Towards an Economic History of Eighteenth Century Malta

~TOWARDS AN ECONOMIC HISTORY OF EIGHTEENTH CENTURY MALTA

Buzzaccarini Gonzaga's Correspondence to the Venetian Magistracy of Trade 1754-1776. Victor Mallia-Milanes

The restraining late medieval legacy of allegiance and dependency which the Knights of St. John inherited on settling in the tiny central Mediterranean island of Malta had never been compatihle with the Order's grand aspirations 1. The history of Malta's foreign relations from 1530 to 1798 is the story of the Order's conscious and protracted efforts to remove the negatIve structural and institutional forces which debarred growth and development in order to mOhil ize the positive forces which would lead to economic progress. It was a dif ficult task to break away from the pattern of politico-economic subjection - to powers like France and Spain to conditions which would reduce Malta's complete dependence on traditional markets, manufactures and capital. Veneto-Maltese mutual economic approaches during the eighteenth century were just one outstanding example of this complex process of economic 're orientation. It is my purpose here to examine these "approaches" within the broad framework of the island's economy as a whole and the conceptions of it entertained by the Venetian Magistracy of Trade - the Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia 2, My examination will draw heavily on the large collection of Mas similiano Buzzaccarini Gonzaga's orginal, manuscript despatches from Malta to the Cinque Savi 3.

I BUZZACCARINI GONZAGA professed a Knight of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem on 20th January, The Man 1712 liZ. On 25th September, 1754 h~ was the first to be accredited Huomo On 21st April, 1776 Antonio Pous della Repubblica di Venezia to the sielgues, the Venetian Consul in Grandmaster's Court in Malta 13, and Malta 4, wrote to the Cinque Savi in on the morning of 4th December he Venice to tell them of the sad and arrived on the island in that capa sudden death of Buzzaccarini Gon city 14. Soon after, he paid courtesy zaga 5, Still a minor 6, Commendatore calls on all members of the Venerable Fra Massimiliano Emanuele 7, March Council 15. ese a Buzzaccarini Gonzaga 9, from In his letter, the consul paid tribute Padua 10, son of the noble Antonio de to the Knight for his "rare and ster Buzzaccarini, Knight of San Giorgio n, ling qualities" he had demonstrated 2 HYPHEN

throughout his long term of office as light on the island's trade links with Venetian Minister in Malta 16. For an other European, Levantine and North almost 17 uninterrupted stay of over African markets 26, twenty years on the island, Buzzac carini Gonzaga had been entrusted Buzzaccarini Gonzaga's correspon with protecting and helping all dence ranges from an analysis of Venetian subjects who either "pro matters of far-reaChing influence on ceeded to Malta for purposes of Venetian policy in the central Medi trade", or who were "conducted to terranean 24 to items of purely local that place by shipowners and Chris significance, ,25'; from an accurate tian corsairs". In the latter case he rendering of the certain repercussions was 'to, procure, by care and effort,' of the "Ottoman Crown" episode on the immediate release of ships, effects the whole of Christendom 26, probing and persons", and to take cognizance with precision into the state of of ",all minute details of the circum fortifications of the Maltese Islands in stances", particularly, the exact lo the 1760s 27 and into the psychology cality in which such "arrests" had of the local inhabitants faced with an occurred '18. imminent Turkish assault 28, to fre quent passing references to a long drawn-out postal dispute between the His Correspondence Goverment of Malta and Sicily 29; from a meticulous description of During his tenure of office, Massi Malta's trade potentialities 30 to the miliano Buzzaccarini Gonzaga kept in attempt by Robert Damiens on the life constant touch with the Venetian of Louis XV 31; from the feasibility Magistracy of Trade, writing an of establishing through Malta perma average of one letter a fortnight 19, nent trade links between Venice and giving what may be defined as a Denmark 3rl to the celebration on the regula.r news-sheet, enriched by island of the feast of "Our Glorious frequent, sound value-judgements of Protector St. Mark" 3B; from news that all that was happening in and around Algiers had declared war on the Dutch Malta. The whole collection is an and Livornese 34 to news of the enlightening and vociferous primary "immense damages caused by a sourCe for a socio-economic history of terrihie earthquake" in Lisbon, of eighteenth century Malta, It owes its fioods in Cadice 35, the wild spread of importance to four basic reasons, plague in Algiers' arid of an epidemic Firstly, it records not only the major in Naples 36. events in the history of Malta during The collection of Buzzaccarini the period covered by the letters, but Gonzaga's correspondence, in con also the daily occurences which junction with the equally important usually pass unnoticed, and therefore consular despatches 37, provides ample unrecorded, in normal official corres documentation for a reconstruction of pondence 20. Secondly, it penetrates the gradual evolution of Veneto deeply into the nature, character and Maltese commercial relations during potentiality of Malta's economy 2'1, the eighteenth century 3a;: from the Thirdly, Veneto-MaItese day-to-day very poor facilities available to commercial and mercantile relations Venetian merchants and seamen in are presented in a clear and vivid Malta in 1700 39 to the formal perspective 22. Finally, it throws sharp establishment in the 1750s of a AN ECONOMIC HISTORY 3

