DOCSLIB.ORG

From Distrust to Reconciliation the Making of the Ganesh Utsav in Maharashtra  Dinesh Thite

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
From Distrust to Reconciliation the Making of the Ganesh Utsav in Maharashtra  Dinesh Thite From Distrust to Reconciliation The Making of the Ganesh Utsav in Maharashtra Dinesh Thite or the last twenty-five years, collecting contributions, as happens in Ganapati festival celebrations and his Imam Moiddin Khan has been some other mandals where young men enthusiastic participation in Hindu Fthe president of the Guruvarya employ strong-arm tactics to extract religious rituals, he said he saw no Jagobadada Vastaad Talim Trust – one funds from local citizens. Nor does this contradiction between being a good of Pune’s oldest and most respected mandal play the ear-shattering pop Muslim and playing an active role in Ganapati mandals. He became the music common in several other Ganapati festivities. To prove his treasurer of the Trust at the young age mandals. During the Ganesh Yaag, on point, he tells you that his three of fifteen and he has handled all its the birthday of Ganapati, the mandal daughters and two sons are all married economic affairs for the last fifty years, arranges food for around fifteen hun- and well settled. Had there been any especially after he became its dred people. Reciprocally, as Imam opposition from his community to his president, by unanimous vote, in 1978. Khan told us, Hindu members of the involvement with the festival, it would Since then, he has also been mandal organise a celebration to hon- have been difficult for their family to responsible for the Trust’s celebration our Moula Ali Kandhuri every year in find grooms for their daughters and of the Ganapati Mahotsav, the annual the Marathi month of Aashadh. brides for their sons. The father-in-law Ganapati festival, including Imam Khan’s Muslim neighbours, of one of his daughters, Gulab Bhai preparations for the Ganesh Yaag and near his home in Nana Peth, are proud Ghodewale, even proudly displays the the immersion procession of the of his being the President of the newspaper photograph of Imam Ganesh tableau – all strictly per Hindu Guruvarya Jagobadada Ganapati Moiddin Khan receiving the best ritual tradition. While he remains a Mandal. When he was asked whether mandal award to fellow villagers in faithful follower of Islam who offers other Muslims object to his leading the Jejuri. Gulab Bhai himself is an active namaz regularly in sharer in cross-faith the Jama Masjid, festivities – Jejuri is one of Pune’s most important to important mosques, Maharashtrian it is under his presi- Hindus because it dency that this houses the temple of mandal has received Khandoba and, awards for three yearly, it is Gulab consecutive years Bhai’s horse that for organising the leads the Khandoba most disciplined immersion proces- procession. sion in the city. The Sabina Mujawar members of the studies in the seventh mandal never misbe- standard in the have. All religious Aanandibai Karve requirements are Kanyashala. She met in full. There is lives in the locality of no compulsion or Iman Moiddin Khan, President of Pune’s Guruvarya Jagobadada the Ahilyadevi Mitra coercion while Vastad Talim Trust with the mandal’s Ganapati idol . Mandal in Mahatma No.139 19 Phule Peth. Everyday, she offers a But this scenario contrasts with the caused a strong reaction across the certain red flower to the Ganapati idol circumstances in which the Ganapati Hindu community and public meetings of the Mandal – a flower considered festival as a public celebration was were called to air the community’s dear to the god. She fasts, along with started a century ago. concerns. It was during such other Ganapati devotees, on Chaturthi, Riots and Reactions gatherings that the concept of the fourth day in the Hindu monthly It was after the first Hindu-Muslim celebrating the Ganapati festival in a calendar. Nobody in her house or in communal riots in Bombay (now public manner was put forward and the locality finds it odd that a Muslim Mumbai) in 1893 that the Ganapati finalised, in a deliberate attempt to unite girl has such an attachment to festival as a public festival was Hindu citizenry. Ganapati. Sabina’s brother Sameer is started in Pune. These riots were the Celebrating the Ganapati festival one of the mandal’s office bearers. first of their kind, though clashes as a domestic religious event was a This mandal too has a long history of between Muslims and Parsis had well-established tradition in local Muslim participation; one