"A Useful Christian Woman": First Nations' Women and Protestant Missionary Work in Ma^aret whitehead T-» • • i ^i i • Camosun College British Columbia — Lansdowne Campus

ABSTRACT

Research on British Columbia's missionary frontier suggests that women made a vital contribution to the Churches' proselytization work among the province's First Nations. However, proselytization was not the work of white women only. Aboriginal women appear to have contributed significantly to the missionary work of the Protestant Churches. Christianity, which imposed European values along with conversion, had a profound effect on aboriginal women's lives. For some, it offered, as it had to their white sisters, new opportunities for influence and status; for others, it created alienation from their people and culture.

RESUME

La recherche sur les missionnaires de la Colombie-britannique revele que les femmes ont joue un role vital dans le travail du clerge parmi les autochtones de la province. L'evangelisation n'a cependant pas seulement ete l'oeuvre des femmes blanches; en effet, les femmes autochtones semblent avoir, elles aussi, grandement contribue a ce travail. Le christianisme, qui imposait les valeurs europeennes tout en convertissant, a profondement marque la vie des femmes autochtones. Pour certaines, il leur a offert, comme pour leurs consceurs blanches, une chance d'avoir de l'influence sur leur condition et de l'ameliorer. Pour d'autres, cependant, il les a alienees de leur peuple et de leur culture.

N THE MORNING OF TUESDAY, JANU- was the first mission work in the province to ary 25, 1921, the Crosby Girls' Home be supported by the Canadian Methodist O at Port Simpson, on the northwest Women's Missionary Society. On this occa• coast of British Columbia, was destroyed by sion, neither the buildings nor their contents fire. Port Simpson was the site of a Hudson's could be saved. Almost immediately, Kate Bay Company fort founded in 1831. It was Dudoward, a Tsimshian woman who, with her moved in 1834, and the local Tsimshian peo• husband Alfred, worked with the Methodist ple had settled nearby. The Crosby Girls' Church, as well as other First Nations women, Home for the protection and training of First collected clothing and money for the mission Nations girls, which had operated since 1881, staff. She tried to ensure the continuity of the Home's work by reminding the local people Historically, the response of North Amer• — considered by the W.M.S. to be "the most ican aboriginal women to the missionary progressive and advanced" First Nations peo• efforts of various Christian churches has been ples in the province1 — that they owned their far from uniform. According to one study in progress to both the W.M.S. and the Methodist the United States, missionaries experienced Church Missionary Society which had, for their earliest successes among women, notably decades, supported missionary work amongst among female children, adolescents, and them. According to one of the Home's work• "women in their child-bearing years."5 It has ers, Kate Dudoward "cited the great losses been argued that, in the seventeenth and eigh• these societies had sustained in the wreck of teenth centuries, a number of American First [mission] boats and the recent fire," and she Nations women "turned to Christianity with a "urged everybody to be faithful and to teach fervour and intellectual intensity so convincing their children in the same way."2 Kate Dudo• as to astound Euro-American missionaries and ward was a committed Christian aboriginal lay observers."6 For her part, in her study of women and, in her devotion, the Methodist the Tlingit people of Alaska, Laura Klein dis• Church could read a measure of its success. covered that the missionaries' most successful However, how typical was Kate? converts were women.7 However, across North America, the pattern is not consistent. The Most accounts of missionary work concen• Montagnais women studied by anthropologist trate on the success or failure of the mission• Eleanor Leacock were, because of the egalitar• aries' efforts3 and, consequently, little attention ian nature of Montagnais-Nescapi society, has been paid to the nature of First Nations openly hostile to Jesuit conversion efforts. peoples' response to Christianity; their partici• Devens argues that Montagnais men "identi• pation in the proselytization process remains fied women as the major obstacle to the 8 largely undocumented.4 Not surprisingly, nei• group's conversion." Ottawa women also ther the extent of the response of aboriginal proved to be frustrating for these French women to the gospel message, nor the positive priests. As one noted: or negative impact of the response is known. Using primarily the records left by missionary We found no persons more attached to personnel, female and male, this article will these silly customs, or more obstinate in focus on a number of ways in which First Na• clinging to this error than the old women, tions women participated in missionary work who will not lend an ear to our instructions.9 and how that participation affected their lives. It will also attempt to reveal how the advent of British Columbia aboriginal women's response Christianity itself, which imposed European to Christianity was also uneven. values along with conversion, made critical changes in First Nations women's culture. Some women, like Kate Dudoward, Jane While for some, Christianity created new op• Cook of Alert Bay, Vancouver Island, and portunities for influence and status, for others, Lucy Sewid and Mary Bell, Kwakiutl of Fort it alienated them from their own people and Rupert (both Lucy and Mary are referred to by caused them new cultural and social problems. their grandson, James Sewid, a Kwakiutl lead• By their commitment to their newly acquired 10 er, as "very religious women" ) responded faith, First Nations women both assumed a positively to the Christian message. While new status and courted ostracization. there is no way of knowing what this term means as far as the depth of conversion is ples' proselytization and its successes must, of concerned, the comment clearly notes that the course, be utilized with extreme care. Ethno- family believed the women were committed centricity, combined with the wide cultural gap Christians. Furthermore, a comment by Rever• between the missionaries and peoples "whose end Thomas Crosby, which described the com• sense of self and the cosmos [had] been mitment a Salish of Cultus Lake, Annie Lay- shaped by different cultural pre-supposi- Why-eton, reveals the dedication that a tions,"15 must have led, inevitably, to major response to Christianity could elicit. According communication errors. Not only in the early to Crosby, Annie: years, but even, in some cases, into the 1930s and 1940s, missionaries were impeded by the used to trudge in feebleness from Kultus language barrier. For example, even though [sic] Lake on the Upper Chilliwack, to the the Anglican Church had been active at Alert church at Skowkale.... She was blind and Bay since the 1880s, Church leaders needed had to cross the river on a single log." the assistance of an interpreter in their dis• There were also, however, women who op• cussions with local people at a special meeting posed missionary efforts. called in June 1936 by the Anglican Church at Alert Bay to discuss the continuity of aborigi• The Anglicans who opened a mission in nal peoples' participation in the now illegal 1869 at Alberni, Vancouver Island, ran into Potlatch ceremonials.16 women's strong resistance. According to the local minister, the Reverend J.X. Willemar: The Chinook language, which many Prot• estant missionaries used to some extent, while After the first few weeks, preaching to the adequate for trade dealings, proved to be inad• heathen was commenced. Forty persons equate for mission work. As commented the attended the first service. These were all Reverend Dr. Campbell, a pioneer Presbyterian men: the women could not be induced to 12 missionary, "to try to preach the Gospel in attend. 17 Chinook is a farce, an utter impossibility." Women's reluctance to change was also noted Consequently, interpreters remained the key to by a female Methodist missionary working any understanding between Church workers among some of the Tsimshian of the Port and both prospective and recognized First Na• Simpson area. The women "love their old tions converts. The accuracy of First Nations ways," she wrote;13 over a year later, she was peoples' commentary on their conversion ex• still complaining that they "clung more firmly periences and what those experiences meant in than their husbands to the old heathen cus• their lives depended, most often, on the skills toms."14 Unfortunately, neither of the two mis• of aboriginal interpreters, both women and sionaries who reported their difficulties men, their command of English — even their pursued the issue of women's reluctance. Yet trustworthiness. it is almost solely through such missionary comments that we learn of aboriginal peoples' Missionaries also tended to embellish their response to Christianity. accounts of aboriginal peoples' conversion and proselytization efforts in order to promote their Missionary comments regarding the con• own work and to obtain funding. It is easy to version experiences of First Nations peoples, be skeptical regarding the following speech the impact of the acceptance of Christianity on said to have been made by a Nanaimo aborigi• their lives, and the extent of First Nations peo• nal woman referred to only as "Mrs. Wesley": When I go to sleep I think about God. I example for others to follow. Missionary Rev• dreamt I saw my sainted children in heav• erend A.E. Green, who worked extensively in en the other night but instead of sitting up the Nass region, wrote of one First Nations to wail and lament ... I looked up to God leader who was strongly influenced by his and asked Him to prepare me