Maltese Consulate in Venice and a general an innate preference for Venetian Consulate in Malta 40; from anything that was French. French the negligible trade carried out commodities enjoyed a privileged between Venice and Malta in 170041 position in Malta. The knights in to the lucrative bilateral commercial their majority were prejudiced against agreement between the two countries anything else 52. This frame of mind in the 1760s 42; from the occasional on the part of the administration was appearance in the Maltese harbours of bound to restrain the conduct of an insignificant number of Venetian trade and restrict the extent of trading vessels at the opening of the century operations. On the other hand the to the Venetian Republic's fun exploi Maltese merchant, accustomed as he tation of Malta as a naval base in the was to the traditional slow rhythm of 1780s 43, his unadventurous and unsophistica ted trade, to the small range of his II AN ECONOMIC SURVEY? land's agricultural yield and to his unrivalled, regular sea links with Buzzaccarini Gonzaga's description Sicilian ports, was by nature conser of Malta vative 53. The process of change would have to be gradual 54. Only "with It took Massimiliano Buzzaccarini industry and confrontation", confessed Gonzaga seven years to survey Buzzaccarini Gonzaga, would he be Malta's econmic condition and poten able to overcome these difficulties 5i tialities, In 1761 he defined the island Not that the Maltese merchant was as "a country extremely limited in unresponsive to initiative or ambition, natural resources" 44, producing only to risk or adventure. His bold piratical cotton fibres 45 and a very limited incursions in the Adriatic were not amount of ashes 46, The latter were an uncommon o~currence, even as mostly imported from Sicily 47, to early as the fourteenth 56 or fifteenth 57 be in turn resold to a number of century, while his daring corsairing foreign markets, including Venice 48, activity in the Levant during the next For almost everything else the island two centuries was as dreadful to the depended on foreign sources of Turks as it was devastating to the supply 49, Malta, implied Buzzaccarini Venetians 58. By the time Buzzaccarini Gonzaga, would gain in economic Gonzaga was writing, the Maltese significance to the Venetian emporium merchant - partly with the conni if only its purchase-market potentiali vance of the Order, partly on his own ties were fully exploited, The process initiative - had previously tapped the would prove feasible and the attempt Venetian market as a secure source of viable if the island would be en supply59. Large assortments of com couI'aged to redirect its search for raw modities - from timber, wax and materials to the Adriatic port 50. The ironmongery to paper, copper, mirrors only difficulties were of a partly and other glassware - were shipped psychological character. On the one from the old Adriatic port to Malta, hand the Order had always been very often in exchange for ashes of ready to grasp at every opportunity Kalimagnum 60. This commercial ser to offset its old ties of politico vice was of long standing 61. Other economic dependence on Sicily, Spain vast shipments of foodstuffs and and France, but due to the nature of other products were purchased from its composition 51, it still harboured in Levantine markets, whereas it was 4 HYPHEN only recently that the Maltese mer ceremonial, became through the years chant had been venturing on more sophisticated, and sharpened its Dalmatian markets, particularly for members' ever increasing appetite for wine 62. He had also lately resolved to luxury. Economically this was another start buying ironmongery from effective force of change. On the other Trieste, seemingly unaware, according hand, the Maltese inhabitants' ex to the Venetian Minister, of "loss of perience of "prosperity and a com time on the longer voyage and of fortable standard of living" 72 was differences in weights and quality" 63. mirrored in the island's steady demo The Maltese merchant sailed to these graphic growth. From 64,000 inhabi distant ports, in distant hostile waters, tants in 1650 73 , population increased rarely safe from piracy or immune to 100,000 a century later 'M and to from similar mishaps, with "ready about 130,000 by 1785 75, Amelioration cash" on board, entirely at his own in the social life of the country was risk 64. bound to be reflected in, and in turn Buzzaccarini Gonzaga's "economic to stimulate, the diversification of survey" mentioned other determining Malta's trade pattern. factors. The first was the Greek merchant whose ties with Malta had The Cinque Savi's idea of Malta for long been close 65. With the ser vices 'of a Greek Consulate on the The Cinque Savi's idea of Malta in the island 66, he frequently visited the 1760s was derived partly from place on his own ship or on foreign Massimiliano Buzzaccarini Gonzaga'!, galleys as a peaceful trader, received correspondence and other regular safe-conducts from the Grandmaster, despatches of the Venetian consul dealt in the 'art' of ransoming slaves resident on the island 76, and partly and often called at the local tribunals from the rich collection of original to sue against "wrongful depreda documentation preserved in the tions" 67. A favourite pilot on Maltese Archives of the Magistracy 77. In 1761 vessels, he knew very well the worth they submitted a detailed, elaborate of the Maltese corsair in the Levant, report on Malta to the Venetian occasionally supplying him with Senate 78. The report, hitherto unpub important secret intelligence 68. Sensi lished, is important to the economic tive to the urgency and priority the historian of the Mediterranean. In Order attached to the grain trade and clear and specific terms, the Cinque to the perennial wheat shortage Savi laid down what they considered experienced by the island, the Greek to be the basic characteristics of merchant was continually exploiting Malta's economic structure and trade the situation 69, He was a formidable pattern and the island's potentialities trader in the Mediterranean and an as a purchase-market and commercial even more formidable competitor in entrep6t. In so doing they penetrated tM\alta's grain and timber trade, into the nature of the former close always managing to extract handsome Veneto-Maltese trade links and into profits, and being occasionally mis the forces that were threatening to taken for Venetian 70, undermine these ties in the eighteenth The Order's social life in its "com century_ The report is a forceful modious palaces of Valetta., , and attempt to fit in Malta's developing the countryside" 711, at once dignified commerce with the Venetian policy of and impressive, extravagant and self-readjustment and rehabilitation, AN ECONOMIC HISTORY 5 placing the various events and deve monopolized by Venice. States, "better lopments in Mediterranean economy enlightened" and "provided with their in perspective. It betrays a vivid own merchant fleets", like France, consciousness of the complex forces Holland and England, by-passed her pressing hard on the Republic's ailing as the traditional middleman 84; others economy. In fact, the Cinque Savi's "opened their own ports" with a concept of Malta was conditioned by similar objective. "The Court of the Republic's inability to reassert its Vienna" did its utmost to attract these identity and its withdrawal produc new, commercially "independent" tively "further and further into States to Trieste, "deviating their uncomplimentary local and parochial [original] tr.ade routes to our detri economies" 79. ment", while "the merchants of Nature, the Cinque Savi p.ointed out, Trieste, flying the Imperial flag, dif had been deplorably avaricious in her fused themselves in all parts of the dealings with Malta. The rigidity and commercial world" 85. Nevertheless, barreness of the soil deprived the Venice in the 1760s, according to the country of any natural resources, Cinque Savi, was still "a centre of contributing only towards the island's distribution of copious congeries of impregnability 80. As if to conform manufactured goods" 86, with the meagre character of the Nor was the Adriatic port by any land, the local inhabitants were means a new source of supply for renowned for their lack of skill and Malta. On many previous occasions inexpertise in every important the Dominante had supplied the trade 31. With revenues flowing island's demands for a vast array of "luxuriously" into the country from manufactured goods of iron, steel, the Order's possessions all over copper and brass 87. Amid the chang Europe, and with the islanders' ing circumstances of the Mediter practice of exchanging a highly res ranean, the Order - and on its tricted range of local products, the example, the Maltese merchant - still Order of St John was compelled to favoured its traditional Adriatic seek from foreign sources not only market, until it succumbed to such "essential foodstuffs" but also "aU forces as self-interest and pressing other commodities for human use and warnings from its Resident Receivers comfort" 82. The island was bound in Venice 88 to change its trade direc regularly to import what the Cinque tion 89, "Some under Austrian, some Savi called "the produce of the land" under Roman influence," these Recei - like wheat, oil, wine and salt vers sought respectively to promote either from neighbouring markets the commercial interests of Trieste, like those in the Kingdom of Naples, Leghorn and Ancona, aiming success Sicily and the Morea - or from others fully, according to the Cinque Savi, at which, due to surplus production, redirecting Maltese merchant ships. were deemed of greater convenience. This deviation of Maltese trade be The Cinque Savi recalled that came even more pronounced in 1761 centuries earlier the political situation when a number of Maltese ships in the Mediterranean had deprived the proceeded to load the whole or part of Republici of her previous customers their merchandise in Trieste 90. On and of her commanding position. this occasion the Maltese merchant Cities, like Marseilles 83, were quick availed himself of the proximity of to take over the role previously other neighbouring markets to buy 6 HYPHEN supplies of sugar and wax from weight (cantaro, salma, , .), volume Fiume 91, glassware from Bohemia, (botte, cafisio, bar rile ... ) or number paper from Romagna, silk goods from (dozana . ..), depending On the type of Tuscany and many other commodities goods involved. There were two rates from surrounding markets 92, The of customs-tariff 99. Merchandise Venetian consul in Trieste, wrote the imported by nationals and Sicilians 100 Cinque Savi, had repeatedly informed was charged 31-% ad valorem duty, the Magistracy of these develop while all other foreign merchants were ments 93 which were again to be subject to a 6t% ad valorem drity. "respectfully stressed" later by Knight Foodstuffs and potables, together with Michele Sagramoso 94, "who, with any other type of merchandise friegh noble sentiments, [sought] to remedy ted to the Order in Malta by its the loss suffered by Venice on account Receivers in Europe, were exempted of Maltese trade deviation by possibly from all customs dues 101, Dues on redirecting it in the future" 95. transit-trade, a facility to be enjoyed To achieve this end, it was vital to only by the foreign merchant, were find means of restoring confidence to reckoned at 1% if re·exported within the Maltese merchant community. "It a year; otherwise, the levy for bonded i::: therefore necessary," concluded the merchandise w,as worked out at the Report of 1761, "to make every effort rate of 6i% for Maltese/Sicilian to recall and reinstate a not unim· merchants and 12% for all ohter portant branch of commerce which foreign traders 102. has slipped visibly from our hands, Tables A, Band C are a reproduction and in so doing, has undermined not of the above-mentioned document. only a portion of our distribution of They give 2. clear and detailed cross Germanic goods, but and this is section of the Maltese customs-tariff even worse - a host of our own system and other related charges manufactures." 96 Anxious to secure imposed by the local autonomous the possible benefits of a Veneto corporation known as the Universitd Maltese trade link, the Cinque Savi c:ei GiuraU whose main function was aIla Mercanzia deemed it expedient to administer the Massa Frumentaria, "to relieve that branch of commerce which gave interest of 3% per annum of export duties and, by way of res on savings deposits. Investments in titution, of import duties too on all the Massa Frumentaria would go for Germanic goods exported to Malta, the purchase of the necessary food· These burdens had lain at the root of stuffs, particularly wheat 103. Table D Malta's trade deviation." 97 shows consular dues in Malta.