of its occurred in 1850 and again in 1874. Maharashtra; its festivities saw great senior-most members is a Muslim, The riots began in Prabaspattan, in fervour in the days of the Peshwas, Mannubhai Daudkhane. The mandal Gujarat, and then spread to Bombay. the Brahmin Prime Ministers of the also celebrates the Muslim festival: On 11th August 1893, a major communal Maratha chieftains of old. But it was the Ramzan Id. According to its riot broke out – the Shiva temple in in 1893 that mass participation became activists, there has never been any Hanuman lane was attacked; reprisals integral to the observances. The communal tension in their locality followed the next day. Tensions nationalist leader Lokmanya Tilak was despite the mixed population of Hindu spiraled out of control for the next two the one of the leading lights of this and Muslim communities. It is the days; life and property remained at risk novel attempt and, thanks to his outsiders who create tension, they for nearly a week and it took a month intellectual sponsorship, this public said. for the violence to abate. About festival took root and made deep These two examples of the seventy-five people were killed and inroads across Maharashtra. participation of Pune’s Muslims in the three hundred and fifty were injured; There are various versions of the famous Ganapati festival are not ultimately, around twelve hundred beginnings of the Ganapati festival unique. The festival is celebrated all people were arrested. Thousands fled as a public event. According to over Maharashtra for ten days in the the city. In Pune, these incidents Wolpert, in the aftermath of the months of August-September. vitiated the atmosphere and led to Bombay riots Pune’s Hindu Ganapati mandals are groups of local uneasiness in the relationship between population had been urged by its people who organise celebrations in the Hindu and Muslim communities. orthodox leaders to boycott the their neighbourhoods with money (Kelkar, 1988 [1923]: 332-339) The riots Muslim Moharram festival, which, gathered through local contributions. There are about forty thousand such mandals in Maharashtra, with about four thousand in Pune alone. During the festival, the Ganapati idol is brought in a procession to be established in the mandal’s pandal. Each pandal is elaborately decorated with tableaus. Hundreds and thousands in each neighbourhood witness the daily rituals and cultural programmes organised during the festival. At the end of ten days, the idol is taken out in a procession for immersion in water. Wherever there is a mixed population of Hindus and Muslims, and where Muslims are not a preponderant majority, the participation of Muslims in the Devotees in their thousands converge for the annual Ganapati procession. Ganapati festivals is fairly common. 20 MANUSHI until 1893, had been celebrated jointly Tilak believed that such a display of devoted to Tilak. In 1893, in the by adherents of both religions. In unity should be dramatic and take month of Shrawan (this month in the 1893, a separate Hindu festival was place under the guidance of Brahmins Indian calendar precedes the month begun, designed to wean the Hindu as the traditional and natural leaders of Bhadrapada, in which the lower classes away from festivals of society.” (Courtright, 2001: 233) Ganapati festival is celebrated), a honouring a ‘foreign’ deity by Tilak’s Contribution meeting of Pune’s leading providing them with an equally Wolpert has noted that personalities was arranged in the attractive alternative. Strengthening Annasahib Patwardhan provided the house of Bhau Rangari. It was communal consciousness in this way inspiration and Tilak the publicity decided in discussions here that the served to bolster Hindu Ganapati festival be nationalist aspirations. celebrated as a public (Wolpert, 1962: 66) Each event. Accordingly, Bhau September, Hindus now Rangari, Ganapatrao marched in throngs behind Ghotawadekar and giant images of their own Nanasaheb Khasagiwale god, instead of joining the installed Ganapati idols and procession of the Muslims took out an immersion who carried the tabuts, the procession on the day of colourful replicas of the Anantchaturdashi. Tilak Karbala tombs of appreciated this idea and Mohammed’s martyred wrote an article supporting grandsons. (Wolpert, 1962: it. (Karandikar, 1953:3 [part 66-68) 1]) However, his name is It may appear that the not mentioned among Ganapati festival was those present in the propagated with the sole meeting and it is very clear purpose of developing a that Tilak was not one of