to go and see Him and my children when He sends Christian daughter. According to Green, the for me.18 chief declared, "I heard my daughter sing, read and pray. I want all this [sic] people to do the Such sentimentality was appealing to a large same."20 Furthermore, Thomas Crosby, an ac• proportion of Methodist Notices readership. claimed Methodist missionary, noted that "the However, while the speech may have been ro• triumphant death" of Suneah, a Sumas Indian, manticized, it may also have indicated a type "was the means of stirring up ... Christian of emotional aboriginal response. Indians to more earnest prayer and holier living."21 Most commentary about the roles of The historian seeking specifically aborigi• aboriginal Christian women, however, indi• nal women's experiences must also confront, cates their activism and their conscious efforts with regard to sources, the issue of gender. to convert their people. How perceptive could male missionaries be in recounting the experiences of First Nations Reverend Thomas Crosby drew the Meth• women converts? Laura Klein, in her article odist Church's attention to Elizabeth Deex, a on the Tlingit, focused on this problem. She Tsimshian woman of some status, who, after noted that a local missionary saw "degrada• allowing the Methodists to conduct a prayer tion" in the hard work of Tlingit women; he meeting in her Victoria home, "converted to charged that women were imprisoned, tattoed, God" and became an active catechist among used as slaves, and sold to men. As Klein her people. Crosby claims that, through her pointed out: influence, forty aboriginal converts accepted Christianity within nine weeks.22 Her greatest work can also imply involvement in the success, in terms of Methodist missionary economy; tattooing, high status within the endeavours, was the conversion of her son, Al• ranking system; "imprisonment" the seclu• fred Dudoward. Dudoward and his wife, Kate, sion and training of puberty; "sale" to became crucial to much Methodist proselytiza- men, bridewealth in marriage, and use in slavery an advantage over immediate tion along the northwest coast. In 1875, for death for captives.19 example, Methodist missionary Charles Tate gave equal weight to the successful preaching Nevertheless, in spite of the problems inherent of both Dudowards. Over a decade later, the in missionary sources, beneath the often flow• Reverend Alfred Green, Methodist missionary ery, sentimental and sometimes self-serving to the Nass River region, gave credit to Sarah rhetoric can be found evidence that aboriginal Russ who "faithfully helped her husband in his women were not merely passive recipients of mission work ... enduring exposure and priva• Christianity. tions without a murmer [sic] that they might preach Jesus in distant villages."23 In 1907, The evidence suggests that at least some missionaries at the Crosby Girls' Home indi• aboriginal women who converted to Christiani• cated that some women were actively engaged ty were willing to participate in a variety of in mission work. They watched with particular missionary activities. By publicly acknowledg• interest the catechetical work of Susan Edgar, ing their new faith, some simply created an a former pupil and the daughter of the aboriginal missionary at Kitzeguchla, on the Reverend Green noted that at Port Essington, Upper Skeena River, who helped her father in a northwest community he could visit only his work.24 infrequently, "an intelligent Indian woman," using supplies of books and cards provided by Equally as vital to Anglican missionary the Methodist Church, held a regular Sunday efforts on northern Vancouver Island was the school among her people.30 While it is diffi• work of Jane Cook and Mrs. Harris at Alert cult, given the lack of data, to assess the ex• Bay. These two First Nations women appear to tent of the actual missionary teaching activities have been dynamic Anglican Church workers, of aboriginal women, the role was obviously undertaking preaching, Bible classes among open to them. In fact, Thomas Crosby found the women, and interpreting for Church the work of Kate Dudoward invaluable in this officials.25 In 1914, Anglican Bishop Charles area, noting that educational work among the Schofield commented on the "new spiritual Tsimshians "could not proceed" without the efforts" being undertaken among the First Na• help of Kate and her husband.31 tions people at Alert Bay and praised the work of the two women who, he claimed, were Another crucial activity for aboriginal "well qualified for the task."26 At this point, Christian women — as well as men — was their work was crucial. The local missionary the work of interpreting the Christian message. was in poor health; in addition, he had just Preaching in aboriginal tongues was fraught taken charge of the aboriginal girls' school. with difficulties for the newcomers, and Consequently, "the evangelistic work among women proved to be valuable as intermediaries the scattered tribes [could not] be undertaken" between missionaries and prospective converts. by a cleric.27 In the 1870s, one Tsimshian woman, known to history only as "Jenny," a former prostitute, Jane Cook received particular praise from helped missionaries in Victoria by interpreting an Anglican Women's Auxiliary president who for them; she also assisted in translating Meth• visited Alert Bay in 1928. She noted that Jane odist hymns into the Kit-a-maat language. Ac• Cook's class for Indian women "was wonder• cording to Thomas Crosby, Jenny "did a great ful proof of the value of missionary work."28 deal of good among her people and remained 32 An aboriginal observer agreed. He noted that faithful to the last." In 1901, a missionary at Jane Cook "took care of all the Indian wom• Port Simpson noted that Flora, a pupil at the en's activities in the Church" and "used to Home, was helping a male aboriginal preacher 33 preach in the church," in the Kwakwala lan• to interpret the Bible. For their part, Jane guage. Mrs. Harris, he noted, "used to read the Cook and Mrs. Harris continued into the 1930s lessons."29 the tradition of aboriginal women catechists.

As comments on Jane Cook and Mrs. Har• Evidence on the extent of aboriginal ris indicate, the important work of Bible women's active involvement in aspects of mis• classes was also entrusted to aboriginal sionary work is admittedly slim. We do not women. Bible classes and Sunday schools both know how many women there were like Susan reinforced the preaching of ministers and pre• Edgar. Lydia Cushan, Sarah Russ, and Kate pared perspective converts for admission to the Dudoward all travelled missionary circuits Church; they provided the continuity essential with their husbands; we do not know how to the work in a field where missionaries were often they were called upon to actually preach. few. In one of his reports to his superiors, However, Methodist missionary Reverend Jen- nings gives an indication that, like their white Dudoward; the Reverend Alfred Green appre• counterparts (missionary women who preached ciated the devoted work of Sarah Russ, and in place of their husbands), aboriginal women the Anglican Church was fully cognisant of actively proselytized with success when their the debt it owed to Jane Cook. husbands were ill. In a letter dated October 23, 1883, from Port Simpson, he wrote: The status that Christianity could confer on aboriginal women is reflected in the life of Our native worker [Russ] was ill; his wife Jane Cook, particularly in her relationship with on this account had to address the people. the Alert Bay missionaries — one of whom While speaking she felt such power, her referred to her as "a great Chieftainess"38 — heart strongly warming within her, she exclaimed, "The Spirit of God I believe is and at least two Anglican bishops, notably come into my heart." Her words touched Bishop Roper and Bishop Schofield. All of the hearts of the people.34 these Church officials appear to have had great respect for Jane and for her accomplishments Allowing for the passionate rhetoric of a man for both the Anglican Church and her people. intent on impressing potential mission support• Certainly her concerns were recognized and ers, it is still clear that Sarah rose to the attended to, and her suggestions were acted occasion. If the work of aboriginal women in upon. non-traditional fields is to be revealed at all,35 the possibility that they contributed to the ex• In 1915, for example, Jane Cook was ex• tension of Christianity among their own people tremely distressed when a man who had mar• must be recognized. What is clear is that their ried one aboriginal woman according to work for the churches brought some aboriginal Kwakiutl custom abandoned her and, under women new status, at least among the non- English law, married a second woman. Writing aboriginals. to Bishop Roper, Jane defined herself as part of the Anglican mission. She stated that it was Beaver, in his study of American mission always her "duty as the member of [the] work, has argued that the aboriginal woman Indian mission to defend the Indian when in• who engaged in evangelical work, whether cat• justice was done to them";39 however, in this echetical or Bible teaching, was "the lowliest case, there may have been an added familial employee on the hierarchical ladder of the reason for her concern, as the second woman mission churches."36 In contrast, Jo-Anne might have been related.40 In her quest to see Fiske, in her study of carrier women in British "wrong righted," Jane was received by Provin• Columbia, claims that "women achieved indi• cial Police Chief Campbell, Vancouver Chief vidual prestige as catechists."37 There is no of Police Smith, Department of Indian Affairs indication in Anglican, Methodist and Presby• (D.I.A.) official Ditchburn, and Lindley terian records that aboriginal women workers Crease, the lawyer representing the Victoria were considered in any way inferior. As