchin del cecoviani orizzonti che chiudono un mondo 0 Giardino dei ciliegi; dietro a lui tra­ gIi aprono davanti la suggestione monta un mondo, quello della nobilta dell'ignoto. Non ha tentazioni met'a­ feudale e agraria, ma insieme a lui fisiche profonde: l'ignoto piuttosto non c' e una borghesia che incalza. Si che l'inconoscibile gli appare davanti, puo dire che il Verga veda cio che nelle tempeste 0 nelle sere bule, guar­ muore e cio che sopravvive, il corrom­ dando il cielo 0 le luci del mare; men­ persi della nobilta, la dolorosa esi­ tre la terra grass a della malaria, le stenza del popolo: Gesualdo e un popo­ cavita delle zolfare, le gole pietrose, lano che si e distaccato dalla propria gli appaiono familiari e dolorose, sen­ gente e che muore solo; i suoi, per za mistero. destino storico, sono Diodata e i figli 42 HYPHEN di lei, non Isabella, ne i1 duca suo smossa, tolta dalle .sue radici, pronta marito, non i Trao ne i Leyra. Ge­ a tentare nuove strade. sualdo chiude un ciclo anche con la L'amore per la roba e insieme solitudine di uomo muore in un palaz­ il motivo dominante e la piega dolo­ zo, tra i camederf, il Ius so, le con­ rosa dell'opera verghiana, con i suoi venzioni, come un grosso albero tra­ risvolti comico-drammatici. Nanni piantato, in un terreno sterile. Il suo l'Orbo grida: "Vog1io l'onor mio, don e e rimane un dramma solitado, pur Gesualdo! L' onor mio che non si com­ COS! diverse dalla eroica solitudine pra a denari!", ma quando s'accorda romantica e dalIe sue esaltazioni let­ col padrone sulla chiusa del Carmine terarie. si calma; iI duoa di Leyra fa trattare E' stato detto che il mondo ver­ l'aspetto economico del suo matri­ ghiano brulica di piccola gente, quasi monio con Isabella dal notaio; i1 una commedia della vita sociale, fitta canonico Lupi, il barone Zacco. il di pettegolezzi e di bocconi amari, notaio, le loro mogli, le figlie" tutti con poca pace e molti intrighi quoti­ cercano di concludere affari vantag­ diani e che da questo fondo umano si giosi; e un modo doloroso di vivere, stagIiano le grandi pagine, le scene oppresso dalla roba, mai liberato dal­ tragiche, liriche ed elegiache· ma il importante soltanto i1 modo con cui respiro di questo mondo, tra ia terra, la dura legge della vita sociale. Non e il mare, le zolfare, la casa, il passo Verga che guarda, vede quel mondo dei muH, e i paesaggi che s'aprono, e oppresso; importa la scelta che, 10 fa antico e profondo. Il Verga limita guardare e descrivere seguendo il filo l'orizzonte per: scavere nella profondi. duro, difficile, d'una poesi'a che no si ta delle cose: e la sua y,ita di scrit­ concede riposo nella contemplazione tore, di coloro che scelgono il parti­ astratta, nella ricerca intellettuale, colare per giungere all'universale, il nelle spera.nze-- moraIi 0 religiose, ma concerto per scoprire leggi piu ampie continua ad affondare, con forza e generali, l'uomo per capire rumani­ drammatica, tra la stessa gente, in ta, la storia di una comunita non la mezzo ai problemi e alle cose. Manca storia di un popolo intero 0 di un con­ al Verga il divertimento del letterato, tinente; e il via di uno scrittore che egli non gioca, come Maupassant non procede secondo degli "a priori" quando descrive i rivoluzionari fran­ - siano essi le norme di una super­ cesi, vede, nelle pagine dell a som­ iore moralita, d'una ricerca religiosa mossa del Gesualdo, soltanto 'una gill. orientata, 0 di una volonta politica fiumana di gente, una baraonda, del­ - ma secondo la realta e la sua le armi che luccicavano, delle braccia storia ,interna, che e storia di costumi, che si agitavano in aria, delle facce di tradizioni, di Ieggi stratificate, di accese e stravolte che apparivano con­ condizioni economiche e sociali, di fusamente al lume delle torce a ven­ antiche favole dolci e amare. senza to". E'una folla senza ideali evidenti, l'illusione di cogliere una felicita 0 di mossa dal bisogno 0 dall'interesse, affermare un valore perenne, ma con Un modo pessimistico di guardare. una chiara coscienza del modo come La poesia verghiana ha il suo la vita diventa, in certi luoghi e in mondo nella casa e nella roba, in una talune eta deHa storia, profonda, intimita antica, raccolta intorno ai quasi formata da tanti strati, uno sentimenti, alla fatica e alla pena, sull',altro, non ancora aperta, dinamica, chi usa nelle tradizioni1. in un uni~erso MEMORIA E POESIA VERGHIANA 43 primitivo. realta. La natura e dentro, nell'uomo, La poesia comincia con Nedda non soltanto materia vivente, ma con­