Malta's customs-tariff system III AN UNWRITTEN TRADE

BUsta 43 of the Archives of the Gran AGREEMENT Priorato dell'Ordine di Malta in Venice contains a very interesting document BuzzaccarinI Gonzaga's initial measures on the system of customs-tariff prac tised in Malta 98, In principle customs In Buzzaccarini Gonzaga's early cor dues were generally reckoned in terms respondence (1. e. from 1754 to 1760), of value, while extra charges were only occasionaIly does one come imposed separately on different classes across isolated references to ships of merchandise, rated in terms of proceeding to Malta with Venetian AN ECONOMIC HISTORY 7 merchandise. But was not this the urgent setting-up of a Venetian Trad Venetian consul's task? 1O~ In May ing House (Casa di Commercia) on 1755, for example, La Galleria s. the island 111, "It would remedy," he Pietro, master Nicolo Tarabocchia, explained, "the inconvenience of a arrived in Malta from Venice in 46 Nation which must avail itself of all days, laden "with effects" for "this opportunities [for its subsistence] to Sacred Religion" 100, while Pietro the point of vexing even the foreign Iannich "unloaded" in Malta "a cargo merchant whenever it is felt necessary of wheat" before proceeding to to transact business with him." With Trapani 106, Others came, at remote a Venetian House in Malta, "merchan intervals, with shipments of construc dise proceeding from the Levant, tion timber and other merchandise 1Q7. particularly linen-cloth manufactures, It is however in conjunction with his would be stored in [local] warehouses "economic survey" that Buzzaccarini to await the right opportunity, or else Gonzaga's initiial measures to transhipped to other markets when augment Veneto-Maltese trade rela ever Maltese merchants were not tions should be traced. In his letter of prepared to pay the right prices." An 1st June, 1761 the Cinque Savi were "established House", affirmed Buzzac told that the local Maltese merchant carini Gonzaga, would gradually was seemingly inclined to start buying absorb Malta's eastern Mediterranean "quantities of linen operated by trade. This branch of Maltese trade, Antonio Carrari" from Bovolenta, One "which today is being carried out by Maltese trader was in fact furnished the Maltese merchant, would be per with all relevant information and formed by Venetians on their own recommended to a certain Signor ships; merchandise would be brought Smichia. He was also advised by to Malta either through commission or Massimiliano Buzzaccarini Gonzaga to put in bond for a year as foreign see for h\mself "the manufacturing merchandise in transit, paying 1~/~ process of silk fabricated in duty besides warehouse dues." If this Venice" 108, Shortly afterwards, the objective materialized, thought the Venetian Minister this time ap iMinister, "the introduction of other ached the Order on the same question, commodities, like wool, silk and other ordering samples of linen from Carrari. manufactures, would be a matter of This proposal, wrote Buzzaccarini course .. ,; besides, these articles Gonzaga in February 1762, "was still would also sell in Sicily and Barbary" being considered" 100. During his in exchange for ashes, Tunisian linen "months-long" visit to Malta, Giovanni cloth and a host of other goods. Martinich was encouraged by the Deeply rooted and sustained com Minister in his attempt to foster a mercial contacts existed between Veneto-Maltese trade link "of no Malta and these parts, and trade with mean consideration [and] from which the area gave ample scope for deve great benefit would be drawn by lopment, manouvre and even mono Venetian merchants and ships" 110, poly 112. However, the establishment Faced with the triple task of conso of a Venetian Trading House in Malta, lidating initial gains, attracting Vene inj Buzzaccarini Gonzaga's view, was tian merchants to Malta and redirect bound to encounter an important ing Maltese trade to the old Adriatic technical difficulty. Would Venetians port, MassimiIiano Buzzaccarini Gon be grated equal r.ights to trade on the zaga, in February 1762, proposed the island as the Maltese merchant? 8 HYPHEN

Would they he subjected only to the granted lately in connection with the same customs-tariff? How would the Ottoman Crown episode were extend conservative Maltese merchant react ed and made permanent, would not to such a project? Massimiliano both the Venetian merchant and the Buzzaccarini Gonzaga had to wait for Order of St John benefit? Would not instructions from Venice before start this be a wise gesture on the part of ing formal negotiations with the the Republic to encourage the Maltese Grandmaster w', merchant to redirect his trade towards the Adriatic market, and inject The 'April Decrees'. Veneto-Maltese trade with a new vitality'121,? The Senate described In 1761 the Sublime Porte was Sagramoso's case as "worthy of being threatening the island of Malta with cultivated and fully seconded" 122. an imminent assault unless the Otto In April 1762 the Venetian Senate man Crown, "the most beautiful vessel issued two important decrees. The of Constantinople", was immediately first, dated 2nd April, exempted restored by the Order 114, Faced with Germanic merchandise directed to the serious, turbulent situation at Malta via Venice from all export Constantinople 1'15, and sensitive to the duties for a five-year probationary urgent precautions being taken in period. Import charges imposed on Malta against any Turkish attack 1.16, such goods on entering Venice were the Venetian Senate, on the Order's to be refunded 123. The second decree, petition, granted Knight Michele dated 30th April, extended tariff Sagramoso licence to export duty-free exemption to all merchandise exported from Venice 1arge quantities of pick to Malta 124. axes and mattocks to the island 117. In the context of the second decree, Sagramoso was no idle diplomat. He complete tariff exemption meant was fully acquainted with the Repub reimbursement of all dues (import lic's inclination towards securing a and export) paid on merchandise purchase market in Malta and using shipped to Malta. To qualify for such a the island as a central Mediterranean privilege, the Maltese merchant had entrep!)t llS. Early in 1762, in his to follow a set of prescriptions capacity as Acting-Receiver in stipulated in the Terminazione degl' Venice 119, he submitted, on his own Illustrissimi, et EcceZlentissimi Signori initiative, a new case before the Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia. Che Senate. The dynamic element, latent in comprende li Mettodi da osservarsi every society however conservative, per bonificare if Dazio d'Uscita a tutt'J would regenerate the island's old trade Ie Merci, che saran no estmtte per link with the Dominante, 'if carefully Malta, e quello d'Ingresso ai Generi exploited with regards to Malta. With infrascritti. Approvata con Decreto psychological finesse, he explained dell' Eccellentissimo Senato dei 30. that it had always been the Order's Aprile 1702. Stampata per li Figliuoli desire to reactiv·ate Maltese trade with del qu: Z. Antonio Pinelli, Stampatori the Adriatic port in preference to any DucalP25. In brief, the methods and bther foreign market.ll20• Were not documents demanded by the Cinque heavy tariffs and high prices among Savi were the following: the main causes of deviating Maltese commerce with Venice and her co On arrival in Malta lonial ports? If the tariff exemptions ship's master would submit the Bill of AN ECONOMIC HISTORY 9 lading to the Venetian consusl, who would - each collo had to be sealed with tho;; verify whether the shipped colli were "Stamp of Our Protector St Mark". strictly in accordance with the Bolletta. He - Lading of merchandise on board in \Yould then issue a Respollsa.le, a document, bearing the consular seal, certifying the Fante's presence. Fante would gh'e Caplain arrival of merchandise. ar. authentic list, bearing his signiture, of merchandise laden on ship, to be handed Before departure from Venice over to the Raggionato. -- no alteration could be made in the - two authentic copies, bearing the }lanifesto after this stage. merchants' signiture. of the lrfanifesto di J!ercallzia, which contained (a) a detailed -- Responsale to be countersigned by description of the nature, quality and quan :\1assimiliano Buzzaccarini Gonzaga in his tity of the merchandise about to be expor· capacity as UO'ntO della Repubblica. ted; (b) the name of the ship being Uled for the purpose; and (cl the Master's name. Claim

one copy had to go to the FuZe - Submission of authentic Resj>o}?sale 10 Raggionato of the Magistracy of Trade. the Fedel Raggionato in Venice for reim. other to the Fedel Nodaro and Scrivano bursement of all duties paid in the prOCe5g. d'Uscita for scrutiny and -two copies of the Bill of lading (Bolletta) The Maltese merchant's right to identical to the Manifesto: one for the reclaim duties on goods paid on owner of the merchandise, the other for the entering Venice was restricted. to a Raggionato. host of commodities specified in the Terminazione. The list, comprising 47 - sorting out and packing of merchandise different types of commodities, is into colli in the Fante's presence. being reproduced here in the original.