indi• diocese Anglican Church — an uncommon cated earlier, the Anglicans, Methodists, and feat at the time for an aboriginal woman.41 Presbyterians recognized the value of First Nations workers. In British Columbia, the First At Jane's request — since she was unable Nations peoples' efforts to proselytize among to get satisfaction from these men — Bishop themselves were applauded. Crosby and Tate Roper involved himself directly in the case. were deeply appreciative of the efforts of ab• He entered into correspondence with both original women like Elizabeth Deex and Kate Halliday, the D.I.A. official at Alert Bay, and Chambers, B.C. Packers' manager in the same the custom. It filled my mind. I used to go area, regarding what he called "the sordid and to Church and attend meetings and tried to abhorrent" situation.42 In a letter to Smith, Jane learn Christianity but I found that it did not make any headway with me ... but re• accused Chambers of being at least partly res• cently the thing that was blocking it has ponsible for the laxity of the D.I.A. agent.43 dropped from me. My ambition, my love Bishop Roper also kept Mrs. Cook informed of the Custom has gone, and something 44 of his actions. Even after he left British Co• else has taken its place which has changed lumbia, Bishop Roper continued to respond to me and made things altogether different to Jane Cook's pleas for help, supporting her me. I have publicly renounced the Custom, stance regarding the elimination of the Pot- and have found that my mind has steadied latch law. itself on this one idea, to live and witness as Jesus says.46 Potlatches were elaborate feasts and cere• monies. They served both political and eco• West went on to explain that "in the Custom, nomic purposes. At the political level, they it was necessary to practice a supernatural served to legitimize both a chiefs authority worship which [was] not consistent with wor• and the authority of his successor. What con• ship of God."47 Present at this forum and op• cerned the Churches and Canadian govern• posed to the Potlatch was Jane Cook. For her, ments, however, was the economic purpose, it was a continuation of a fight she began in which they totally misunderstood. To the 1919 to eliminate the custom. For nearly twen• Indians, potlatch generosity — the act of ty years, she joined Church officials in their giving away wealth — was simply the redistri• efforts to prevent legalization of the custom. bution of wealth; personal poverty being a She met with the Anglican bishop in April requirement of leadership, the potlatch was an 1919 to discuss First Nations arguments that essential institution. In the eyes of most the anti-Potlatch law be removed from the whites, potlatches led to impoverishment.45 statute book,48 and, periodically, petitioned against any change.49 Jane Cook's determination to eliminate the Potlatch strengthened her relationship with As mentioned earlier, Jane's stance might Church officials but earned her the rebukes of have brought her the admiration of Church of• her people. Both the Canadian government and ficials but it also brought her criticism from the Churches believed that the Potlatch was a her own people. As one missionary explained, serious impediment to aboriginal advancement. any person who ceased to potlatch was "con• Christian aboriginals also recognized that full sidered by the rest of the tribe as an outcast commitment to their faith was blocked by ad• and alien."50 Jane's activism led the aboriginal herence to what was commonly referred to as people at Alert Bay to accuse her of wrongly "the Custom." At a June 1936 meeting held at interpreting evidence given at a Potlatch trial; Alert Bay to examine the difficulties the Pot• although they later apologized, bitter feelings latch created, one Christian aboriginal, George existed. Jane alienated her people again when, West, explained those difficulties to an audi• in 1922, according to one Kwakiutl, she ence of missionaries and First Nations people worked with the police to have Potlatch partic• that included Bishop Sexton: ipants arrested and charged.51 Although there were compensations for Jane — missionaries 52 I grew up in this custom to manhood with and bishops sought her advice — Christianity one ambition, to do my best in my duty to brought her alienation—an emotion others felt. Missionary comment on the difficulties forced to return "with a sad heart" to the mis• encountered by aboriginal converts is rare, but sion centre at Greenville, on the Nass River.58 what comment there is indicates that both Another Christian convert, identified as Che- women and men who converted to Christianity at-luk, "the daughter of the chief medicine encountered both hostility and alienation. Even man and conjurer," rejected her father's be• attendance at Christian schools, which appar• liefs. In so doing, she isolated herself from ently signalled to some First Nations people a him. Che-at-luk told the missionary: "I want to measure of cultural abandonment, could pro• serve Jesus ... I cannot go with my father but voke problems. At Alert Bay, for instance, I pray for him."59 missionary Alfred Hall noted that those young men who attended his mission school "endured One of the most poignant expressions of 53 a good deal of persecution from the elders." the cultural conflict endured by aboriginal In one case, Hall remarked on a young aborig• women can be found in the following speech inal boy that "he could plainly see there would by Lydia Cushan, given New Years Day 1869, seem to have to be a separation either from his to a Victoria Methodist gathering of approxi• 54 relatives or the school." Presumably, similar mately seventy Indians and twenty whites: pressure would be placed on girls. My friends, I am glad that God enables me It is not known to what extent the experi• to be here. I have not often had a chance ences of aboriginal Christian women in British lately to be in God's home, and to see so Columbia mirrored the experiences of total re• many here. I sat in bodily pain, and did jection suffered by Christian Chinese and East not know whether it would do for me, a woman, to speak; but I will, because the Indian women who, according to Beaver, were Holy Spirit warms my heart so much. I considered total outcasts.55 However, one speak to my female friends here. So glad Methodist missionary commented that, in early to see you here. Truly I have waited a long years at least, "the heathens always [did] their time to see you begin to serve God. All uttermost to make those who embrace[d] the my relations are going in the old foolish Gospel leave the village."56 ways, and I am all alone without one female Christian to walk with.60 Recognizing the alienation problems facing their converts, Protestant missionaries Many years later, Lydia's isolation from her such as William Duncan, Robert Tomlinson people was shared by Jane Cook and her and Andrew McCullagh directed "their" peo• family. Jane explained her difficulties to a ples to establish Christian villages removed gathering of local missionaries: from traditional areas where they would not be pressured into returning to "their heathen I have tried to live a Christian life amongst ways."57 In these Christian communities, wom• my own people, but you all know how en and men could find companionship which they feel toward me and how they have might mitigate against alienation. Other com• treated us as outcasts. It is only because we have loved the people that we have mitted Christians had to endure a certain lone• lived in this place. They cannot be one liness. A Wekano woman of the Nass River 61 with us. area — she was named Lucy by the local mis• sionary — attempted, after conversion, to This alienation could span the generations and return to her people and interest them in Chris• result in problems for the children of converts. tianity. When her attempt failed, Lucy was A good example of this generational alienation can be found in the experiences of Jane Cook. the first aboriginal group to be infected with Because of their complete adherence to Chris• venereal disease. According to Helen Codere's tianity, she and her husband rejected the Pot• study, as early as 1891, the ethnologist Franz latch system; consequently, her children were Boas expressed "great concern for the future considered, in the eyes of the Nimpkish, her of the Indians of the region and especially for husband's people — non-aboriginal. As Jane the Kwakiutl of Fort Rupert because of the expressed it, "for years it was my shame that prostitution of Indian women in Victoria."67 my children were illegal and would never have Furthermore, whether or not it is recognized been considered in the tribe from which my that women saw in prostitution new economic husband came."62 Her sons experienced diffic• opportunities — in 1870, one missionary wrote ulties obtaining work in local aboriginal indus• of an aboriginal prostitute counting out "from tries "because they were illegal in the eyes of twenty to twenty-five dollar gold pieces ... in the Indians."63 a white handkerchief spread upon her lap"68 — it must be ceded that it was extremely destruc• Aboriginal women like Jane experienced tive not only to women's individual lives but 69 difficulties related directly to their rejection of to the lives of the next generation. tribal cultural norms, yet that rejection was seen as an essential part of their Christianiza- Aboriginal women also experienced in• tion process. They had to accept "the Word" creasing child mortality as disease such as and reject any manifestation of past belief sys• smallpox, measles and tuberculosis spread tems. It was perhaps relatively easy for some throughout the tribes. These diseases, plus aboriginal women to accept new Christian venereal diseases, could not be treated with concepts. Christianity could, as one writer put traditional medicines. They must have led to it, offer women "a solace