deterrent to the Muslims, the festival’s founding but, in fact, the festival has fathers though he played many roles, supported it and in 1894 becoming a platform for himself installed an idol of various social, cultural, Ganapati for the public religious and political festival in Winchurkar developments. Raising Wada. (Karandikar, 1953: the occasion to a public preface p. 9) event bridged the Ganapati on his way through the crowds. Kelkar has provided a increasing gap between different version in his Brahmins and non-Brahmins. Tilak which catapulted the Ganapati biography of Tilak, widely is said to have devised this plan celebration from a purely private considered to be one of the most with an eye to organising the religious function to the most reliable. According to him, one day, Hindu community and developing important and best-attended public while public opinion about the riots a grass-roots level integration.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Decline of Buddhism in India
    The Decline of Buddhism in India It is almost impossible to provide a continuous account of the near disappearance of Buddhism from the plains of India. This is primarily so because of the dearth of archaeological material and the stunning silence of the indigenous literature on this subject. Interestingly, the subject itself has remained one of the most neglected topics in the history of India. In this book apart from the history of the decline of Buddhism in India, various issues relating to this decline have been critically examined. Following this methodology, an attempt has been made at a region-wise survey of the decline in Sind, Kashmir, northwestern India, central India, the Deccan, western India, Bengal, Orissa, and Assam, followed by a detailed analysis of the different hypotheses that propose to explain this decline. This is followed by author’s proposed model of decline of Buddhism in India. K.T.S. Sarao is currently Professor and Head of the Department of Buddhist Studies at the University of Delhi. He holds doctoral degrees from the universities of Delhi and Cambridge and an honorary doctorate from the P.S.R. Buddhist University, Phnom Penh. The Decline of Buddhism in India A Fresh Perspective K.T.S. Sarao Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd. ISBN 978-81-215-1241-1 First published 2012 © 2012, Sarao, K.T.S. All rights reserved including those of translation into other languages. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form, or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the written permission of the publisher.
    [Show full text]
  • D-Company and the 1993 Mumbai Bombings: Rethinking a Case of ‘Crime-Terror Convergence’ in South Asia
    Mahadevan – D-company & 1993 Mumbai Bombings 54 The European Review of Organised Crime Original article D-Company and the 1993 Mumbai Bombings: rethinking a case of ‘crime-terror convergence’ in South Asia Prem Mahadevan* Abstract: In 1993, a transnational crime organization known as D-Company carried out mass-casualty terrorist bombings in Mumbai, India. The reasons for this action have been attributed to religious grievances. However, little attention has been given to the role played by Pakistan’s Inter Services Intelligence in supporting the bombings. Taking into account what has emerged in the public domain over the last 28 years regarding ISI links with D-Company and with international jihadist groups more generally, a re-assessment of the 1993 bombings is required. Hitherto regarded as an example of ‘crime-terror convergence’, it appears that D-Company might be more aptly considered an instrument of covert action. Keywords: Terrorism, heroin, gold, intelligence, covert operations. * Prem Mahadevan is Senior Analyst, Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime. Email: [email protected] The European Review of Organised Crime 6(1), 2021, pp. 54-98. ISSN: 2312-1653 © ECPR Standing Group of Organised Crime. For permissions please email: [email protected] 54 Mahadevan – D-company & 1993 Mumbai Bombings 55 Introduction This article examines why the transnational crime syndicate known as ‘D-Company’ bombed the city of Mumbai in 1993. In what remains the bloodiest-ever terror incident on Indian soil, 257 civilians were killed by 12 near-synchronous explosions. The bombs had been assembled using military-grade explosive smuggled from abroad. The events of that day, Friday 12 March 1993, are considered by scholars as an example of hybridity between organized crime and political terrorism (Rollins, Wyler and Rosen, 2010: 14-16).