(1874), ma e ancora descrittiva: e diz'ione di esistenze che, con leil si rappresentazione d1 luoghi, ani­ sono fatte ad un modo, nella sempli­ mazione realistica di vicende: cita e nella pena; l'anima d'un perso­ "Pioveva, e il vento urlava incol­ naggio PUQ avere rafa, l'arusa 11 fan­ lerito; le venti 0 trenta donne che rac­ go, la polvere del paesaggio, e questo coglievano le olive del podere face­ la tristezza, l'abbandono, la stessa in­ vano fumare le loro vesti bagnate sensibilita d'un corpo stanco. dalla pioggia dinanzi al fuoco .... " "E vi par di toccarla colle mani Poeta e pienamente in Vita dei - come daIla terra grassa che fum!, campi: la prosa verghiana, qui, si la, dappertutto, torno torno aUe mon­ presta a una lettura del suo tessuto tagne che la chiudono, da Agnone a1 lirico-drammatico, nelle forme chinse Mongibello incappucciato di neve - del ritmo e dell'immagine scandita in stagnante nella pianura, a guisa del versi di una profonda modernita; e, I' afa pes ante di luglio." questa, lettura stiListica, neUa quale Infine la poesia si nutre della sag­ vengono toIti gIi appoggi narrativi 0 gezza amara dei proverbi che nas­ discussi per isolare le immagini: cono, appunto, quando la vista del cielo e del mare, della casa vicina, "La vedi la 'puddara', della felicita e delIa morte invita a de .. che sta ad ammiccarci lassu flnke una condizione antica, una verso Granvilla, esperienza di travagli e di pene, prima come sparassero dei razzi tramandata e poi vissuta, una saggez­ anche a 'Santa Domenica'?" za anonima figlia deIla storia, ma di chi, deIla storia, ha portato soltanto La saggezza precoce e amara di it peso. Rosso Malpelo approda a questo breve canto dove non c'e pieta divina "(Padron 'Ntoni) Per far da o umana: papa bisogna far da sagrestani. (Padron 'Ntoni) L'uomo e' il "La rena e traditora fuoco, e la donna la stoppa: somiglia a tutti gli altri. viene i1 diavolo e soffia.' , che sesei piu debole tii pestano la faccia, allora is lascia vincere" Dott. Joseph Eynaud B.A. (Hons.), M.A., D.Litt. Professore di Lingua e Letteratura Italiana al' MCAST (Dept of Educational La poesia delle cose el in Malaria, nel grande equUibrio trla ilantasia e Studies). MALTESE LITERA TURE IN THE SIXTIES *

Peter Serracino In910tt

What in your opinion led to the with which he cannot connect and flourishing of contemporary Mal· which therefore comes to be devoid tese literature (poetry and drama) of inter_est, stripped of meaning and even possibly hated. The romantic in the 1960's? escapes from the objective world out­ In my opinion it was connected side, from the real present, into with the sense of the achievement of worlds of false nostalgia and by clos­ a national identity which was in turn ing in upon himself produces a very related to the achievement of political limited kind of provincial poetry, the independence. A colony is a country poetry of a ghetto. This is what which has no control over its foreign Maltese poetry was like before the relations. Identity is achieved pre­ 60s. With the possibility of being cisely by being able to enter into able to interrelate with other national relationships with larger realties than communities and expressions outside oneself. Hence an identity is estab­ Malta, with the sense of now being lished if one can participate in a pro­ able to participate in the dialogue cess of give and take, of being some­ of nations, it became possible to give times the recipient and sometimes and take, to assume or to reject the donor in relation to these other those revolutions in language which realities. It is this which political had occurred in the world outside, in independence makes possible and relation to the changes which had therefore it is a precondition for the occurred in history, and at the same existence of a national identity. As time to realize in what individual long as these opportunities for ways these forms of expression which exchange with larger realities outside had become common in the contem­ did not exist, it was hardly possible porary would could be adapted, modi­ to achieve the expression of a nation­ fied, individualized as a result of the al identity. local inheritance of a particular lan­ When such contacts are non-exis­ guage and of a particular history. tent the result is romanticism in its Do you think the younger gene. extreme form and this is what Mal­ ration of poets compares well with tese literature was like before the 60s and independence. The romantic poet the poets of the 60s? is the one who feels that the values I think there can be no doubt that of his community have collapsed; that the poets who emerged in the 70s he is thrown back upon himself, that are minor in relation to those who he is forced to create his own values emerged in the 60s. I think that an because he is alienated from his fel­ estimate of their value can be reduced low humans and from the larger to a general estimate of the value or reality which lies outside him but function of minor poetry. What the