and sense of control much despair among aboriginal women and a over the unpredictable nature of [their] experi• strong desire to obtain new knowledge, reli• ences."64 Although it is known that First Na• gious or otherwise, to deal with the devas• tions peoples accepted Christian precepts prior tation. Missionaries, however, demanded much to white population impact,65 from the time of in return for the new knowledge. early missionary proselytization, aboriginal women in British Columbia did begin to expe• Acceptance of the new meant rejection of rience the adverse effects of European contact. an existing system which had provided a tribal cultural basis for generations; such cultural Victoria, for example, proved to be a baggage could not so easily be discarded. deadly drawing card for aboriginal women. Al• Lydia Cushan's people warned her: though one must be wary of missionary state• ments on the extent of aboriginal prostitution The old people say that I am foolish be• — one Anglican missionary wrote, for exam• cause I don't go in their pagan dance, as I ple, that "there [was] not a virtuous girl or used to go. They say I have been dreaming 66 like them, and have not obeyed the dream; woman to be found" among the Songhees — and that I am therefore sick and shall die certainly many aboriginal women did choose 70 if I keep in this new way. or, if they were slave women, were chosen to be prostitutes; not only local women but those These cases illustrate not only the internal con• from along the northwest coast who travelled flicts aboriginal women converts could under• to Victoria with families participated in the go but also the differing nature of their trade. The Kwakiutl women, for instance, were responses to such difficulties. Writing from the Nass River in November "right next door to her house" — even though 1884, Reverend A.E. Green informed his supe• she did not care for "the shouting, crying, and riors of the "uplifting death" of Sarah Russ. jumping around."73 Lucy was, in many re• Sarah had abandoned the familiar life of an spects, "a very religious woman." Not only did aboriginal wife to work with her preacher she teach her grandson Bible stories and the husband. Taking their children with them, the value of prayer, she also urged him to become couple itinerated among their people for sev• an active Christian and to preach the gospel to eral years. On the surface, Sarah appeared an his people.74 However, Lucy could not entirely exemplary Christian and, according to the min• reject her rich cultural heritage. ister, led "a consistent life." When Sarah became seriously ill, she was taken to the mis• This Kwakiutl woman also taught James sion centre at Bella Bella in the hope that a Sewid tribal traditions, particularly as they rest, combined with medication, might save related to his grandfather, Aul Sewid. He 71 her life. learned how to sing his grandfather's songs, and "everything else" that she felt he needed According to Green, because of Sarah's to know. Lucy appeared to have no personal commitment to Christianity, the local medicine problem reconciling First Nations beliefs and man had previously threatened to harm her. Christian precepts. For example, according to This man claimed to have already caused the her grandson, she believed that the most im• death of Sarah's uncle. When Sarah became portant message in the Bible was the stress on very ill, local people claimed that it was "the respect for elders; "she told me ... the most sorcerer's work." In spite of her Christian important thing was to respect your elders, and faith, Sarah, too, began to accept this version to obey them and watch out that nothing harm• of her illness.72 Although, according to the ful happens to them. And according to her that missionary, she was finally able to overcome was the first step to Christianity." In spite of these fears, it is clear that even one who had Church and legal restrictions against the Pot• for years "faithfully helped her husband with latch, Lucy not only attended but also actively his mission work" and had worked towards the participated in a Potlatch in her grandson's conversion of her people was not immune honour. According to James, "she was part of from the belief system she had been forced to it all."76 publicly reject. This conflict between old and new belief systems was evident also in the life Aboriginal Christian women who became of Lucy Sewid, a Kwakiutl of Alert Bay. culturally isolated from their people could, and did, find a new solidarity in women's church Lucy Sewid had been baptized a Roman organizations. Just as these organizations had Catholic as a young girl while staying with an given white women a sense of sisterhood, an older sister in Victoria. However, the Roman opportunity for socialization and, above all, Catholic Church had no mission on northern the opportunity to put to public use the organi• Vancouver Island and, when Lucy returned to zational skills they had honed on the domestic her people at Alert Bay, she joined the Angli• scene, they now gave aboriginal women an can Church. Mrs. Sewid appears to have had alternative milieu in which they could affirm no problem with theological niceties for, in their faith, simply enjoy the company and later years, when she became too old to walk comfort of other alienated women, and provide as far as the Anglican Church, she attended a forum for discourse. Fiske has argued that Pentecostal services held in a little church church auxiliary meetings also gave aboriginal women the opportunity to articulate their "Homes" established for their rescue. The grievances and influence band political Methodists established a girls' Home for ab• decisions.77 original girls at Port Simpson because, accord• ing to the Methodist W.M.S. — an organiza• These formal church organizations may tion which came into existence because of the have been a totally new and empowering ex• perceived plight of aboriginal girls — the perience for some aboriginal women. Haida Crosbys, soon after their arrival at Port Simp• women, for example, who formed an Anglican son, "were constrained to open their doors to auxiliary called "the White Cross jade": shelter hapless and hopeless Indian girls."87 The perceived needs of "orphan and neglected regularly met for Bible readings, hymn girls" persuaded the Anglicans to open an In• singing, sewing, and handiwork, put on dian girls' residential school at Alert Bay, and basket socials to raise money for the the Presbyterian Church to provide shelter for church, tended to the dead, and assisted 88 local aboriginal girls at Port Alberni. bereaved families.78

According to Margaret Blackman, the group In Christian residential homes such as the "later evolved into the Women's Auxiliary of Crosby Home for Girls at Port Simpson, the the Anglican Church," and that experience Presbyterian Port Alberni Home for Girls, and provided the Haida women with a formal com• the Anglican Girls' Home at Alert Bay, ab• munication network which, Blackman argues, original girls would find Christianity repre• they had not previously had.79 However, it sented by white, middle-class or working-class must be noted that women's activities had white women and men who demanded from been communal. They performed their tasks in them commitment to spiritual and material groups rather than individually. Devens be• routines aimed at revolutionizing their lives. lieves that this sense of community was one Although Christianization was a fundamental reason why women opposed a belief system concern, the primary role for these institutions, that emphasized individuality.80 at least initially, was to provide the girls with shelter from what were considered unnatural In spite of some resistance by aboriginal alliances and prepare them for the approved women, even in areas where the Church was and "natural" alliance of Christian marriage. particularly active,81 women's church auxilia• ries could be found across the province. For In order to evaluate whether Christian mar• instance, Kispiox had its Native Ladies' Aid riage offered new opportunities for "positive" Society which raised mission funds;82 there change — as it was seen by the Churches — was an "Indian Women's Methodist Auxiliary" or simply inflicted different hardships on ab• in Victoria;83 the Skidegate Mission es• original women, it is necessary to understand tablished a Women's Missionary Society what marriage meant to aboriginal women branch;84 aboriginal women held regular An• prior to contact. Unfortunately, the available glican Women's Auxiliary meetings at Alert data are scant and available information relates Bay85 and, at Port Alberni, Wednesdays were almost exclusively to the wealthy or noble "ladies day, W.M.S., or Homemakers."86 class. As Jenness discovered, in British Co• lumbia, there is "little information concerning For some aboriginal women, their first the domestic life of the commoners who made 89 experience of Christian community was not up the majority of the people." In addition, the village W.A. meeting, but the Christian early ethnological and anthropological studies paid little attention to women and, consequent• riage did not involve personal choice although, ly, to ways in which traditional marriage im• in some cases, marriage was not forced on 90 pacted on their lives. As David Damas has women who found the alliance distasteful.98 argued in his study of the Inuit people, the scholar who attempts to build a frame of com• Marriage could also confer wealth and parison is "drastically handicapped by the lack status. However, it must be recognized that of data on family structure" in the aboriginal there were differences among tribes regarding 91 period. This statement holds true for most the distribution of the newly acquired wealth scholars who focus on aboriginal groups in and status. Goldman argues that, among the British Columbia. Historical records, including Kwakiutl men, marriage