Water Management Adaptations in Nonindustrial Complex Societies: an Archaeological Perspective Author(S): Vernon L

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Water Management Adaptations in Nonindustrial Complex Societies: an Archaeological Perspective Author(S): Vernon L Water Management Adaptations in Nonindustrial Complex Societies: An Archaeological Perspective Author(s): Vernon L. Scarborough Source: Archaeological Method and Theory, Vol. 3 (1991), pp. 101-154 Published by: Springer Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20170214 Accessed: 20/01/2010 10:34 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=springer. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Springer is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Archaeological Method and Theory. http://www.jstor.org 3 Water Management Adaptations in Nonindustrial Complex Societies: An Archaeological Perspective VERNON L. SCARBOROUGH Land management unites the household; water management units the community. ?Beardsley et al. 1959, p. 126 Water management is the interruption and redirection of the natural movement or collection of water by society. It is a topic that most archaeologists are forced to address whether in the acquisi tion of field data or in the preparation of a broad theoretical treatise. The following presentation will review and assess the many ways in which water ismanipulated by society. The chapter is organized into five parts: (1) physical properties, (2)water management techniques, (3) social costs of water management, (4) archaeological case studies, and (5) conclusions. My purpose is to evaluate the significance of water management by examining salient aspects of several nonindustrial complex societies. This is not another attempt to critique Wittfogel's Oriental Despotism-, it is, rather, a broad-based literature review canvassing old and new finds and interpretations associated with the manipula tion of water. Generally the examples draw from primary state cen ters of sociopolitical development, though less complex cases are examined. The chapter provides a methodological framework for in terpreting the variability in these water systems. The presentation covers a range of human variability in the manip ulation of water and emphasizes the various methodological and theoretical points developed in the "Social Cost" section and the "Archaeology Case Studies" section. In order to assess the environ mental and social forces that facilitate adaptation, early techniques 101 102 Vernon L. Scarborough of water management are examined. The conditions under which complex water management schemes are developed, accepted, and used, regardless of their origin, receive considerable attention. Physical Properties Characteristics of Water For organic matter, the presence of water is life itself. Hu mans require a minimum of 2 to 3 liters of water a day in a settled environment under normal living conditions (White et al. 1972:252). Clearly, this amount can vary with levels of work activity, physical differences in body type, and environmental conditions. In the dry sands of the Negev Desert, home of some of the earliest successful adaptations to severe aridity by the settled Nabataeans (Eadie and Oleson 1986; Oleson 1988), present-day nomadic families (six indi viduals, two camels, one donkey, two dogs, and ten sheep) survive on 18 m3 of water a year (Evenari et al. 1971:150). This can be jux taposed with the excessive consumption habits of the average U.S. citizen, who uses more than 225 liters of water daily (White et al. 1972:Table D). Although water has several unusual physical properties, two of them are particularly important for any discussion of settled com munity life. Fluidity is that condition of a liquid which permits its ease of transport. Water does not usually require beasts of burden or wheeled vehicles for its immediate relocation, and thus its cost to the consumer is intrinsically low. Gravity flow is the characteristic of a fluid to move from higher to lower elevations via a path of least resistance. It is the cardinal principle in the manipulation of water within a canal scheme, but the primary obstacle to water control in rugged areas. The properties of fluidity and gravity flow are responsible for two additional conditions imposed by human managers. The first in volves the many mechanical problems associated with lifting water vertically. Its bulk and unwieldy dimensions require sealed contain ers for this movement. Prior to the widespread use of hand pumps, siphon tubes, and Archimedes' screw, stagnant water was pulled up ward by hand or with the use of a simple manual device called a shaduf. Still used widely today in the Middle East and in antiquity Water Management Adaptations 103 in pharaonic Egypt, the shaduf takes advantage of a counterweighted lever or pole with a dipping line and bucket attached at the far end. Another device of Persian origin and dating from before 300 b.c. is the noria or current wheel (Glick 1970; cf. Hsu 1980:275). This ani mal-powered device with attached buckets moves water from a lower point to a higher point. Lifting techniques used by early states, then, were simple and labor costly. A second condition imposed by fluidity and gravity flow is the ability to divert or abruptly cut the supply of water to a consumer. Diversion dams and conventional reservoirs with sluice gates permit individuals or a small group of users to treat water as a commodity in negotiating with other users. Unlike many other commodities, water is frequently a single-source medium. The initial investment in con trolling water, particularly apparent in irrigation schemes, is to local ize points of distribution through sluice gates and related features. Climate and Geomorphology Water use is partially conditioned by the natural environment. Al though most environments can be transformed into agricultural set tings, given significant technological and labor investments associ ated with water manipulation (Ferdon's "agricultural potential"; Ferdon 1959), regional differences in climate and geomorphology dic tate the amount of work necessary. Tolerable climatic conditions for agriculture are based on precipitation rates and temperature (i.e., evaporation and transpiration rates). By scheduling around seasonal fluctuations in these variables, water can be manipulated to an agri cultural end within an otherwise inhospitable natural setting. Geo morphology is more difficult to modify and represents the principal obstacle to water control in a climatically acceptable environment. The primary geomorphological variables conditioning water manage ment are topography and soil permeability (the latter measured by rates of seepage). Complicated geomorphological structure is some times the impetus for hydraulic innovation when population de mands reach a threshold. A dichotomy exists between the natural environments in which early complex societies emerged. Complicated experiments in water management occurred in arid regions with both rugged and low re lief, as well as in humid settings with gentle topographic contours. 104 Vernon L. Scarborough Arid regions. In the New World, the most celebrated early centers of complicated, regionwide water management appeared in coastal Peru (and later in highland Peru, Ecuador, and northern Bolivia), highland Mexico, and the American Southwest (Donkin 1979; Price 1971). In the first two areas, the topography is precipitous and as sociated with relatively small, less consequential drainages, espe cially when compared with Old World civilizations. In Peru and to a degree in highland Mexico, water management systems utilized the topography as an advantage in tapping rapidly moving water over steep gradients. Terraces, dams, aqueducts, and canal networks took on a valley-limited drainage focus knit together by empires. The seats of primary state development in the Old World were Egypt (Butzer 1976), Iraq (R. M. Adams 1981), southern Pakistan (Allchin and Allchin 1982), and west-central China (cf. Hsu 1980). In each instance, amajor river meandered through these arid territories. Although sometimes associated with unanticipated flood levels, these rivers represent not only permanent sources of water but also abundant stores. The topographic relief associated with them in prox imity to the early state is gentle, particularly when compared with New World examples. This condition allowed extensive canalization in most cases, restricted only by the breadth of the floodplains defin ing these old, slow-moving drainages. Although elaborate diversion dams were clearly perfected, conventional dams with reservoirs or sophisticated terracing systems (characteristic of the Peruvians) were little deployed (Tigris-Euphrates notwithstanding; see below). Civilization was in part
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