    [Show full text]
  • South-Indian Images of Gods and Goddesses
    ASIA II MB- • ! 00/ CORNELL UNIVERSITY* LIBRARY Date Due >Sf{JviVre > -&h—2 RftPP )9 -Af v^r- tjy J A j£ **'lr *7 i !! in ^_ fc-£r Pg&diJBii'* Cornell University Library NB 1001.K92 South-indian images of gods and goddesse 3 1924 022 943 447 AGENTS FOR THE SALE OF MADRAS GOVERNMENT PUBLICATIONS. IN INDIA. A. G. Barraud & Co. (Late A. J. Combridge & Co.)> Madras. R. Cambrav & Co., Calcutta. E. M. Gopalakrishna Kone, Pudumantapam, Madura. Higginbothams (Ltd.), Mount Road, Madras. V. Kalyanarama Iyer & Co., Esplanade, Madras. G. C. Loganatham Brothers, Madras. S. Murthv & Co., Madras. G. A. Natesan & Co., Madras. The Superintendent, Nazair Kanun Hind Press, Allahabad. P. R. Rama Iyer & Co., Madras. D. B. Taraporevala Sons & Co., Bombay. Thacker & Co. (Ltd.), Bombay. Thacker, Spink & Co., Calcutta. S. Vas & Co., Madras. S.P.C.K. Press, Madras. IN THE UNITED KINGDOM. B. H. Blackwell, 50 and 51, Broad Street, Oxford. Constable & Co., 10, Orange Street, Leicester Square, London, W.C. Deighton, Bell & Co. (Ltd.), Cambridge. \ T. Fisher Unwin (Ltd.), j, Adelphi Terrace, London, W.C. Grindlay & Co., 54, Parliament Street, London, S.W. Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co. (Ltd.), 68—74, iCarter Lane, London, E.C. and 25, Museum Street, London, W.C. Henry S. King & Co., 65, Cornhill, London, E.C. X P. S. King & Son, 2 and 4, Great Smith Street, Westminster, London, S.W.- Luzac & Co., 46, Great Russell Street, London, W.C. B. Quaritch, 11, Grafton Street, New Bond Street, London, W. W. Thacker & Co.^f*Cre<d Lane, London, E.O? *' Oliver and Boyd, Tweeddale Court, Edinburgh.
    [Show full text]
  • Meena Menon's New Book Does Mumbai a Service, Recording Personal Accounts of the Mumbai Riots, and Showing Us What They Mean F
    Meena Menon’s new book does Mumbai a service, recording personal accounts of the Mumbai riots, and showing us what they mean for the city today. There are several things I wish I did not remember of the Bombay riots of 1992-93. One of them is that during those tumultuous days, my family’s nameplate disappeared from the board in the foyer listing the families who lived in our South Mumbai building. It was probably removed by the building society or secretary, as was the case in many other Mumbai buildings with Muslim families at the time. To the day my parents left that house almost eight years later, our nameplate did not reappear on that board. The fact that our names never went back up on the board has always upset me more than their quick removal during the riots. At the time, it had seemed a pragmatic move. But its continued absence even years after the violence – during which my family had to swiftly relocate, carrying only a ration card and a few clothes – became a painful reminder that as the only Muslim family in the building, we had been ‘othered’, and our religious identity now overshadowed all our other qualifications. Our house was no longer our home and our city had changed forever. Journalist Meena Menon’s insightful book Riots and After in Mumbai brings back many memories that I wish could have remained buried. Most Mumbai Muslims carry the scars of 1992-93 riots, if not on their bodies then certainly in their hearts and minds.
    [Show full text]
  • Women in Hindu Dharma- a Tribute
    Women in Hindu Dharma- a Tribute Respected Ladies and Gentlemen1, Namaste! Women and the Divine Word:- Let me start my talk with a recitation from the Vedas2, the ‘Divinely Exhaled’ texts of Hindu Dharma – Profound thought was the pillow of her couch, Vision was the unguent for her eyes. Her wealth was the earth and Heaven, When Surya (the sun-like resplendent bride) went to meet her husband.3 Her mind was the bridal chariot, And sky was the canopy of that chariot. Orbs of light were the two steers that pulled the chariot, When Surya proceeded to her husband’s home!4 The close connection of women with divine revelation in Hinduism may be judged from the fact that of the 407 Sages associated with the revelation of Rigveda, twenty-one5 are women. Many of these mantras are quite significant for instance the hymn on the glorification of the Divine Speech.6 The very invocatory mantra7 of the Atharvaveda8 addresses divinity as a ‘Devi’ – the Goddess, who while present in waters, fulfills all our desires and hopes. In the Atharvaveda, the entire 14th book dealing with marriage, domestic issues etc., is attributed to a woman. Portions9 of other 19 books are also attributed to women sages10. 1 It is a Hindu tradition to address women before men in a group, out of reverence for the former. For instance, Hindu wedding invitations are normally addressed ‘To Mrs. and Mr. Smith’ and so on and not as ‘To Mr. And Mrs. Smith’ or as ‘ To Mr. and Mrs. John Smith’ or even as ‘To Mrs.