added weight to their anthropological works, contain only "elusive rank through acquisition of both wealth and and provocative glimpses of the lives of Indian new names. Although a man was required to 92 women." Male anthropologists tended to in• offer animal skins to his bride's family, this quire of aboriginal men regarding the lives and gift paled in relation to the "animal skins, roles of aboriginal women; thus, the "inner canoes, slaves, coppers, abalone, food, fish oil, essence of female experience simply has not feasting dishes, speaking posts of houses, been a major concern of anthropology precise• crests, names, and the songs, dances, names, ly because males are more comfortable with and powers of the Winter Ceremonial" he re• the public arena where they seem to conduct ceived in return.99 More importantly, according 93 much of their own lives." to Goldman, the most vital gift a bride brought to her husband was "the privilege of the Win• The evidence that does exist reveals that ter Ceremonial," a privilege which conveyed few generalizations can be made from individ• powers "associated with specifically nonhuman 100 ual studies or case histories. Marriage customs supernatural beings." On the other hand, among the Salish, for example, differed con• Arima, in his study of the Nootka, found that siderably from those of the Haida.94 Neverthe• brides received numerous gifts from their in• less, regardless of varying social norms among laws and "if the groom was of a chiefly fam• First Nations peoples, there are some ily, he or his father endowed the bride with commonalities. rights to territory, natural resources, ceremo• nial privileges like potlatch seats, names, 101 It can be accepted that marriage was re• songs, and dances." garded as a strong, stabilizing element. As Cruickshank, who studied the Athapascan peo• Differences also occurred regarding soci• ple, explained, when women from one moiety etal expectations. Tlingit men, if wealthy married men from another moiety, mutual dis• enough, could have several wives; polyandry trust "traditionally ... was countered by re• also existed among these people, although only ciprocal obligations carried out between a brother or a close relative of the first hus• moieties."95 Marriage linked families which band was allowed as a second husband.102 The could then offer both "protection and hospital• Nootka chiefs also had more than one wife. ity" to one another outside of the immediate According to Arima, "multiple wives, or area.96 As discovered Arima, who focused on polygamy, was prestigious for it indicated the West Coast First Nations peoples of Van• wealth."103 The Tsimshian also practised po• couver Island, "West Coast marriage was an lygamy, at least among the chiefly class.104 In alliance of families rather than a union of the fact, speaking of his Kwakiutl grandfather, bride and groom alone."97 Consequently, mar• James Sewid asserted that the man had married "quite a few times" to acquire "songs, still in the womb was common to many First crests and wealth from other villages and other Nations tribes in Canada. Jenness claims, how• tribes."105 ever, that only on the Pacific coast were these betrothals sacrosanct.115 In his study of the In contrast, Marjorie Mitchell's study of Nootka, Arima also found that child betrothals the Coast Salish revealed that monogamy was were "generally firm," although it was possible more the norm. Among the Saanich Indians, to cancel them. Cancellation, however, tended for instance, divorce was infrequent "because to lead to bitterness."6 of the strong effects of kin on both sides to keep a couple together, magic being employed While recognizing the tremendous cultural if necessary."106 Even if there was clear evi• variations, it can be said, in summary, that, for dence that a woman had been mistreated by both women and men, marriages created alli• her husband, "the co-fathers-in-law made ances between families and villages and they every attempt to effect a reconciliation."107 conferred wealth and status on the participants. Other Salish people applied similar pressure; Polygamy and polyandry were acceptable (al• among the Salish, couples "were usually urged though polyandry was practised only when a to re-unite."108 However, as one scholar noted, crisis had decimated the female population), "in spite of the mechanisms for strengthening divorce, although not too common, was easy the marriage bonds ... divorce everywhere was since there were no legal impediments, elabo• easy."109 It may have been easy but Jenness rate ceremonial accompanied the marriage of argues that "for economic reasons," divorce high-status families, and child betrothal was among British Columbia's First Nations peo• widely practised. ples was practically unknown.110 Missionary perceptions of these aboriginal Jenness also claims that British Colum• marriages led them to believe that the women bia's First Nations "recognized three distinct were in need of "rescuing" and preparing for grades of society, nobles, commoners, and a better fate. These perceptions were based on slaves," and that this structure could determine their imperfect knowledge of First Nations the amount of ritual involved when a couple societies"7 and their firmly held conviction married.111 This class structure could determine that Christian marriage, with its emphasis on the amount of ritual involved when a couple "patriarchal notions of wifely behaviour" and married. Arima claims that, among the Nootka, on the roles and expectations imposed on the degree of ceremonial — more or less elab• women by Scripture and Church teachings, orate — and the value of gifts exchanged by was the perfect system of social regulation.118 the families differed according to rank of the Young aboriginal women represented the best participants."2 The Kwakiutl, whose marriage hope of the Churches. As one scholar noted: rituals concerned only the chiefly families, denied formal marriage to commoners."3 Fur• [women], as wives of men and mothers of thermore, studies of the Coast Salish reveal children were entrusted with the moral guardianship of society ... they were ex• that there was more elaborate ceremonial and pected to curb restlessness and rebelli• gift distribution among wealthy families.114 ousness in men and instill virtues of civic submission in children.119 According to Jenness, the "purchase" of wives while the women were either young They would also have to abandon the concept girls, small children or even, in some cases, of communal education for children and accept the concept of parental responsibility. The into his home; "Indians became angry but Churches of British Columbia held these ex• Green told them that they could not have two pectations for girls who came into their care. wives."125 The Crosbys and Green were not alone in their condemnation of First Nations Among the first missionaries to pressure marriage customs. Caroline Tate wrote of what for help for girls "condemned" to barter she and her husband considered a serious marriages were the Crosbys. Thomas Crosby problem among the Bella Bella: described how women were "given to the hus• band as a pledge for property which is given Among the Bella Bellas, the custom of to her people for her." According to Crosby: infant betrothals and early marriages pre• vails. One interesting little girl of eight or Children have been mortgaged for pot• nine years of age was taken from school latch debts before they were five years of last winter, and married to a man living in age, and the mortgagee claims his wife a heathen village who had already one 126 when she is probably thirteen to fifteen wife. years of age. The Presbyterian missionary at Ucluelet also Crosby wanted the First Nations peoples to be expressed his concern over the fact that some compelled to abandon their "barter marriages" men at Ucluelet had two wives each and that and conform to Canadian marriage laws. Be• young men who were showing some interest cause of "the prevalence in this traffic in in Christianity spoke of "buying" their wives, Indian girls," wrote Crosby, "many of the "according to their own custom." Swartout early missionaries were led to establish 'Girls' believed that only by conversion would local Homes for the rescue and further protection of aboriginals desist from "changing wives & these poor victims of this awful system.'"121 husbands," a custom which was considered Crosby also attacked polygamy. Polygamy was "quite proper."127 accepted by women because it took care of surplus women. Crosby, like other mission• The Women's Auxiliary of the Church of aries, saw it as immoral (biblical polygamy England in Canada expressed its concern even appears to have been conveniently forgotten) more strongly. Writing for help to the and a state of "dreadful misery and degrada• W.F.M.S. of the Presbyterian Church of Cana• 122 tion" for the women. The missionary saw da, the Anglican W.A. expressed its concern: the rejection of this custom as one of the Church's earliest successes. Aboriginal It has been brought to the notice of the women, he claimed, were always "the slave or W.A. of the Missionary Society of the burden-bearer" until Christianity both caused Church of England in Canada that great the peoples to reject polygamy and "lifted evils exist on the Island of Vancouver in [them] into [their] true social position."123 The connexion [sic] with the Marriage customs number of girls who apparently sought the of the Indians. [We] earnestly entreat your protection of the Crosbys led to the establish• society to do all in their power to stamp ment of the official Home (the Crosbys used out this terrible evil, so destructive to the souls and bodies of our fellow their own home initially) at Fort Simpson "to countrymen.128 shelter hapless and helpless Indian girls."124 Another Methodist missionary, the Reverend The letter was accompanied by a copy of a Alfred Green, apparently