* This is the text of an interview by an Italian student who was writing a thesis on a related subject. M.A!L'I'ESE LITERATURE IN THE SIXTIES 45 minor poets seem to do is to act as love poems, about the only poet to intermediaries between the major have written political poetry which is poets and the public. The public finds not propaganda, a mere protest, but it hard to assimilate the innovations which is a deep exploration of politi­ of the major poets. The minor poets cal realities. Apart from this wide assimilate these innovations and they range which he has, I think Massa is present them embodied in their own about the only poet to have the depth poetry in a more diffused form, in a of content and thought combined with more thinly spread out form; they the sense of form which together therefore help the passage of the make up real greatness in art. On the linguistic changes and innovations other hand, somebody like Mario effected by the major poets into the Azzopardi has a set of reactions to common language. They help the reality which he is capable of em­ major poets to produce an impact on bodying in powerful images and the masses which may be otherwise which he also embodies in forms at too great a distance from the which have a rough relationship to points reached by the leading major what he is trying to say; but an poets. I think this is essentially what apparent reluctance to correct, to the poets of the 70s have done. They polish, to revise, to secure the perfect have helped to make the language of coincidence of form and matter, to go the major poets more accessible to over the less successful bits, to puri­ the masses by habituating them to a fy, lead to his poems not having that mode of expression which is less sense of achievment, of embodiment dense, less original, less powerful of a perception in something concrete, than that of the major poets but which Massa's poems have. which helps the general reader to ac­ I think that after Massa, the most climatize himself to certain forms of interesting poet is Achille Mizzi. In expression, to accept them in a his case, he is very strongly preoc­ certain sense as normal. The minor cupied with the dilemma which could poets open the way of access to the be stated in the words evolution and major poets. entropy: the force of progress which Of the poets represented in leads life to grow and develop on the 'Malta, the New Po'etry', who do one hand, for which he is enthusias­ tic, and, on the other hand, the you think is the most significant? perception of death forces at work. Daniel Massa. He is about the only However, I think that the greatest poet to have treated to whole gamut interest of Mizzi is that he expresses of possible human feelings from himself in a very distinctive literary religion to love to politics, from form which is very often like that of foreign travel to the relationship with a litany and which recalls the way in the landscapes and the environment which St. John the Evangelist writes of home, something which no other his Gospel. Mizzi has been influenced poets have done. In fact, when com­ especially by the apocalyptic writing piling an anthology of recent Maltese of St. John. He takes up a theme and poetry, I found that he was about expresses it in a sentence, in a phrase the only poet to have produced reli­ which seems to be closed. Then he gious poetry of very good value, about picks up from it a particle of thought, the only poet to have written pure encapsules it in an image which is 46 HYPHEN then again closed, only for another coolness which does not exclude care particle to be taken up again, a third, for humanity, which appears to try to a fourth, a fifth time; with each new cool down the passions which lead statement producing a variant, pro­ to fanaticism without falling into the ducing a kind of development of the indifference of passivity and death theme which is not a logical or a and inanimation. His later poetry is dialectical one, but one in which the striking because it contrasts with his same entity is contemplated for a previous attitudes which were com­ variety of points of view in succes­ pletely on the side of wholehearted sion. commitment and which led to his I think this particular style which producing a kind of volcanic explo­ no doubt owes its origin to Semitic, sion of images which is typical of especially Hebrew, forms is one for modern poetry, but which he seems which the Maltese language is parti­ to have abandoned because of the cularly apt. Because of this reason I fear, which fanaticism seemed to give would regard AchiIle Mizzi as a very rise to, of leading to violence of a significant poet, especially from the sort which may have seemed to be point of view of the utilization of appearing dangerously on the Mal­ forms of writing which are particular­ tese scene. It may also have been his ly suited to the Maltese language as way of resolving his own personal well as because he is preoccupied conflicts. with the central themes of our time. In the case of Fenech I think a Victor Fenech is also a good poet, roughly similar position is taken up, an unequal poet, somebody who less explicitly however, and hence experiences deeply certain problems giving a sense that the dilemma is and which he expresses in a manner not so perfectly resolved. This may which I think relates or reflects the explain why he seems able to keep attitude of a man who, aware of up a greater animation in his verse dilemmas, manages to solve them than appears in the very smooth, very through moderation, that is through apparently rounded poetry which finding the golden mean. I think his Oliver Friggieri has lately produced. kind of poetry is interesting because A case on his own is Joe Friggieri. it presents one way of resolving the The main interest of his poems is dilemma between indifference and that they express both in their imag­ fanaticism which so preoccupies ery and in their modulation the attit­ Ebejer. But it's a way which excludes ude of somebody who hesitates, who many human possibilities and I think has a vision which he is almost afraid implies a certain limitation of vision to communicate because he suspects affecting the nature of art itself. that it will be profaned. This attitude A more conscious adoption of this of the man who seems to suffer a point of view is that found in Oliver failure of nerve when he is on the Friggieri's later poems. He is a man brink of taking a leap is perfectly who, much more deliberately than captured in his poetry which there­ Fenech, has adopted the idea of the fore has an extremely individual note; golden mean, has adopted Horace as although he also can be seen as the his teacher, has sought to express a spokesman of a nation, which has kind of belief in the achievement of achieved a