    [Show full text]
  • Jihadist Violence: the Indian Threat
    JIHADIST VIOLENCE: THE INDIAN THREAT By Stephen Tankel Jihadist Violence: The Indian Threat 1 Available from : Asia Program Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, DC 20004-3027 www.wilsoncenter.org/program/asia-program ISBN: 978-1-938027-34-5 THE WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR SCHOLARS, established by Congress in 1968 and headquartered in Washington, D.C., is a living national memorial to President Wilson. The Center’s mission is to commemorate the ideals and concerns of Woodrow Wilson by providing a link between the worlds of ideas and policy, while fostering research, study, discussion, and collaboration among a broad spectrum of individuals concerned with policy and scholarship in national and interna- tional affairs. Supported by public and private funds, the Center is a nonpartisan insti- tution engaged in the study of national and world affairs. It establishes and maintains a neutral forum for free, open, and informed dialogue. Conclusions or opinions expressed in Center publications and programs are those of the authors and speakers and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Center staff, fellows, trustees, advisory groups, or any individuals or organizations that provide financial support to the Center. The Center is the publisher of The Wilson Quarterly and home of Woodrow Wilson Center Press, dialogue radio and television. For more information about the Center’s activities and publications, please visit us on the web at www.wilsoncenter.org. BOARD OF TRUSTEES Thomas R. Nides, Chairman of the Board Sander R. Gerber, Vice Chairman Jane Harman, Director, President and CEO Public members: James H.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Bombay Dreams and Bombay Nightmares
    ORE Open Research Exeter TITLE Bombay dreams and Bombay nightmares: Spatiality and Bollywood gangster film's urban underworld aesthetic AUTHORS Stadtler, FCJ JOURNAL Journal of Postcolonial Writing DEPOSITED IN ORE 01 February 2018 This version available at http://hdl.handle.net/10871/31264 COPYRIGHT AND REUSE Open Research Exeter makes this work available in accordance with publisher policies. A NOTE ON VERSIONS The version presented here may differ from the published version. If citing, you are advised to consult the published version for pagination, volume/issue and date of publication Bombay dreams and Bombay nightmares: Spatiality and Bollywood gangster film’s urban underworld aesthetics Florian Stadtler * Department of English and Film, University of Exeter, Exeter, UK E-mail: [email protected] The importance of the city in an articulation of Indian modernity has been central to the narratives of Indian popular cinema since the 1950s. Much of the focus has been centred on Bombay/Mumbai. Especially since the mid-1970s, in the wake of Indira Gandhi’s declaration of a State of Emergency, Hindi cinema has explored the structures of power that determine Bombay’s urban city space where the hero of the film encounters exponentially communal, domestic, gang, and state violence. These films put forward textured views of the cityscape and address overtly its potential for corruption and violence. In the process commercial Indian cinema challenges the city’s status as a shining example of progress and modernity. Focussing on post-millennial Indian popular film, especially Milan Luthria’s Once Upon a Time in Mumbaai (2010), this article explores Hindi cinema’s engagement with urban violence in an age of market liberalisation, accelerated economic growth and planned expansion.