took aboriginal wives resolution passed by the W.A. in which the organization vowed to put pressure on the occasion, F. Earl Anfield, principal at the Alert Dominion government to force it to eradicate Bay school, rushed to the defense of Indian the "revolting marriage customs of the Indians custom when a newspaper reporter wrote an relating to the sale of women and girls...."129 insulting article on recent Alert Bay marriages. The situation was not easily resolved. Writing He wrote: of the situation at Alert Bay in 1912, an An• glican missionary explained that the "selling of Most of these couples had been married the girls in marriage, which is a central point for years under what is known as "Indian Custom Marriage" or "Potlatch Marriage." in the Indian social life, is the great obstacle to In other words they had been married with be overcome...."130 The Anglicans condemned the immemorial ceremonies and practice of the "sale" of aboriginal girls and stated that their forefathers, in which marriage cus• "every girl taken into their Home [meant] one tom, divorce was practically unknown and 131 step towards the abolition of this custom." unfaithfulness rare.137 Anglican lack of success at Alert Bay can be discovered in a letter written in March 1920 to As contact with whites increased, mission• Duncan Scott at the Department of Indian ary Home workers became as much concerned Affairs. The local missionary wrote: with First Nations acceptance of prostitution of their women as with the "improprieties" of ab• A woman is always treated as a minor original marriage. As Emma Crosby saw it, and her life is governed by her guardian some local aboriginal girls had little choice in to whom she is a great asset. The guard• their destiny. She expressed the grief mission• ian invariably mortgages the woman to aries felt when girls they had to turn away be• the highest bidder ... We know of cases cause of lack of space "left their homes for a where a girl has been mortgaged 4 or 5 times.132 life of dissipation and shame, and only came back, in nearly every case, after a few years, Corker also reported that the aboriginal people to die a wretched, untimely death among their 138 of Alert Bay rebuked Jane Cook because she friends." This concern was expressed also had married only once and had consequently by missionary Agnes Knight: "not done her duty as an Indian; by living in a monogamous relationship, she had denied these half-grown girls need the care and her family glory."133 Furthermore, the writer of protection of the Home so much that I would not keep one out who was willing a report on the Potlatch done in 1930 for the to come to us. There is so much danger Anglican bishop of Victoria had a case of and so much temptations surrounding the marriage banns being challenged by a man girls in these villages that scarcely one who claimed that "his nephew had paid the 139 father $150.00 for the girl while the proposed escapes. husband had paid nothing."134 Like First Nations marriage customs, this was a problem that would persist. In 1908, a mis• Only one Alert Bay missionary, the Rever• sionary at Port Simpson wrote to the readers end Prosser, declared that the "purchase of of Missionary Outlook: wives at Potlatch [was] untrue."135 The rest condemned what they continued to call the Pray that the girls who were discharged "sale of girls," even to the point of pressing may be true Christians, and withstand the charges in court — if they could be sure of many temptations they will meet this winning the case.136 However, on at least one summer. It will be harder than ever for Indian women and girls on account of the a missionary in the Nicola Valley encouraged proximity of Prince Rupert and the white male settlers to either marry their ab• construction camps on the Grand Trunk original companions or abandon them. Meth• 140 Pacific. odist Reverend Jas Turner found it satisfying that the men who were willing to end "what Those who took in young aboriginal girls had been considered a legitimate custom for were very clear about their roles in these years"; he pointed out the hardships these young lives. According to Emma Crosby, the breakups caused the men who were now aim of the staff of the Methodist Home was to having "to undertake the duties of cook, make "capable Indian women" who would laundry-maid, and housekeeper, in addition to "establish Christian homes for themselves the toils common to farming...."146 No thought where, as wives and mothers, they may show is given to the problems abandonment must what industrious habits and a Christian spirit have created for both the women and their can do."141 Miss Jackson echoed Emma's children. words: Missionaries also worked to formalize, In our work and teaching we keep in according to Church law, custom marriages mind the future of the girls, which will be between First Nations peoples. However, this that of wives and mothers, the noblest work of all if true to their calling.142 presented its own problems. Thomas Crosby performed the first Christian marriage cere• What of the response of First Nations girls, mony at Port Simpson in 1871. As he began however, who had spent some years at the the service, the bride bolted from the church. Homes? Writing of girls about to leave the After some time, the bride timidly returned. Port Simpson Home, Miss Hudson stated that Crosby commented: "The way is hard for their feet; we know they feel most seriously their going from the shelter So I got hold of her hand and drew her to• and care of the school."143 "Our girls on the wards him, placed her hand in his, laid my whole have been happy and contented," wrote hand over them both, and held on until I had finished the ceremony.147 another missionary in 1907, "and are striving

144 to do what is right." Unfortunately, we have Crosby used this method from then on.148 very little information on the girls' perspec• Other problems were more complex. As wrote tives; letters written by aboriginal women are McCullagh, the Methodist missionary at 145 very rare. Consequently, the effects of Aiyansh, the "Indians are married by Indian Christian marriage as perceived by aboriginal custom, but later came to church to marry girls is, in most cases, a matter of conjecture. again, on grounds that they are free to marry."149 At Alert Bay, Anglican workers Missionaries were convinced that Christian grappled for many years with the problem of marriages offered girls a preferable option to aboriginal men who had been advised to marry being "sold" into what they considered to be according to Church rites, using the opportu• unnatural alliances. However, pressure on First nity to abandon wives of custom marriages to Nations to conform to Christian marriage rites marry others. In 1914, a missionary wrote to could pose new problems for women. Where Bishop Schofield that he had inadvertently aboriginal women were living with white men, married an Indian "whose first wife was still missionaries tried to either formalize the rela• living."150 Bishop Schofield attested to the tionship or break it up. In 1876, for example, widespread and persistent nature of this problem. Clearly disputing what Anfield had On the surface, Christianity appears to argued, in December 1935 he wrote to a gov• have offered women choices in regard to mar• ernment official that "again and again Indians riage; however, in reality, it is possible that the who have been married under Indian custom missionaries, too, limited that choice. To reach have thrown over the wife so married and their goal of providing examples for non- have presented themselves at the church to be Christian First Nations peoples, Home workers married to another woman."151 Furthermore, in would have used their influence to promote his autobiography, James Sewid explained how marriages between girls from the Home and men among his people left wives acquired young Christian men. There was frequently through First Nations custom and then joined fear that the girls might, on leaving the Home, a new church where they could get married to slide back into the "old ways." One way to someone else.152 In at least one recorded case, prevent backsliding was to unite Christian however, the woman left the husband. couples. There is missionary comment on these unions: an Indian girl named Flora, a In 1928, Anglican missionary F. Comley Port Simpson Home inmate, was married, in wrote to A.G. Manson, the Attorney General 1901, to Robert, "the native teacher at Kitlope 155 of British Columbia: — an earnest Christian man"; in the spring of 1903, Lilly Jones, who missionaries hoped Last week two Indians came to Alert Bay would make "a very useful Christian woman," to be married in Church. The woman had married Mark Edgar, the son of the Reverend previously been married according to cus• George Edgar, native pastor of China Hat;156 toms of the Kwawkewth people, and there and, in 1907, there is reference to the marriage are two children by the marriage. The of Ella to "Moses Gray, son of Louis Gray, woman left her husband sometime [sic] native missionary at Rivers Inlet."157 There is ago, and now comes to the church to be no way of knowing how much pressure was 153 married to another man. put on the girls (or indeed the young men) to marry those thought appropriate, but it is It is possible that at Alert Bay, women's rejec• likely that some pressure was used. The Angli• tion of arranged marriages might have been cans, for instance, saw the establishment of the quite common. Writing from Alert Bay to the Alert Bay Home as a way of removing "the Department of Indian Affairs in January 1910, difficulty with regard to the marriage of the Indian Agent William Halliday informed his boys who pass through [their] Industrial superiors that the problem of wife abandon• School."158 Moreover, it is not known how ment was not nearly as widespread as husband many failed marriages were a result of Resi• abandonment. Halliday had been informed that dential School institutionalization. Forcibly men who abandoned wives married under In• separated, girls and boys who were inmates of dian custom to marry another could be prose• the Homes until their teens "often married cuted under Section 301 of the Criminal Code. without precedent for male-female He replied that: relationships."159