very acute consciousness a peace of soul through a certain of the problems which any kind of MALTESE LITERATURE IN THE SIXTIES 47 decision is likely to give rise to, and writers as Pynchon, Malta has been hence hesitates before taking any something of a matriarchal island, of irreversible plunge, before any burn­ an island dominated by a woman­ ing of the boats, preferring to keep all figure, and the significance of this possibilities as open as possible. woman-figure is connected with an aspiration for protection, for security, Do you think that Francis Ebejer for an escape from risk, and hence to will remain a monolith on the the preoccupation with the old Tris­ Maltese literary scene? tan and Iseult theme, the basic I think that Francis Ebejer is likely theme which has been called by Pyn­ to remain the isolated figure which chon "the single melody banal and he has so far been. I think his suc­ exasperating of all romanticism since cess in the theatre is related very the Middle Ages"; it states that the closely to the misfortunes of his act of love and the act of death are private life and to the fact that his one. It is this connection between love own personal experience happened to and death which are combined in the provide him with an inner strength figure of the Mother-goddess which and power to animate a number of became an overshadowing symbol in literary forms which happened to be Maltese culture. Now, this kind of extremely apt for the expression of picture of woman came to be asso­ national crises, and that enabled him ciated with a political form. In a to reach the peaks of dramatic art. He sense the father-figure represents the did that I think in an unqualified way monarch, the absolute authoritarian­ in two plays: Boulevard and Il-Hadd ism of a colonial ruler, while the fuq il-Bejt. I think it is extremely mother-figure seems to be associated significant that Ebejer's work is very with the softness, with the kind of unequal, for while in these two plays chance, or quasi-chance, procedures, he achieves an extremely high level, which appear to rule, to condition he has also produced plays which are decision-making in a democracy; es­ good, but in no way, in my view, com­ pecially in a democracy which, at parable to these two. He has also times, may seem to be close to anar­ produced work, such as novels, chy. which is of a much lesser quality. But The dangers of this kind of figure because he has gone through a ter­ are no less than those of the other rible crucible of personal experience kind of figure. The dominance of this the expression of which could func­ kind of "woman" is no less dangerous tion as a metaphor for larger social than the dominance of the kind of experiences, it can hardly be expected "man" who is the tyrant. While it that others can produce anything to seems that something in between, a parallel his best work. dialogue between the two, a synthesis Clearly, the personal experience between the two, some kind of com­ which could act as this metaphor for munion between these two figures, is national experience concerns man­ what human beings really basically woman relationships. His picturing of need. such relationships could function as I think thus that it is when Ebejer a metaphor because, from a national succeeded to give embodiments, in point of view, as has often been terms of metaphors derived from his noted and exploited by even such personal experience, of a national and 48 HYPHEN political dilemma, that he has been almost a sacrament of death, and on most successful. In many of his other the other hand fanaticism, the fana­ plays, he presents either a purely po­ ticism which is associated with deep litical problem or a purely personal love. problem with the result that the strength of a vision which depends At times, when Ebejer seems to on the two dimensions being taken present the idea of art as a means together, in order to produce a meta­ of resolving these tensions, of achiev­ phor, is lost. ing the reconciliation of the two I think Ebejer's achievement is so extreme attitudes, as in Boulevard, I connected with having a strong per­ think he provides a sketch of a solu­ sonal experience of a man-woman tion through poetic creation, which problem, which can function as a itself is an image of creativity in metaphor for a political problem of a general - in other words, he sug­ more general character, that some­ gests that the tension is resolved body who has not had this personal through creative activity, which is experience in his own life, can only seen essentially as the production of with difficulty, or hardly at all, metaphor, that is, of a means of con­ manage to produce anything similar. necting two apparently disparate ex­ For this reason I think that Ebejer is periences. By connecting them, by likely not to be paralleled by anyone interrelating them, by creating a pat­ else. tern and hence a feeling of sense, which removes the feeling of absur­ Could you say something about dity which dominates as long as the the reaction of the Maltese polarity, the contradiction, the con­ trast between the two poles remains audience to Ebejer's works? unresolved. Many, I think, in Malta The Maltese public welcomed appreciated and responded to one Ebejer's plays because they obviously side of the metaphor, the side which struck a chord in its own heart. I presents a personal drama like that think however that this appreciation of Il-Hadd fuq il-Bejt and they took was due to a subconscious realization this kind of play as a purely human of what Ebejer was saying which story, leaving out the dimension of very few were capable of bringing to political and national meaning which the surface of consciousness. it has, if read metaphorically. But if For this reason I think that the one does that, since on the plane of attitude is one of admiration mixed personal experience it is rather with puzzlement, provoked by the unique, it is not an experience which fact that Ebejer achieves a paradoxi­ anyone can feel to be his own, it cal expression corresponding to the becomes a play which can be contem­ dilemma which they themselves un­ plated objectively without its present­ consciously feel. His work is an ing a personal challenge. Most people intellectual quest which raises prob­ can see it then without having their lems and lays one open to risks, while sense of security troubled. But, if its objective is achieving peace and they were to bring to the surface of simplicity. Most Maltese feel in them­ consciousness the other dimension, selves an inner tension due to two the sOcio-political one, then they opposite poles of attraction: on the would be disturbed, because they one hand, indifference, indifference as would find that there are themselves MALTESE LITERATURE IN l1HE SIXTIES 49