    [Show full text]
  • TERRORISM, COMMUNAL POLITICS and ETHNIC DEMOGRAPHY: IS THERE a CAUSAL CONNECTION? Empirical Analysis of Terrorist Incidents in Maharashtra
    M. Mayilvaganan TERRORISM, COMMUNAL POLITICS AND ETHNIC DEMOGRAPHY: IS THERE A CAUSAL CONNECTION? Empirical Analysis of Terrorist Incidents in Maharashtra May 2020 International Strategic and Security1 Studies Programme National Institute of Advanced Studies Bengaluru, India Research Report NIAS/CSS/ISSSP/U/RR/08/2020 TERRORISM, COMMUNAL POLITICS AND ETHNIC DEMOGRAPHY: IS THERE A CAUSAL CONNECTION? Empirical Analysis of Terrorist Incidents in Maharashtra National Institute of Advanced Studies Bengaluru, India 2020 © National Institute of Advanced Studies, 2020 Published by National Institute of Advanced Studies Indian Institute of Science Campus Bengaluru – 560012 Tel: 22185000, Fax: 22185028 Email: [email protected] NIAS Report: NIAS/CSS/ISSSP/U/RR/08/2020 ISBN 978-93-83566-38-9 Content Introduction .............................................................................. 1 India and Terrorism .................................................................. 7 Maharashtra ............................................................................ 8 Micro Level Analysis ................................................................. 10 Key Observations ..................................................................... 24 Inference ................................................................................. 26 INTRODUCTION Is there a causal link between ethnic demography, communal violence, local politics and terrorism? What factors might prompt a terrorist to choose a target place? Why the states like Maharashtra
    [Show full text]
  • A Comparative Study of Sikhism and Hinduism
    A Comparative Study of Sikhism and Hinduism A Comparative Study of Sikhism and Hinduism Dr Jagraj Singh A publication of Sikh University USA Copyright Dr. Jagraj Singh 1 A Comparative Study of Sikhism and Hinduism A comparative study of Sikhism and Hinduism Contents Page Acknowledgements 4 Foreword Introduction 5 Chapter 1 What is Sikhism? 9 What is Hinduism? 29 Who are Sikhs? 30 Who are Hindus? 33 Who is a Sikh? 34 Who is a Hindu? 35 Chapter 2 God in Sikhism. 48 God in Hinduism. 49 Chapter 3 Theory of creation of universe---Cosmology according to Sikhism. 58 Theory of creation according to Hinduism 62 Chapter 4 Scriptures of Sikhism 64 Scriptures of Hinduism 66 Chapter 5 Sikh place of worship and worship in Sikhism 73 Hindu place of worship and worship in Hinduism 75 Sign of invocation used in Hinduism Sign of invocation used in Sikhism Chapter 6 Hindu Ritualism (Karm Kanda) and Sikh view 76 Chapter 7 Important places of Hindu pilgrimage in India 94 Chapter 8 Hindu Festivals 95 Sikh Festivals Chapter 9 Philosophy of Hinduism---Khat Darsan 98 Philosophy of Sikhism-----Gur Darshan / Gurmat 99 Chapter 10 Panjabi language 103 Chapter 11 The devisive caste system of Hinduism and its rejection by Sikhism 111 Chapter 12 Religion and Character in Sikhism------Ethics of Sikhism 115 Copyright Dr. Jagraj Singh 2 A Comparative Study of Sikhism and Hinduism Sexual morality in Sikhism Sexual morality in Hinduism Religion and ethics of Hinduism Status of woman in Hinduism Chapter13 Various concepts of Hinduism and the Sikh view 127 Chapter 14 Rejection of authority of scriptures of Hinduism by Sikhism 133 Chapter 15 Sacraments of Hinduism and Sikh view 135 Chapter 16 Yoga (Yogic Philosophy of Hinduism and its rejection in Sikhism 142 Chapter 17 Hindu mythology and Sikh view 145 Chapter 18 Un-Sikh and anti-Sikh practices and their rejection 147 Chapter 19 Sikhism versus other religious aystems 149 Glossary of common terms used in Sikhism 154 Bibliography 160 Copyright Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • CONCEIVING the GODDESS an Old Woman Drawing a Picture of Durga-Mahishasuramardini on a Village Wall, Gujrat State, India