Nota de' Generi, ai quali sara' restituito iI·Dazio d 'I ngresso alia loro estrazione per Malta

Bande di ferro 'relle Costanze curate Bazze di Fillo di ferro Telle Costanze greze, Olandine Caldare e Caldarette di Rame lfine, & ordinarie dal Can. e Corigioli Cavalline in sorte Chiodi di sorte Telle da Tamisi Flil di Rame diverso Telle da Campidonia Lamerini di, Ferro Telle di Slesia e di Germania Legnami Tedeschi 'reUe di Rensi Tedeschi Lime di Ferro Telle Giurini in sOTte Lime di Paglia Telle G. H. ci~e Telle greze da Oro battudo da Colonia IPittori di Cento Aquilone, Piconi di Ferro Agnelline, e Ariete in sorte Rame di Piancia Telle Fiochetti. 0 sian Olmi Rame rosso diverse Telle Negresine Telle Carnizze in sorte, dette Telle Occhietti lanco Lubiane Telle Paggere e Paggerine Telle Cavalline Telle Poggiane, 0 sian da VelIe 10 HYiPHEN

e da Locca Azzali Telle Rigate Banda Raspata Telle Sangali e Quadretti Banda Stagnata Telle Stampate Cortelli con Pironi Telle Tovagliate di Lino e Stoppa Cortelli Caravani Telle Terlise e Terlisette Fili Latton Telle Terlisoni Lametta di Latton bianca e gialla Zappe e Zapponi di Ferro Padelle di Ferro Carte Bergamine Trementina

Tariff exemption applied also to the face of such growing competition, the export of heavy timber (tavolame, April Decrees ""ould lure the Maltes ~ travame, alborame), purchase of which merchant and re-route a substantial had normally to be exacted from the part of his trade towards the Venetia.1 Venetian Guild of Timber Mer emporium. chants 126, To stretch the objectives of these The Republic's measures of April concesions a step further, the Cinque 1762 were explicitly directed at attrac Savi commissioned Buzzaccarini Gon ting a "not unimportant" branch of zaga to try and follow up the April Maltese trade away from Trieste 127. Decrees by reaching a similar agree Austrian policy, particularly after the ment - "by way of treaty" - with Treaty of Passarowitz, had been the Government of Malba: Venetian especially geared to isolate Venice merchandise shipped to Malta by "within the Adriatic", AustrIan Trieste Venetian merchants on Venetian ships and Rijeka (Fiume) had been declared would receive similar facilities and free ports in 1719 and since then had tariff exemptions at the port of been waging "an economic siege", "a Malta 131, "until this mutual practice war of industry\> against the Republic. evolved into a permanent conven Not only was the fiscal policy at the tion" 132. mercato realtino appearing by compa This was a delicate question which rison over-burdensome to the foreign would involve one of the Order of St trader - whether from the Levant, John's most fundamental principles - the West, Albania, the Turkish pro that of neutrality. As this subject has vinces or Germany - but was even been treated at some length in another repellent to the Venetian merchant paper 133, I shall limit myself to two himself. Total or partial tariff exemp observations. Firstly, the Grandmaster tions at the port of Trieste, declared would not venture on a policy that the Cinque Savi, "had lately succeeded would prove unwelcome not only to in deviating Maltese ships from lading himself but also to his successors, in Venice supplies of Germanic manu "since the revenue accrued" from factures", prev:iously monopolised by customs and excise duties constituted the Republic 128, These, having been a fair portion of his income" 134, one time the leading articles of Mal According to an independent source, tese trade with the Republic, used to the Grandmaster's yearly income serve as an occasion for the purchase (Ricetta Megistrale) during the early of a host of other Venetian pro decades of the eighteenth century had ducts 129, Germanic goods had become risen to about 100,000 Scudi "because much more expensive to buy in Venice customs duites have been extremely than in any other market 130. In the increased, higher than ever before". AN ECONOMIC HISTORY 11