involved in the problems which he is the Maltese public while responding presenting. Then the play would be a to certain aspects of Ebejer's plays challenge to them, requiring that they has refused to confront the deep change their habits, their attitudes, challenges which they present to the that they confront their own deep nation as such. dilemmas and the public as a whole ------is always afraid to face this kind of Peter Serracino Inglott is Professor of disturbing problem. Philosophy and Dean of the Faculty of So I think that in a certain sense Arts, University of Malta.

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Alfred Falzon

De nos jours i1 semble qu'on lise reves du grand auteur dramatique Moliere pour le plaisir de connaUre fran~ais. l'oeuvre d'un celebre homme de Apprecier l'oeuvre de Moliere au­ thMtre classique dont tout le monde del a de la farce, de la comedie, c'est parle. J'ai entendu dire, parmi nos tout d'abord connaitre l'homme et son etudiants, qu'il s'agit la d'un divertis­ idea'. S'il s'en prend aux principaux sement. J.'en conviens. Mais unique­ personnages de ses pieces theatrales, ment lorsque Moliere fait rire et s'il expose au vif leurs manies et leurs tourne en ridicule certains person­ travers sans toutefois se laisser iden­ nages qui nous paraissent grotesques tifier a tel ou tel de ses heros, c'est et peu sympathiques. Ce qu'on semble qu'il croit a la noblesse d'un ideal ignorer, c'est le genie de Moliere: a auquel il attachait toute sa dignite travers le jeu de "l'etre et le d'homme. Comment sinon expJiquer paraitre" Moliere est avant tout un tant d'audaces dans l'attaque contre observateur penetrant des hommes, les abus du pouvoir, contre les nobles, de leur caractere et de leurs moeurs. le c'erge, les medecins, les precieuses n profite de toutes les occasions pour et les bourgeois, tant de mepris contre offrir a ses lecteurs, a son auditoiTe, I'hypocrisie et le mensonge d'un hom­ la verite de ses portraits. me "qui fut toute sa vie en lutte" 1 Mon hommage a Moliere a essen­ jusqu'a la maladie et la mort? tiellement pour objet cette breve La comedie molieresque corrige les meditation sur l'etonnante destinee hommes en les divertissant. Elle posthume de son ceuvre qui temoigne utilise ;a malignite humaine et laisse d'un homme aux prises avec la un arriere-gout d'amertume. Le societe de son epoque, voire la tableau qu'el~e nous presente de societe de toutes les epoques. Car on l'humanite n'a certainement rien trouve dans son ceuvre, ecrite dans d'enchan ':eur. Elle ne fait ressortir un style souvent simple et direct, les que les vices, les defauts, les ridicules traits minu~ieusement etudies des des avares, des hypocrites, des faux personnages de tous les temps. bref, savants, des imbeciles. C'est une la peinture d'un caractere eternelle­ fa~on de me ~tre en garde les honnetes ment vrai. Et pourtant, jamais les gens de leur apprendre 'a ne pas etre hommes ne cesseront de s'interroger la risee de la societe. sur Tar~uffe ou sur Don Juan, sur Or, Moliere met en scene un Orgon ou sur Monsieur Jourdain nombre de personnages qu'H raille et derriere lesquels on essaie de deviner accab'e d'accusations ne craignant le mystere de la personnalite et des pas le risque qu'il court forcement