    CONCEIVING THE GODDESS An old woman drawing a picture of Durga-Mahishasuramardini on a village wall, Gujrat State, India. Photo courtesy Jyoti Bhatt, Vadodara, India. CONCEIVING THE GODDESS TRANSFORMATION AND APPROPRIATION IN INDIC RELIGIONS Edited by Jayant Bhalchandra Bapat and Ian Mabbett Conceiving the Goddess: Transformation and Appropriation in Indic Religions © Copyright 2017 Copyright of this collection in its entirety belongs to the editors, Jayant Bhalchandra Bapat and Ian Mabbett. Copyright of the individual chapters belongs to the respective authors. All rights reserved. Apart from any uses permitted by Australia’s Copyright Act 1968, no part of this book may be reproduced by any process without prior written permission from the copyright owners. Inquiries should be directed to the publisher. Monash University Publishing Matheson Library and Information Services Building, 40 Exhibition Walk Monash University Clayton, Victoria 3800, Australia www.publishing.monash.edu Monash University Publishing brings to the world publications which advance the best traditions of humane and enlightened thought. Monash University Publishing titles pass through a rigorous process of independent peer review. www.publishing.monash.edu/books/cg-9781925377309.html Design: Les Thomas. Cover image: The Goddess Sonjai at Wai, Maharashtra State, India. Photograph: Jayant Bhalchandra Bapat. ISBN: 9781925377309 (paperback) ISBN: 9781925377316 (PDF) ISBN: 9781925377606 (ePub) The Monash Asia Series Conceiving the Goddess: Transformation and Appropriation in Indic Religions is published as part of the Monash Asia Series. The Monash Asia Series comprises works that make a significant contribution to our understanding of one or more Asian nations or regions. The individual works that make up this multi-disciplinary series are selected on the basis of their contemporary relevance.
    [Show full text]
  • “Reimagining 'Good Muslim, Bad Muslim': Public Theologies of Citizenship and Belonging in the Republic of India” Meghan
    “Reimagining ‘Good Muslim, Bad Muslim’: Public Theologies of Citizenship and Belonging in the Republic of India” Meghan Koushik April 2013 Advisor: Dr. Nukhet Ahu Sandal, Post-Doctoral Fellow in International Studies, The Watson Institute, Brown University Second Reader: Dr. Anthony Watson, Associate Director, Department of Middle East Studies, Brown University Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Bachelor of Arts with Honors in Middle East Studies, Brown University Koushik Table of Contents Acknowledgements 3 Abstract 4 Introduction 5 Chapter 1: The Substantive Dimension 19 Chapter 2: The Spatial Dimension 39 Chapter 3: The Spiritual Dimension 59 Chapter 4: The Temporal Dimension 81 Conclusion: 104 Bibliography 109 2 Koushik Acknowledgements This thesis would not have been possible without the help of several people. Primarily, I am grateful to my thesis advisors, Dr. Nukhet Sandal and Dr. Anthony Watson, for their extensive feedback on earlier drafts, and for the many hours they have both spent on providing me with advice and insights into formulating this thesis. I am also grateful to my professors Lina Fruzzetti and Vazira Zamindar for their invaluable feedback on portions of this thesis. Meera S. and Renita Mendonca, who were my former history and civics teachers at the National Academy for Learning, Bangalore, were invaluable in providing firsthand insight into citizenship education in India. They are also responsible for inspiring my interest in the politics and history of my homeland. Finally, I would like to thank my parents, Ravi and Sarita Koushik, and my friends for their continued support and encouragement through the process. I could not have done this without them.
    [Show full text]
  • Visceral Politics of Food: the Bio-Moral Economy of Work- Lunch in Mumbai, India
    Visceral politics of food: the bio-moral economy of work- lunch in Mumbai, India Ken Kuroda London School of Economics and Political Science A thesis submitted to the Department of Anthropology of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, March 2018 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 98896 words. 2 Abstract This Ph.D. examines how commuters in Mumbai, India, negotiate their sense of being and wellbeing through their engagements with food in the city. It focuses on the widespread practice of eating homemade lunches in the workplace, important for commuters to replenish mind and body with foods that embody their specific family backgrounds, in a society where religious, caste, class, and community markers comprise complex dietary regimes. Eating such charged substances in the office canteen was essential in reproducing selfhood and social distinction within Mumbai’s cosmopolitan environment.
    [Show full text]