in many, or most of these cases, the girl having been given in marriage without her One aspect of Christian marriage — the own consent, or one might say in absolute ceremonial part — offered some of these ignorance, she herself usually leaves the young women the opportunity to experience a man and takes up with another.154 certain status. As noted earlier, young aborig- inal girls who were not of the chiefly class as missionaries struggled to hold on to girls would not ordinarily have ceremonials to mark they considered too young for marriage. their marriages. However, as far as the Church According to Lavinia Clarke, the Home's idea was concerned on the issue of First Nations of a suitable age "[did] not co-incide with marriage, class was immaterial. All women, those of the Indians by any means."165 regardless of status, could marry with elabo• rate ceremonial. The white dress (sometimes In 1904, after more than twenty years of provided by women's missionary organiza• missionary efforts, the conflict continued. Miss tions),160 the formal Church ceremony and the Carroll wrote that she was having "consider• wedding feast were available for all.161 able trouble" with some of the parents who wanted to remove their daughters.166 Accord• Christianity also offered new economic ing to Elizabeth Long, the missionaries' only opportunities. According to missionary work• weapon against intransigent parents was moral ers, as contact opportunities with white society persuasion.167 The Presbyterians, too, had increased, pressure was placed on aboriginal trouble with parents who demanded that the girls to supplement family income through girls be allowed to leave. Girls were allowed prostitution. The Homes, therefore, looked for home for vacations and parents prevented their alternate forms of work for the girls and return.168 An Indian agent in charge of the helped to place some of them in service.162 Kwakiutl Agency on Vancouver Island com• mented on the antagonism of the Kwakiutl Under the influence of Home workers, "towards the schools and religious teaching for girls were taught to aspire to a Christian mar• their children."169 According to one Anglican riage based on personal choice and approved missionary commenting on the Home at Alert by white society. There is no evidence that Bay, "the older people strongly object to the thought was given to the social and cultural entrance of the girls and do what they can to disruption such marriages would bring. Choice prevent their coming or to entice them away involved not only rejection of parental rights when they have entered."170 in regard to marriage but also to disintegration of carefully balanced tribal alliances. Mission• There are only fragments to suggest the aries regarded the girls' families as protago• stress and chaos that followed the efforts of nists and a battle of wills often ensued over missionaries to change marriage customs. In the girls' futures. While working among the 1910, W.M. Halliday, Indian agent at Alert Bella Bella in 1881, Caroline Tate exhorted Bay, wrote to his department in Ottawa that promises from them that they would protect few Indians "feel their inferiority to the their girls by discontinuing infant betrothals; whites" and, as a result, to an Indian, Christian however, the Bella Bella were insistent that marriage "constitutes no marriage at all and 163 "the old promises must be kept." Keeping they impress upon the girls this fact."171 Hal• the old promises continued into the twentieth liday, who was promoting the establishment of century, as missionaries like Elizabeth Long an Anglican Home, notes that "old people are continued "over and over again to try and afraid that if the girls are educated they will convince the parents, and the would-be bride• wish to exercise the right to choose for them• grooms, that the girls [were] much too young" selves."172 More than twenty years later, Jane to marry.164 Over the years, the Port Simpson Cook stated that, in spite of Church and gov• Home was the scene of conflict over marriages ernment efforts to eradicate custom marriages: no respectable Indian man [would] live was undermined by young girls who now held with a woman without a price being paid different ideas about what created a home ... It would be a disgrace to them if there environment. was no price paid; there must be a contract.'73 Missionary workers expected Home girls Two significant comments underline the to provide role models for the non-Christian cultural devastation which Christian marriage communities to which they returned. As role could bring. One was made by Methodist mis• models, the girls were crucial to missionary sionary Reverend D. Jennings. At New Kitzel- success. To the Home workers, both the suc• ash in April 1901, he found an Indian couple cess of the Christianization process and First "with weak hearts" because their daughter had Nations women's devotion to their newly married within her own crest. According to acquired faith were measured not so much in Jennings, this marriage was considered "almost church attendance as in quality of home life. an unpardonable act." The couple was re• "A very useful Christian woman" was not buked, not by Jennings, but, according to the simply one who prayed frequently or assisted missionary, by another Indian who told the in catechetical work,176 she was also one who, distressed couple: by her example, promoted cleanliness and hygiene in her own home.177 Christianity was Now we are living according to the new equalled not with doctrinal knowledge and way. The white man has no crest; nor is piety but with housework and childcare. the crest taught in the Bible. We have left our old way of life and since there is no There is still much to uncover with regard blood relationship between your daughter and her husband, you ought not longer to the impact of Christianity on First Nations stand out against their marriage.174 women's lives. The ramifications of the early mission work might remain largely specu• The other comment was made by Lavinia lative. Perhaps a sense of what was lost and Clarke who had recently visited the home of a gained in later years might be uncovered former Home inmate. She noted: through extensive interviews with older women. However, these women would be re• The house was clean and the bed comfort• membering lives already irrevocably altered by able — in striking contrast to former days white contact. The fragments we do have seem when the old grandmother ruled the home, 175 to indicate that First Nations women, like their and all was dirt and confusion. white counterparts, found in Christianity both Here is clear indication of generational conflict new options and old restraints. We may never between women — a conflict so destructive to know, however, how typical Kate Dudoward a culture. The traditional role of older women actually was... NOTES

1. Gagan 1987, 396. — her father was white and her mother was an 2. Missionary Outlook 41.3, Mar. 1921: 71. aboriginal of the Seattle area, probably Coast Sal• 3. In British Columbia, see, for example, Mulhall ish, although her exact lineage is not mentioned in 1986; Usher 1974; Whitehead 1981a; Whitehead the records. If she was Coast Salish, it is likely 1988. that she was a "Chieftainess" in the traditional 4. For three exceptions, see: Whitehead (1981b), 98- sense of the word. According to the research of 106; Bolt (1983), 38-56; Bolt (1992). anthropologist Marjorie Mitchell (1976), there 5. Peterson and Druke 1988, 9. were no women chiefs among the Coast Salish. 6. Peterson and Druke 1988, 10. 39. Jane Cook, letter to Bishop Roper, 15 Dec. 1913. 7. Klein 1980, 101. 40. A.W. Corker, letter to Bishop Roper, 9 Dec. 1913. 8. Leacock 1986, 27; Devens 1986, 461. 41. Jane Cook, letter to Bishop Roper, 15 Dec. 1913. 9. Peterson and Druke 1988, 24. 42. Bishop Roper, letter to Chambers, Dec. 1913; 10. Spradley 1983, 45. William Halliday, letter to Bishop Roper, 2 Mar. 11. Crosby 1907, 230-231. 1914. 12. Mission Field XIV.CLVIII, Feb. 1869: 49. 43. Jane Cook, letter to J. Smith, Vancouver Chief of 13. Missionary Outlook 22.12, Dec. 1902: 287. Police, 10 Nov. 1913. 14. Missionary Outlook 24.2, Feb. 1904: 67. 44. Bishop Roper, letter to Jane Cook, Dec. 1913. 15. McDonough 1979, 164. 45. Bishop Roper, letter to Bishop Charles Schofield, 16. Special Meeting held at Alert Bay, 1 June 1936. 2 Feb. 1919; Tennant 1991, 7-8. 17. Presbyterian Pioneer Ministers 1924: 215. 46. Special Meeting held at Alert Bay, 1 June 1936. 18. Missionary Notices of the Methodist Church of 47. Special Meeting held at Alert Bay, 1 June 1936. Canada 4 Dec. 1877: 278. 48. Corker, letter to Bishop Charles Schofield, 22 Apr. 19. Klein 1980, 99. 1919. 20. Missionary Notices of the Methodist Church of 49. Bishop Roper, letter to Bishop Charles Schofield, Canada Aug. 1878: 312. 2 Feb. 1919; Corker, letter to Duncan Scott, 21. Wesleyan Missionary Notices 1 Nov. 1869: 76-77. D.I.A., 6 Mar. 1920. 22. Crosby 1907, 233. 50. Corker, letter to Duncan Scott, D.I.A., 6 Mar. 23. Missionary Notices of the Methodist Church of 1920. Canada June 1875: 55-56; Keenleyside 1987, 9- 51. Corker, letter to Bishop Charles Schofield, 18 12; Missionary Outlook 5.4, Apr. 1885: 61; Mis• Mar. 1919; Loo 1992: 127. sionary Outlook 9.8, Aug. 1889. 52. Bishop Charles Schofield, letter to Reverend Pros- 24. Missionary Outlook 27.1, Jan. 1907: 16. ser, 20 Jan. 1931. 25. Spradley 1983, 49. 53. Gough 1982-84, 84. 26. Bishop Charles Schofield, letter to the Secretaries 54. Gough 1982-84, 84. of the Church Missionary Society, 11 Dec. 1914. 