The same source points out that 30% exportation from Malta, subject of the magister.ial revenues, then, only to 1% duty, and storage in came from the Dogana alone 135, By local warehouses for a period not the 1760s trade and duties had in specified period, and used instead creased accordingly 136, Secondly, exceeding one year; if not expor favouring the Venetian merchant ted before the expiry of that would almost inevitably create a pre for local consumption, it would cedent, Exemption of a few would lead become subject to the "Law of to exemption of all, France, Spain, Higher Duty of 6t%". Portugal and the Ringdom of the Two Sicilies would have reason to demand 3 Merchandise initially manifested similar tariff concessions which would for transit purposes and afterwards be diplomatically impossible to refuse. declared for local usage, would be Privileges enjoyed by the Order and bracketed within the 3t % conces the Maltese merchant in French. sion. Spanish, Portughese, Neapolitan and Massimiliano Buzzaccarini Gonzaga's Sicilian ports were, according to design fitted in nicely with the Repub Grandmaster Pinto, much more sub lic's economic rehabilitation policy. stantial and extensive than those Venetian trade in the central Mediter recently accorded by Venice. None of ranean would gradually absorb not these had ever approached the Order only a large portion of Maltese trade for Africa. The Venetian Minis An Alternative Design ter was, no doubt, conscious of the difficulties involved in apportioning In August 1763 Massimiliano Buzzac without distinction the comparatively carni Gonzaga submitted his alterna limited tI1ade of the island among tive project to the Grandmaster for nationals and foreigners, as this in the establishment in Malta of a Vene practice would necessarily reduce the tian Trading House 138. The design was profits of the Maltese merchant 140. based on three principles. Nonetheless, the Grandmaster seemed inclined, in general principle, towards lOne or two Venetian merchant acceding to this alternative design, "families" would be granfed natu provided that "this acquiescence" ralization, i. e., they would be would not be embodied in any allowed to take up residence in "authentic document", as this would Malta in their capacity as trad open the door for other States to make ers 139 and to enjoy "i! Privilegio similar claims 141. The one or two Nazionale", i. e., all those customs Venetian. families would be granted tariff exemptions normally reserved the privilegio nazionale and the privi only for the Maltese merchant:- vilegio di trans ito 1~. The third article was rejected as .the principle it in 2 They would enjoy "i! Privilegio di volved would automatically render ail Transito" or Hi! Privilegio dei tariff legislation in Malta extremely Forastieri", i. e., transit trade con flexible to the sole discretion of the cessions not shared by nationals. owners of the respective merchandise. Imported merchandise, Venetian or The Venetian families concerned otherwise, would be allowed re- would be in a position "to assume 12 HYPHEN control over the largest part of the Mattei, Giuseppe Grech, Pietro Felice, island's traffic" 143, The Grandmaster's Giuseppe Bonello, Giulio d'Andrea, Decree, granting the Venetian families Carlo Ciantar, Gio. Andrea Xerri and naturalization and enabling them to Lorenzo Grech - 148 petitioned the partake of the said privileges, would Grandmaster "to interpose his good be issued to the merchants concerned, offices" so that the Venetian Republic or: their arrival and at their own "would have the kindness to grant the request. This would give the document renewal of the said exemptions for a private character and the Trading another five years"'H9, In 1769, two House an informality of a privata years after, Massimiliano Buzzaccarini business concern 144. Oonzaga, on behalf :of the Grand Although these concessions were master, submitted a formal request not as liberal as their Venetian coun for renewal to the Ventian Magistracy terparts, they were nonetheless of Trade 100, asking for a modification "acceptable" to the Cinque Savi alIa of the April Decrees. No reference was Mercanzia, as they would give the made in the application to goods of Venetian merchant a greater oppor Germanic origin, nor to Venetian tunity of strengthening his trade links manufactures, which had featured so with Sicily and North Mrica, The only prominently on the first occasion. setback was that the agreement would Perhaps the most significant trade not be embodied in a formally written, concession contained in the Aprii binding and officially rectified conven Decrees had been the granting of the tion. Successive Granmasters could, if rjght to purchase and export different they so desired, completely disregard types of timber free of all imposts. .~ 145 L • The Magistracy was now being asked Towards the end fo their report, the to retain concession on this indispen Cinque Savi paid tribute to Buzzacca sible commodity. Buzzaccarini Gon rini Gonzaga and Sagramoso: the zaga indicated also the Order's desire former, for having, with "dexterity" to start buying regularly annual and "true diUgence", succeeded in ex amounts of grain - from 20 to 30 tracting "advantages, singularly con thousand staia, tax-free 151. cerning Our Commerce" from "a The application was refered to the Government indisposed to concede Magistrato alle Biave, but due to a them"; the latter, for his "praise number of difficulties concerning navi worthy thoughts and ability" with gation, the State's finances and which he had grasped the opportunity "domestic econmy", it remained "of redirecting to the Dominante the shelved for the next twelve years or Commerce of Malta" and for "the so 152. On 20th December, 1781 the uninterrupted attention with which he question was brought up again by the had so indefatigably worked to recall Order's Receiver in Venice in a pro Maltese ships to Our Harbour" 1,(6, memoria submitted to the Venetian CoUege l53• On the strength of past Requests for Renewal performances, would a renewal of tax exemptions prove economically re Just as the five-year period of Vene w,arding to the old Adriatic port? Was tian tariff concessions was about to the preferential treatment which expire 147, a group of interested, Venice extended to the Maltese shrewd Ma-Itese merchants - inclUd merchant in 1762 instrumental to the ing the brothers Carlo and Antonio improvement in the Republic's net- AN ECONOMIC HISTORY 13 work of trade relations with other undesirable stage in Mediterranean cities? Were there any marked dif political and commercial development. ferences in Venetian exports to Malta In December 1755 Buzzaccarini Gon between the five-year period of con zaga informed the Cinque Savi that cession (1762-67) and later years? Turkey had given Algiers specific The 1760s had shown promising instructions to settle peace with signs of recovery in Venetian trade Austria J62. Two months later he relations with Denmark and the observed that no marked progress had Barbary Regencies. Denmark, in her yet been made towards Algerian "modernization" drive, was seeking peace with the Habsburgs 163. Was it opportunities for expanding her over perhaps because Algiers was at war seas commerce with the east and the with Tunis? 164 Was it because Mediterranean. Trade agreements had Algerian Beys were by nature "always already been concluded with France, the most insolent and the most fiercely Spain, Genoa and Naples 154. "Why given to the corso?l65 Or was it not with Venice, too?" thought Buz perhaps because the Regency's zaccarini Gonzaga. In his despatch of alliance with the strong naval powers 10th August, 1761 the Venetian in the Mediterranean, France and Minister submitted an account of his England, encouraged Algerian corsairs negotiations with the superintendent to confine their reprisals to the weaker of a Danish trade mission during the nations? 166 Certainly the situation latter's sojourn in Malta. He explained was even worse than in early 1755 plans for a provisional Veneto-Danish when strained relations between the trade agreement and advised the Regency and the Dutch and Livornese Magistracy to act promptly in that had caused unrest to Austrian naviga. direction lest the outcome might prove gation ~67, Now, even the Austrian as abortive as the 1750 attempt 155. consul in Tunis had been conducted to slavery in Algiers 168. Buzzaccarini In 1763 Venice concluded peace Gonzaga depicted the Algerian siege treaties with Algiers 156 and Tunis 157, of Tunis with great mastery and in 1764 with Tripoli 158 and in 1765 detail, overconfident that the Magis with Morocco 169. It is premature, if tracy in Venice would lie awaiting not too presumptuous, to assert that news of the latest developments 169. such a development in Mediterranean Relations between Venice and Tri history had been a definite outcome poli were traced with no less skill and of a close Veneto-Maltese rapport. colour 170, It was precisely in one of Other forces at play there certainly his despatches on this theme that were, particularly Austria's stipula Buzzaccarini Gonzaga implicity con tion of commercial treaties with the firmed the intermediary role Malta Barbary Regencies, which Cessi calls was playing between the Republic and "a moral threat to the Republic" 161}, the Regencies. Writing in mid-1764 However, Malta's share in the process he refered to the recently concluded cannot be denied, if only as a secure peace treaty between Venice and and direct source of intelligence, even Tripoli Ipl, though her relations with Barbary could have never been cordial 1'61. I trust that this new Commerce with From the Venetian point of view, Barbary will provide me with greater oppor Austria's progressive relations with tunities to render service and obedience to the Regencies constituted a very Your Excellencies. This Island's position. 14 HYPHEN being within easy reach, gives me access to in Malta very rarely recorded the the most reliable and speedy mforma1:ion respective amounts, values or volumes about other Nations' trade with Barbary. of freighted goods; and it is only from Through these Nations, which call here 1778 onwards that Antonio Pous flequently, Venetian consuls [there] would sielgues started to submit regularly keep m" m touch with all developments the lists. backdated from 1773, of Venetian moment they receive instructions from Your ships arriving in Malta 1:17. Between ExceUendes. 1762 and 1767 about 100,000 planks of Larese 178 timber was shipped to Malta had a new role awaiting her. Malta from Venice 179. In 1763-64, Five months before the Order's Re which were years of severe bad har ceiver had submitted his pro-memo vests and grain shortage reaching ria 1m, a plague-stricken Venetia ,1 famine proportions 'ISO, Malta imported ketch, the Buona Unione, master Giro over 15,500 staia of grain. Other lamo PadeHa, anchored in the vicinitv Venetian merchandise included all of Ma:samxetto Harbour. With a rich types of paper (carta, carta strazza, cargo of linen, wool, camel-hIde and carta da scrivere, carta dascrivere rice, she had been chartered for Sfax tina, carta stampata, carta da navigar, by some Tunisian merchants. "To pre cartone), books 181', glass panes, vent the plague from spreading and mirrors, crystals, nails, copper, lead, preserve thE;) tranquility of the Medi wax, turpentine, linen and wool 182. terranean", the Grandmaster ordered The Cinque Savi claimed that a close the ketch to be incinerated on the 9th examination of Ven~tian exports to July in St Julian's Creek. The incident Malta during the tax-free period 1762- was communicated to the Trade 67, when compared to the next five Magistracy by Antonio Poussielgues, years when tariff concessions had the Venetian consul in Malta, on 14th expired, revealed "only a very slight July, 1781 1?3. The Venetian Republic's difference". This was a strong indica refusal to compensate the loss of tion, they explained, of the vital 14,000 zecchini claimed by the Tuni necessity for Malta to secure regular sian merchants 174, and its failure to supplies - with or without conces overawe the Tunisian Bey with sions 183. Andrea Querini's imposing squad Besides, in 1782 the Cinque Savi aUa ron i75, were sufficient evidence that Mercanzia was still seeking to utilise the episode would lead to serious Venetian trade links with Malta repercussions. It would be suicidal for towards a new industrial joint venture. the Republic to break the good rela On the 27th September of that year, tions with the Order at a moment the Magistracy made overtures to the when Malta was bound to have an Venetian consul in Malta for the pos important funotion to perform 176. sibility of having the Order's ships There were other equally important constructed in the Venetian arsenal 184. factors to consider. The Manifesti di Did not the Grandmaster recently Esportazioni e Ruoli di Bastimenti. attempt to revive the recrudescent contained in the archives of the Cinque Maltese corso 1857 Savi, provide a means for anexami The Magistracy of Trade was in nation of the commodities which filled favour of renewing the April Decrees. the holds of most ships trading There was no other country better between Venice and Malta. The cor suited than Malta, they explained, respondence of merchants and consuls which, in proportion to its slender AN ECONOMIC HISTORY 15

means, could readily meet the requirE:- ten years 191, ments concerning the promotion of *.... "an active and profitable trade" 186, Such was the framework within However, in view of what were termed which Veneto-Maltese economic as "recent developments" un, there approaches moved during Massi were other points that had to be con- miIiano Buzzaccarini Go 11 zag a's sidered before exemptions were re· ministry, leading the Order of St John newed, Firstly, a variety of Venetian and tne Adriatic Republic towards a manufactures "in imitation" of those very close relationship. 'It was a re bought from Germany. particularly warding process of readjustment for pelli, tele and lana 188, could b~ both countries. Venice gained, along gradually introduced on the Maltese side the other European Powers. 11 market in order to stimulate the local stable position in the neutral, strate· industry and to reduce the burden of gically invaluable MaTtese principality. tax-exemptions 189, Secondly, regula. The Order of St John found in the tory efforts should be made to avoid Venetian emporium a guaranted mar disparity in prices for the same Vene- ket which it was determined to tion commodity. If Venetian timber safeguard at all costs. Pinto's hesi were undersold from Malta, by way of tancy to join the papal coalition transit, to Mediterranean and Barbary against the immediate repercussions of markets, where it was always in the Veneto-Tripolitan Peace Treaty of unvarying demand, the credibility of 1764 192, and the stringent precautions the Venetian product would be subtly taken by De Rohan in the 1790s to llndermined and would thus be defeat- prevent the recurrence. of corsairing ing the purpose of such conces- hostility in the Levant 193 betrayed an sians lSO. In the end, the Cinque Savi obvious timidity of encroaching upon proposed a tax-exemption period of the Republic's delicate coraiality with Turkey.