1. Maurice Bejart, choregraphe du ballet- comedie Le Moliere Imaginaire, inter­ viewe par la revue Les Nouvelles Littfraires 1977. 52 HYPHEN pour raffermir sa eroyance inebran­ ce qui est faux. Toute une philosophie lable aux engagements constants de se degage du theAtre de Moliere, dont la vie. Lui, qui a vecu au milieu de !'ideal demeure foncierement clas­ ses eomedlens, qui a partage leurs sique. souffrances et leur misere, a voulu poursuivre jusqu'au bout sa lutte pour Avoir lu Moliere et aim er Moliere la sagesse qui n'est que la verite ne suffit done pas pour parler de quotidienne. Il evoque le monde Moliere. Faire rayonner devant nos imaginaire d'un bourgeois entiehe de etudiants en lettres le nom de Moliere noblesse, de femmes savantes voulant n'est pas suffi'sant. La programmation jouer a la savante, de precieuses qui de son reuvre dans nos etablis­ se piquent d'une litterature qu'elles sements seeondaires (classes de 6e et ne peuvent comprendre. Mais, en de 7e) non plus! Son reuvre drama­ meme temps, il introduit des person­ tique demande plus d'approfondisse­ nages - des hommes et des femmes ment, eertainement plus de reflexion! de mesure et de bon sens - tels que Il faudra que nos etudiants, notam­ Cleante (Le Tartuffe), Beralde (Le ment ceux qui aspirent a poursuivre Malade Imaginaire) et Madame Jour­ leurs etudes au niveau superieur, soit dain (Le Bourgeois GentHhomme) qui a l'Universite ou soit a l'Ecole refusent de fuiT un combat epuisant Normale (M.C.A.lS.T.), aient la possi­ pour demasquer l'imposteur. La bilite de pouvoir juger sainement le mOJ:1ale de Moliere est essentiellement genie de Moliere, "legislateur des dans le refus du mensonge, de tout bienseanees mondaines".

Alfred Falzon Dip!6me de Cult. Fr. Contemp. (Sorbonne),DipI6me de Hazttes Etudes (Grenoble) , Diplome d'Aptitude a l'Enseignement du Franyais (Grenoble) is Head of Department of French at the Upper Secondary School, Valetta.

ASSOCIATION MALTAISE DES PROFESSEURS DE FRANCAIS fondee en 1977 Si vous vous interessez a I'apprentissage du fran<;:ais a Malte, si vous etes favorable a la mise en commun de vos experiences et recherches pedagogiques avec vos col1E3gues, si vous voulez etre informe de I'etat actuel de I'enseignement du fran<;:ais tel qu'iI est organise en France et dans les pays francophones, votre place est dans I'ASSOCIATION MALTAISE DES PROFESSEURS DE FRANCAIS. Pour tous renseignements supplementaires priere de telephoner a 37933. MOLIERE: )'ideaJ demeure foncierement classique ... (Bibliotheque Natiomle, Paris) You'ye got to try •It to love it.

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