55. Beaver 1980, 121-22. 27. Bishop Charles Schofield, letter to the Secretaries 56. Missionary Outlook 5.4, Apr. 1885: 61; see also of the Church Missionary Society, 11 Dec. 1914. Corker, letter to Duncan Scott, D.I.A., 6 Mar. 28. Columbia Branch Women's Auxiliary, Minutes, 15 1920. June 1928. 57. See Usher 1974; Whitehead 1981b. 29. Spradley 1983, 49. 58. Knight, Diary 10 July 1885 to 27 Oct. 1887, Entry 30. Missionary Notices of the Methodist Church of 19 Aug. 1885. Canada Feb. 1878: 272. 59. Missionary Notices of the Methodist Church of 31. Missionary Notices of the Methodist Church of Canada 4 Dec. 1877: 278. Canada Apr. 1875: 36. 60. Wesleyan Missionary Notices 1 Feb. 1869: 25-26. 32. Missionary Outlook 3.3, Mar. 1883: 45. 61. Special Meeting held at Alert Bay, 1 June 1936. 33. Missionary Outlook 21.6, June 1901: 142. 62. Special Meeting held at Alert Bay, 1 June 1936. 34. Missionary Outlook 27.1, Jan. 1907: 16. 63. Special Meeting held at Alert Bay, 1 June 1936. 35. Latham and Kess 1980, 286. 64. Anderson and Zinsser 1988, 181. 36. Beaver 1980, 211. 65. Whitehead 1981c. 37. Fiske 1981, 103. 66. Mission Field 1 June 1871: 177. 38. Reverend O.T. Hodgson, letter to Bishop Charles 67. Codere 1950, 54. Schofield, 27 Mar. 1936. Jane Cook was a Metisse 68. Mission Field 1 June 1871: 177. 69. Codere 1950, 54. According to Anthropologist 101. Arima 91. Marjorie Mitchell, as other economic opportunities 102. Krause 1956, 154. presented themselves, First Nations women left 103. Arima 90. prostitution (Interview given 3 May 1993). 104. Fiske 1991. "Colonization and the Decline of 70. Wesleyan Missionary Notices 1 Feb. 1869: 26. Women's Status: The Tsimshian Case," Feminist 71. Missionary Outlook 5.4, Apr. 1885: 61. Studies 17.4. 72. Missionary Outlook 5.4, Apr. 1885: 61. 105. Spradley 1983, 35. 73. Spradley 1983, 45. 106. Mitchell 1976, 98; Lewis 1970, 40. 74. Spradley 1983, 57, 137, 168. 107. Mitchell 1976, 98. 75. Spradley 1983, 57. 108. Mitchell 1976, 102. 76. Spradley 1983, 18. 109. Mitchell 1976, 98; Arima 91. 77. Fiske 1981, 99. In her article on the Montagnais 110. Jenness 1971, 156. women, Devens 1986, 470, suggests that women 111. Jenness 1971, 140. One has to be careful when converts "tended to interpret and manipulate Chris• generalizing about class structure. The Coast Sal- tianity to serve their own needs." As evidence she ish and Nootka peoples had class-based cultures; focuses on a cult of the Virgin Mary which devel• others, such as the Kwakiutl, had ranked societies oped at some mission centres; these women contin• and, in the interior of the province, other First ued, while living in community, "to stress the Nations had relatively unstratified societies. On values of female autonomy." the complexities of the class issue with regards to 78. Blackman 1982, 45. British Columbia First Nations, see Suttles 1958, 79. Blackman 1982, 45. 497-506. 80. Devens 1986, 475. 112. Arima 90. 81. According to Miss Powell, a missionary at the 113. Goldman 1975, 74. Crosby Home in Port Simpson, women who had 114. Mitchell 1976, 102. previously resisted attending church meetings did 115. Jenness 1971, 154. join a "Women's Patriotic Society" formed for the 116. Arima 90. purpose of knitting for soldiers fighting in World 117. Adams 1970, 128, 145. Kasakoff Adams argues War I. Missionary Outlook 37.3, Mar. 1916: 71. that certain key words that denote marriage rela• 82. Missionary Outlook 21.1, Jan. 1901: 78. tionships had more than one meaning in the First 83. Missionary Outlook 22.7, July 1902: 166. Nations she studied. For instance, she states that 84. Missionary Outlook 41.8, Aug. 1921: 21. the kinship term "cousin" contains at least two 85. Reverend Prosser, letter to Bishop Charles Scho• covert categories, both the first cousin and others. field, 19 Jan. 1934. According to Mitchell (Personal interview), two 86. Elizabeth Mac Vicar, letter to her family, 21 Oct. other covert categories are obscured by the En• 1942. glish kinship term "cousin." These are parallel 87. Missionary Outlook 1.4, Apr. 1881: 139. cousins (children of same sex siblings) and cross 88. McLean, J.D., D.I.A., Assistant Deputy Secretary, cousins (children of opposite sex siblings). First letter to Bishop Roper, 22 May 1912. Nations peoples used different terms for these two 89. Jenness 1971, 156. types of cousins. This means that the statement 90. Mitchell 1976, 96. "we marry our cousins" cannot be taken at face 91. Damas 1976, 133. value. This type of subtlety could lead mission• 92. Mitchell and Franklin 1984, 17. aries to misinterpret marriage relations. It could 93. Mitchell and Franklin 1984, 29. also lead them to misunderstand First Nations 94. Mitchell 1976, 96-108. customs. As Peter Edward, a Kwakiutl, explained 95. Cruickshank 1976, 113. For further information on regarding "bride price" (a more accurate term the crucial importance of marriage with regards to would be "bride wealth"), the people "did not the socio-economic system, see Suttles 1960: 296- exactly call it 'selling' as the white people would 305. say, we have a special term that is used ... that 96. Lewis 1970, 122; see also Jenness 1971, 144. cannot be put into English" (Special Meeting held at Alert Bay, 1 June 1936). According to Mitchell 97. Arima 89. (Personal interview), "bride price" is wealth given 98. Mitchell 1976, 98. by the groom's family to the bride's family, not as 99. Goldman 1975, 77. a purchase price but to denote the productive 100. Goldman 1975, 69. value of the bride and to compensate her kin group 155. Missionary Outlook 21.6, June 1901: 142. for the loss of both her productive and 156. Missionary Outlook 21.6, June 1901: 142. reproductive capacity. 157. Missionary Outlook 27.1, Jan. 1907: 22. 118. Gailey 1980, 313; Duprez 1983, 68. 158. Across the Rockies 2.11 (Supplemetal), Nov. 119. Summers 1975, 21. 1911: 6. 120. Crosby 1914, 145. 159. Cruickshank 1976, 105. 121. Crosby 1914, 66. 160. For example, sometimes the Methodist organiza• 122. Crosby 1914, 96. tion, the King's Daughters — an organization 123. Crosby 1914, 97. founded primarily for the spiritual enhancement of 124. Missionary Outlook 1.4, Apr. 1881: 31. women's lives — provided wedding dresses for 125. Missionary Outlook 9.5, May 1889: 79-80. aboriginal girls. Missionary Outlook 25.3, Mar. 126. Missionary Outlook 1.8, Aug. 1881: 91. 1905: 94; Missionary Outlook 25.10, Oct. 1905: 127. Swartout, letter to McKay, 24 May 1895. 238. 128. W.A. (Anglican), letter to W.F.M.S. of the 161. One missionary made an interesting observation Presbyterian Church of Canada, 30 Nov. 1909. regarding First Nations attitudes to the Christian 129. W.A. (Anglican), letter to W.F.M.S. of the marriage ceremony. According to Reverend Presbyterian Church of Canada, 30 Nov. 1909. Pierce, the Methodist missionary at Kispiox, a 72- 130. Across the Rockies 3.11, Nov. 1912: 294. year-old local chief had recently married with full 131. Across the Rockies 3.11, Nov. 1912: 294. Christian ceremony, including a white dress and 132. Corker, letter to Duncan Scott, D.I.A., 6 Mar. bridesmaids for his 62-year-old bride and a best 1920. man for himself. Pierce commented, "The anxiety 133. Report on the Potlatch, author unknown, 30 Apr. of the chief to follow all the white man's customs 1930. in his marriage ceremony may appear somewhat 134. Report on the Potlatch, author unknown, 30 Apr. ludicrous, but to this man just emerging from pa• 1930. gan darkness all these customs would be regarded 135. Report on the Potlatch, author unknown, 30 Apr. as conforming to the 'new way' on which he was 1930. entering, and therefore important as indicating his 136. Reverend Crowley, letter to Bishop Charles Scho• severance from the 'old way' in which he had field, 12 Feb. 1919. walked so long." Viewed from this standpoint, the 137. F. Earl Anfield, letter to the editor, Vancouver Sun, oddities of the old chiefs wedding have a pathos 20 Jan. 1934. that is all their own. Missionary Outlook 23.2, 138. Missionary Outlook 1.11-12, Nov./Dec. 1881: 140. Feb. 1903: 30. 139. Missionary Outlook 6.5, May 1886: 74. 162. Missionary Outlook 27.11, Nov. 1907: 246; Mis• 140. Missionary Outlook 28.7, July 1908: 166. sionary Outlook 33.4, Apr. 1913: 95; Missionary 141. Missionary Outlook 1.11-12, Nov./Dec. 1881: 140. Outlook 33.10, Oct. 1913. 142. Missionary Outlook 22.7, July 1902: 167. 163. Missionary Outlook 1.8, Aug. 1881: 91. 143. Missionary Outlook 32.10, Oct. 1912: 239. 164. Missionary Outlook 26.10, Oct. 1906: 239. 144. Missionary Outlook 27.5, May 1907: 119. 165. Missionary Outlook 19.4, Apr. 1899: 95. 145. Peterson and Druke 1988, 9. 166. Missionary Outlook 24.10, Oct. 1904: 239. 146. Missionary Notices of the Methodist Church of 167. Missionary Outlook 21.10, Oct. 1901: 238. Canada Apr. 1877: 201. 168. Bella Johnston, letter to Mackay, 1 Aug. 1893. 147. Crosby 1907, 98. 169. Codere 1950, 11. 148. Crosby 1907, 98. 170. Across the Rockies 3.11, Nov. 1912: 294. 149. Unknown author, letter to Bishop Charles Scho• 171. William Halliday, letter to J.D. McLean, D.I.A., 5 field, "Notes on Potlatch Views," 3 Apr. 1930. Jan. 1910. 150. Corker, letter to Bishop Charles Schofield, 25 Jan. 172. William Halliday, letter to J.D. McLean, D.I.A., 5 1914. Jan. 1910. 151. Bishop Charles Schofield, letter to C.C. Perry, 173. Special Meeting held at Alert Bay, June 1, 1936. Assistant Commissioner for B.C., 20 Dec. 1935. 174. Missionary Outlook 21.4, Apr. 1901: 79. 152. Spradley 1983, 189. 175. Missionary Outlook 19.8, Aug. 1899: 159. 153. Comley wants legal advice for this situation. Corn- 176. Missionary Outlook 23.6, June 1903: 143. ley, letter to Manson, A.G., 29 Feb. 1928. 177. Missionary Outlook 19.8, Aug. 1899: 190; Mis• 154. William Halliday, letter to J.D. McLean, D.I.A., sionary Outlook 21.12, Dec. 1901: 287; Mission• Assistant Deputy Secretary. 5 Jan. 1910. ary Outlook 27.1, Jan. 1907: 22. REFERENCES

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