REFERENCES AND NOTES AGPV Archivio del Gran Priorato dell'Ordine di Malta, Venice AIM Archives of the Inquisition, Malta AOM Archives of the Order of Malta, National Library, Malta ASV Archivio di Stato, Venice CSAM Cinque Savi alia Mercanzia MEG Cinque Savi aHa Mercanzia, prima serie, busta 601, Lettere del Commendatore di Malta Massimiliano Buzzaccarini Gonzaga Museo Civico Correr, Venice Modo Veneziano National Library, Malta

I, For a sound bibliography of twentieth century works on the history of the Order ,, of St. John in Rhodes, see J. l\1izzi, "A Bibliography of the Order of St John of Jerusalem (1925-1969)", The Order of St John in Malta wHh an exhibition of paintings by Mattia Preti Painter and Knight, Malta 1970, nos. 160-202. Prof. Lionel Butler's long awaited study on the subject is still a desideratum. No syste. matic analysis of the Order's eight-year odessey (1522-1530) from Rhodes 10 :'vIal1a has yet surpassed R. Valentini, "I CavaUeri di S. Giovanni da Rodi a Malta. 16 HYPHEN

Trattative diplomatiche", Arehiv1,m Melitense IX (1935), pp.137-237. For the history of Malta before 1530 the standard work is A. Luttrell (ed.) Medieval Malta: Studies on. Malta before the Knights, London 1975. It is regretted, however, that the economic aspect has only received passing references. The edi tor's contribution, "Approaches to Medieval Malta", is by far the best modern bibliographical study of the period both in exposition and interpretation. The original Bul! ceding Malta to the Order of St. John, dated 23 March, 1530, is in AOM 70. 2. M. Borgherini-Scarabcllin, HI! Magistrato dei Cinque Savi alia Mercanzia dalla istituzione alia caduta della RepubbHca", M.iscellanea di Storia Veneto-Tridentina II (Venice, 1926), pp. 1-148, is a useful and readable survey of the history 01 the Magistracy. 3. ASV, CSAM, prima serie, busta 601, "Lettere del Commcndatore di Malta Massi- miliano Buzzaccarini Gonzaga". 4. He was appointed consul on 22nd March, 1766. AOM 569, f.194v. 5. ASV, CSAM, prima serie, busta 711, 21st April, 1776. 6. AGPV, busta 166, n. 26. 7. AOM, £.690 8. AGPV, busta 166, n. 26, passim. 9. All his letters to Venice were signed "Massimiliano Buzzaccarini Gonzaga", though the "Gonzaga" was rarely appended to his name in the correspondence he re ceived from Venice or in other Venetian documents. 10. AOM 2166, pp. 284-285. 11. See Appendix. 12. AOM 2166, pp. 284-285. AGPV, bltsta 166, n.26. 13. ASV, CSAM, Diversomm, busta 403, lase. 76. 14. AOM 2231, p.6. ASV, MEG, 7th December, 1754. 15. Ibid. 16. On at least three occasions i\lassimiliano Buzzaccarini Gonzaga referred to his being grieviously afflicted witb gout. Ibid" 12th March, 17G3; 23rd June, 1766; 3rd August, 1767. 17. He had left Malta for Venice on 20th May, 1760 and returned on 3rd April, 1761. For information about his journey, see ibid., 14th June, 1760 (from Padua); 7th March, 1761 (from Rome); 17th March, 1761 (from Naples). During his absence from Malta, his cousin Fra Alviero Zazzo acted as Venetian Minister in his stead. Ibid., 14th June, 1760. 18. ASV, CSAM, Diversorum, busta 403, fasc. 76, "Commissione per I'Huomo della Repubblica di Venezia in Malta", 25th September, 1754. 19. See note 29 below. 20. ASV, MEG, passim. 21. See below. 22. See below. 23. The few studies that exist on tlle commercial history of Malta during the Order's rule deal only with the island's trade relations with individual countries. For Venice see V. Mallia-Milanes, "Some Aspects of Veneto-Maltese Trade Relations in the XVIIIth Century", Studi Veneziani XVI (1974), pp.503-553; and the same author's "Malta and Venice in the Eighteenth Century: A Study i.n Consular Re. lations", Studi Veneziani XVII-XVIII (1975-76), pp.265.320. For France see M. Chaillan, "Le commerce de Malte avec Marseille et la France", 1I1emoires de /'Insti. AN ECONOMIC HISTORY 17

tut historique de Provence (1935), pp.173-199; and J. Godechot, "La France cL Malte au XVIIIe", Revue historique CCVI (Ju'ly-September, 1951). pp.67-7'). On Anglo-Maltese commercial relations see A.P. Vella, "A Sixteenth Century Eliza bethan Merchant in Malta", Melita Histor'lca Y, 3 (1970), pp.197-238; and V. Mallia-Milanes, "English Merchants' Initial Contacts with Malta: A Reconsidera tion", l1felita Historica VI, 4 (1975), pp.342-361. Tunisian trade links with :Vlalb are dealt with by L. Valensi, "Les relations commerciales entre let, Hegc;lcc dc' Tunis et Malte au XVlIIeme Sieele", C(lltiers de Twlisie 11 (1963), pp. 71-83. 24. See ASV, MEG, 14th April, 19th 1\1ay, 11th and 25th August, 1st December, 1755; 5th January, 16th February, 1755 MV; 10th and 31st May, 14th, 18th and 26t;1 June, 23rd and 31st July, 2nd December, 1756; 30th January, 1756 MV; 15th March, 1757; 7th April, 1761; 11th January, 1762 MV; 20th May, 191i1 Augllst, 1763; 7th June, 27th July, 30th August, 1764. 25. See, for example, ibid., 6th October, 1755. 26. The author is preparing a paper on the subject. 27, See previous note. 28. See note 26 above. 29. See, for example, ASV, MBG, lOth May. 1756 and 12th August, 1765. 30. See below. 31. ASV, MBG, 15th March, 1757. 32. See below. 33. ASV, MBG, 22nd March, 19th May, 1756, 34. Ibid., 14th April, 1755. 35. Ibid., 5th January, 1755 MV. 36. Ibid., 10th May, 1756; 27th July, 1764. 37. ASV, CSAM, prima serie, bllsta 711. 38. See V. Mallia-Milanes, "Some Aspects ... ", loc.cit. 39. V. Mallia-Milanes, "Malta and Venice ... ", p.302. 40. Ibid. 14. See note 39 above. 42. See below. 43. See V. Mallia-Milianes. "The Bllona Ut!ione: An Episode in Yeneto-l'Ilallcse Hela tions in the late XVIIIth Century", Joumal of the Faculty of Arts. The Hoyal University of Malta, IV, 4 (1971), pp.309-326. 44. ASV, MBG, 1st June. 1761. 45. As late as 1785 an anonymous traveller to Malta had this to say abQut co\1on production on the island: "II Catone e il maggiore prodotto dell'Isola; so~l{) qnali tutto vergine 0 filato, e Ie sole manifatture di questa merce si fanno al GQ7.Z0, {) consistono in Berette e coperte e calzette. II celebre M.r de Soufrin ;1\'e\';1 fatto negli anni scorsi trasportare a quest'isola una Colonia di 3D indian: per istabilirvi di que' fini la\'ori; rna poi da lui stesso fu mandata nelle vkinanzo di Parigi, e ne feee un presente al Re." MCCY, Miscella,nea Correr LXXIX/2604 (unpaginated) . 46. ASV, MBG, 1st June, 1761. V. Mallia-Milanes, "Some Aspects ... "" p.50!. See also Istruziolte per Ordine de' Cellsori sopra l'Arte Vetraria per la coltivaziOlle del KaH Maggior ec .. , Venice 1780. 47. .!>,SV, MEG, 1st June 1761. 48. L. De Boisgelin, Ancient alLd "vlodem Malta I, London 180·l-1805, p.IO'). 49. V. :\Iallia-Milanes, "English Merchants ... ", p.341. 18 HYPHEN

SO. ASV, MEG, 1st June, 1761. 51. See J. Godechot, Histoire de Malte, Paris 1952. Id., "La France et Malta ... ", loc. cit.; and M. Chai1lan, op.cit. 52. ASV, MBG, 24th February, 1761 MV. 53. Ibid. 54. Ibid. 55. Ibid. 56. These adventures may be followed in A. Luttrell, ":!\>1alta and Dubrovnik towards the year 1380", Melita Historica V, 2 (1969), pp.158-164. 57. See F. B [orlandi], "Cor sari maltesi a Ragusa nel Quattro e nel Cinquecento", Archivio Storico di Malta VII (1936), pp.243-245. 58. A few excellent studies have been devoted to this theme. P. Earle, Corsairs of Malta and Barbary, London 1970; A. Tenenti, Piracy and the Decline of Venice, London 1967; p. Cassar, "The Maltese Corsairs and the Order of St. John of Jerusalem", The Catholic Historical Review XLVI (1960), (1960), 2, pp.137-156; J. Godechot, "La course maJtaise Ie long des c6tes barbaresques a la fin du XVIIIe siecle", Revue Africaine XCVI, 430-431 (1952), pp.105-1l3; and R Cava liero, "The Decline of the Maltese Corso in the Eighteenth Century", Melita His torica II (1959), pp.224-238. 59. ASV, MBG, 24th February, 1761 MV. 60. Ibid. 61. Ibid. 62. Ibid. 63. Ibid. 64. Ibid. 65. As the Greek merchant's role in Malta's trade pattern has not yet been submitted to any comprehensive analysis, our knowledge of the subject is still imperfect. The same may be said of Malta's commercial relations with the Levant. 66. See, for example, AOM 461, f.316v; ibid., 481, ff. 281v-282v; ibid., 1197, ff.311-314. 67. P. Earle, op.cit., passim. 68. Ibid. 69. ASV, :MBG, 24th February, 1761 MY. 70. Ibid. See a.ho ibid., 10th June, 1765; 6th Janua.ry, 1765 MV. 71. L. Butler, "The Order of St. John in Malta.: An Historical Sketch", The Order of St. John in M'alta with an exhibition ...... , p.4l. 72. Ibid. 73. NLM, Library 23, ff.237v-261. 74. H. Bowen-Jones, J. C. Dewdney, W.B. Fisher, Malta: Background for Develop ment, Durham 1960, pp. 133.135. 75. MCCV, Miscellanea Correr LXXIXj2664 (unpaginated). 76. For a detailed study of Veneto-Maltese consular relations see V. Mallia-Milanes, "Malta and Venice ...... ", loc.cit. 77. See A. Da Mosto, L'Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Rome 1397-40. 78. ASV, CSAM, Diversorum, bllsta 396, fasc. 126, scrittura 9, 2nd March, 1761. 79. See B. Pullan (ed.), Crisis and Change in the Venetian Economy in the 16th and 17th Centl.ries, London 1968. Aspetti e Cause della Decadenza Economica Vene" ziana nel Secolo XVII, Venice-Rome 1961. 80. The author is preparing a critical edition of an early eighteenth century descrip tion of Malta. AN ECONOMIC HISTORY 19

8!. See previosus note. 82. ASV, CSAM, Diversorum, busta 396, fase. 126, scrittura 9, 2nd March, 1761. 83. See J. BilEoud, Flistoire ell! commerce de ll1arseill"e:de 1515 a'1599, Paris 1951. Si. ASV, CSAM, Diversol"ltm. bllsia 396. fase. 126, scrittllra 9, :March, 1761. S5. Ibid. 86 . Ibid. ., 87. Ibid. 83. On the office and function of the Order's Receiver, see AOM 1683. 89. ASV, CSAM, DiversOYUtiZ, busta 396, fasc. 126, serittltra 9, 2nd March, 1-761. 90. Ibid. See also ASV, CSAM, busta 752, 18th, 25th April, 26th September, 1761. 9!. On the Maltese consul in Fiume, see G. Kobler, Memorie per la Storia della libttr lIica citta eli Fiul1le II, Fiume 1896, p.78. 92. ASV, CSAM, Diversormll, bllst(! 396, fasc. 126, serittura 9, 2nd March, 1761. 93. See ASV, CSAM, busta 752, passim. 94. See AOM 1518, "Memoria" of 31st October, 1762. 95. ASV, CSAM, Diversorum, bllsta 396, fase. 126, serittu,ra 9, 2nd March, 1761. 96. Ibid. 97. Ibid. 98. Enclosed in "[Copia dei] Capitoli che si propongono per esser confirmati da S.A.Em.a con suo Decreto pres(;ntati dal Si.gre Cav.re Buzzaccarini". 99. ASV. MBG, 24th February, 1761 l\lV and 17th September, 1763. 100. In Mal,ta the Sicilians were considered a~ co.natio,nals. So were the Maltese in Sicily. See A, Mifsud, "L'approvigionamellto e l'Universita di Malta nelle passate Dominazioni", Archivwm Melitense III (1918), pp. 163-212. 10!. ASV, MEG, 24th February, 1761 l\IV, . 102. Ibid. 103. See, in particular, AIM, Un GioY1wle Istorieo, L12. 104. See ASV, CSAM, prima seri!?, bllstl.l 711, especially Poussielgues's despatches from 1778 onwards. 105. ASV, MEG, 19th May, 1755. 106. Ibid. See also 2nd June, 1755. 107. Ibid., 31st'May, 14th June, 23rd July, 1756. 108. Ibid., 1st June, 1761. 109. Ibid., 24th February, 1761 MV. 110. Ibid. 111. Ibid. 11Z. Ibid. 113. Ibid. 114. See note 26 above. 115. Ibid. 116. Ibid. 117. AOM 1517, Pinto to Sagramoso, 10th August, 1761. 118. ASV, CSAM, Diversorum, blista 396, fase. 126, serittllra 9, 2nd March, 1761. 119. The Receiver, Fra Zenobio de Hied, was on a mission in Vienna, Ibid. 120. AOM 1518, "Memoria", 31st October, 1762. 121. ASV, Sellato, Deliberazioni, Ro'l1w Ordinaria, Secreta, reg. 108, f.190r. 122. Ibid. 123. Ibid. 124. Ibid., £.193\'. See also ASV, CSAM, prima serie, bltsta 937, Al Buzzaccarini, 30th 20 HYPHEN

April, 1762. 125. ASV, CSAM, DiversoT~ni, busta 396, fase. 126, "Malta", 126. "Altro Mettodo per la Restituzione del Dazio a tutti Ii Legnami, che verranno estratti per Malta, qual dovra farsi dal Consorzio dei Mercanti da Legname", ibid., "Terminazione ...... ". 127, ASV, CSAM. busta 190, SeTittuTe 1762-63, i.lSv. 128. Ib'id, 129. Ibid, 130. AGPV, busta 43, 2nd April, 1762, (copia). 131. ASV, CSAM. busta 190, Seritture 1762-63, f.lSy, 132, Ibid" ff.15y-16r. 133. V. Mallia-Milanes, "Some Aspects ... ". pp.515-520. 134. ASV, CSAM. busta 190, Scritture 1762·63, f.l6r. 135. See note 80 aboye. 136. B. Blouet, The Story of lilalta, London 1967, pp.124-125. 137. ASV, CSA.."v1, busta 190, Scritture 1762-63, £.16r. 138. "Proposizionl del Cav. Buzzaccarini: Capitoli che si propongono per essere con firmatj da S.A.E. con suo Decreta". AOM 1518, August, 1763. ASV, MBG, 19th August, 1763. 139. AOM 1518, August 1763. ASV, CSAM, busta 190, f.16v. 140. Ibid. 141. Ibid. See also ASV, MBG, 18th August. 1763 and ASV. CSAM, pri-nla seric, filila 99, f.130. 142. ASV, MBG, 19th August. 1763. 143. ASV, CSAM, busta 190, f.l7r. 144. ASV, MBG. 19th August, 10th Septemoo., 1763. 145. ASV, CSAM, busta 190, f.17r. 146. Ibid., f.17Y. 147. AGPV, busta 43 (unpaginated). 148. The first three, together with Carlo Grech Delicata, had been described in an other document as "the names of the pricipal Maltese merchants". Ibid. 149. Ibid. 150. Ibid., 5critture 24th February, 1769. ASV, CSAM, Diversorwm, busta 396, fasc. 126, scrittura 2, 27th September, 1784. 151. Every 3} Venetian stmo. were equl\'alent to 1 Maltese salm,a. ASV, MBG. 10th January, 1764 MV. For a defillition and value of the salma as a unit of weighing grain, see F.F. Olesa Munido, La Organizacion Naval de les Estados Mediterrmleos en Especial de Espana durante los 5iglos XVI Y XVII, Madrid 1968. I, pp.246-247. 152. ASV, CSAM, Diversornm, btuta 396, fasc. 126, scrittura 2. 153. Ibid., scrittura 9jE, 20th December, 1781. 154. On the history of Denmark, see L. Krabbe, Histoire de Denemm'k, Paris 1950. 155. ASV, MBG, 30th June, 10th August, 1761. On the Danish expedition of 1761-67, see T. Hansen, Arabia Felix, London 1964. On its relations with Malta, see ibid., p.75f. !56. See A, Sacerdoti, "La mission a Alger du Consul de Venise Nicolas Rosalem", Revue Ajricaine XCVI (1952). pp.64-104. Id" "Venise ct les Regences d'Alger, Tunis et Tripoli 1699-1764", Revue Africai.ne CI (1957).

157. See V. Marchesi, Tu1tlisi e Vene.liia 1lel secolo XVIII, Venice 1882. 158. See G. Cappovin, Tri.poli e Venell'ia 11el secolo XVIII, Verbania 1942. F. Cora, II AN ECONOMIC HISTORY 21

Consolato della Repubblica di Venezia a Tripoli dal 1764 al 1797, Tripoli 1955, 159. See V. Marchesi, "La Repubblica Veneta e il Marocco", Rivista Storica Italiana III (1886). 160. R. Cessi, Storia della Repubblica di Venezia II, Milan 1968, p.237. 161. ASV, MBG, 27th January, 1765 MV. 164. Ibid., 10th May, 14th June, 23rd July, 1756. See also V. Paradis, Alger au XVIIIe Siec!e, 1898. 165. M. Nani Mocenigo, "La marina della Religione di Malta", Ateneo Veneto CXXVIII, 2 (1937), p.81. 166. See S. Bono, I corsari barbareschi, Turin 1964. G. Fisher, Barbary Legend: War, Trade and Piracy in North Africa, 1415-1830, Oxford 1957. ·H.D.de Grammont, "Etudes La course, l'esc1avage et la redemption a Alger", Revue Hi storiqltlJ XXV-XXV (1884-85). P. Grandchamp, La Correspondance des Conmls d'Alger, 1690-1742, Algier 1890. M.S. Anderson, "Great Britain and the Barbary States in the eighteenth Century" Bulletin of the Institllte of Historical Research XXIX (1956). 167. ASV, MEG, 14th April, 1755. 168. Ibid., 2nd December, 1756. 169. Ibid. See also ib·id., 15th March 1757; 11th January. 1762. MV and 30th August, 1764. 170. See ibid., 12th March, 30th April, 13th May, 1764; 2nd December, 1765; 29th January, 13th February, 1765 MV; 24th March, 21st April. 12th May, and 29th August, 1'766. 171. Ibid., 7th June, 1764. 172. That is on 6th July, 1781. 173. ASV, CSAM, prima sl!r'i.e, busta 711, 14th July, 1781. 174. S. Bono, op.cit., p.M. 175. R.S. Anderson, Navat Wars in the Levant 1559-1853, Liverpool 1952, p.310. 176. See V. MaIlia-Milanes, "The BU01Ia Unione ", loc.cit. 177. See id., "Some Aspects ... ", 552-53. 178. See G. Boerio, Dizionario del Dialetto Veneziano, 2nd Edition, Venice 1856, p.361 s1tb voce. 179. On Veneto-Maltese timber trade in the eighteenth century, see V. Mallia-Milanes, "Some Aspects ...... ". pp.533·536. 180. Ibid., pp.530-533. 181. ASV., MBG, despatches from 1764 onwards. passim. 182. ASV, CSAM, busta 909 and busta 910, passim. 183. Ibid., Diversorum, busta 396, fase. 126, scrittura 2,27th September. 1784. 184. ASV, CSA..'I1:, prima serie, bltsta 711, 9th October, 1782. 185. P. Earle, op.cit., pp.269.270. R. Cavaliero. "The Decline of the Maltese Corso ... ", pp.224.238. . 186. ASV, CSAM, Diversorum, busta 396, fasc. 126, serittura 2, 27th September, 1784. 187. Ibid. 188. Ibid. 189. Ibid, 190. Ibid. 191. Ibid. 192. AIM, Corr. 100. £.278, 16th January. 1765. 193. ASV, CSAM, Diversomm, busta 403, fasc. 76, 21st March, 11th April, 1793. 22 HYPHEN

TABLE A

"::\Ierci soggette al Diritto di Nuovo Imposto oltre iI Diritto di Dogana"

Unit of ARTIOLES Measurement Scudi Tari Grani

Coia pelose di Bovi, e Vacche grandi colo 2 Li Merrani colo ]0 Vitelline coio 10 Pelli d'agnello pelose cento 6 Sola. e Vacchetta eli Ponente e Leyante cantaro 2 Infodere. ossian Barrane ... Dozana Camuscie bianche dozana [Camuscie] di colore ad olio dozana 2 Montonine dozana 2 Vitelline ... dozana 6 Bragotti dozana 6 Alacche rosse e gialle dozana 6 Vacchette di Fiandra pelle 3 Carta da scrivere di Veneria cassa 3 Carta bruna. grande da straccio ballone Carta fina. carta reale e castarda risma 3 Carta da campana di Francia ball one 2 Cartone cantaro 4 Cordovane dozana 4 Tabacco in fogJia di Levante cantaro 2 6 Mendicanti Tabacco avana, Spagna ed in carotte cantaro 2 d'ogni quaJii1l. cantaro 7 Mendicanti cantaro ,5 Cam~ di Levante cantaro 3 [ CaW,] di Ponente cantaro 2 4 Acquavite barite 6 Sapone in pietra fino cantaro 2 Sapone ordinaria ... cantaro Sapone liquido cantaro 6 AN ECONOMIC HISTORY 23

TABLE B

"Merci soggette al Diritto dell T niversita oltre il Diritto di Dogana"

Unit of ARTICLES Measurement Scudi Tnri' Grani

Cimino dolce, ed agro cantara 10 Sapone d'ogni specie ... cantara 10 Cottone filato cantara 2 CoHone in lana c cornuto cantaro Cottone can semenza, ed in cocca si riduce in cottone in Jana cantaro 1

TABLE C

"Altre soggette al solo diritto dell'Universita"

Unit of ARTICLES Measurement .. . Scudi Tari' Grani

Vino Botte di 22 Badli 2 10 Diritto d'Abbat.ia 6 Vino musto Botte 2 Diritto d'Abbatia 4 Formaggio della Sicilia e Morea Cantaro 2 CasciocavalJo Can taro 2 Forrnaggio scaldato Cantaro 2 Olio Ogni 100 Cantara Ogno sorte di carne salata e salami Cantara 2 Formento Salma 16 Sarde Tonnina ed Ancioie salate Barile 5 Surra Ba.rile ]{) 24 HYPHEN

TABLE D

"TARIFFA PER IL CONSOLE RESIDENTE IN M.>'I.LTA" Scudi Tari Grani Per ogni Nave. Polacca, 0 altro Bastimento che naviga eon valle quadre, negli alberi di Maestra e TrincheUo 6 6 Per ogni altro Bastimento che naviga eon valle quadre nel solo albero di Maestro, 0 Trinchetto ... 3 () Per ogni tartan a con poppa piatta, e vele latine I 4 Per pineo, pincotto, martingana, pandoria, fregatella, o altro simile bastimento latino Per schiffazzo, fUuca, bergantino 0 speronara che porti caieca 8 Per schiffazzo tarantino, guzzo, lentello, bergantino, filucea e speronara a due alberi senza eaiceo 4 Per filucca speronara 0 altro simile bastimento a ramo, eon un albero 2 SOURCE: ASV, CSAM, busta 943. ~NOBILITY a~(\)- ARMA ARMA LEONI ARMA PINBIOLA AHMA CUMANO ~S' P BUZZACCARINA s= Arcoano Francesco detto Checo Francesco Engelfreddj Gi.lcomo Francesco Paolo Pietro Bono Rinaldo

i(J) Arcoano Leone I 10 Sebastiano Giacomo ttl > Agostino Francesco Pimbiolo Gasparo E:: Lodovico Gentile Ottaviano Giacomo ).. Francesco Co. Girolamo Gio, Fran.co Claudio

Brunoro Co, Leonelli Annibale Giacomo

!(\) Vincislao Co. Girolamo Lorenzo D.r Glaudio CI> 0:: Bnmoro Beatrice Co, Leoni Lorenzo Gi;lcomo Iii' S Girolamo L<~ura Cumano ~ Don Antonio Co.Buzzaccmini Kr. Claudio a Padre Chiara Pimbiolo Engelfreddi :"[aMe ~ SOURCE. AGPV, busta 166, n.26 :g: (1) "* (fJ (\)

8.;:1 $:l" (:;! ~