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And Theology in Post-Vatican II Germany », Histoire@Politique, [En Ligne], N° 30, Septembre-Décembre 2016

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And Theology in Post-Vatican II Germany », Histoire@Politique, [En Ligne], N° 30, Septembre-Décembre 2016 Claus Arnold, « Turbulent Priests : "Solidarity Groups", "Councils" and Theology in Post-Vatican II Germany », Histoire@Politique, [en ligne], n° 30, septembre-décembre 2016, www.histoire-politique.fr Turbulent Priests : “Solidarity Groups”, “Councils” and Theology in Post-Vatican II Germany Claus Arnold “Will no one rid me of these turbulent priests?” Quite a few German bishops between 1969 and 1973 may have thought so. The formation of radical priest groups was a pan-European phenomenon,1 which found expression in the famous Conference in Rome in October 1969, on the fringes of the Extraordinary General Synod of Bishops. The European dimension of this phenomenon was also stressed by the German-language documentation of the Conference, published by Patmos, Düsseldorf.2 The reception of Vatican II3 had entered a critical state in 1969. This was felt world-wide and led to a virtually simultaneous mobilization and a very keen international awareness within these groups. The general crisis of post-Vatican II reforms in the age of Paul VI, especially after Humanae Vitae,4 provided a common background for all such groups. To some extent, this extraordinary mobilization, which included around 10 % of all priests in Germany,5 had a special antecedent within (West) German Catholicism. “The Discovery of Conflict”: Developments in Post-WW II German Catholicism In contrast to the German Reich, Catholics were no longer a minority in the new West German Republic after 1949,6 and with the arrival of millions of refugees7 the 1 See, for instance, Denis Pelletier, La crise catholique. Religion, société, politique en France (1965-1978) (Paris: Payot & Rivages, 2005), 58-72 and passim. 2 Michael Raske, Klaus Schäfer and Norbert Wetzel (eds.), Eine freie Kirche für eine freie Welt. Delegiertenkonferenz europäischer Priestergruppen Rom 10.-16. Oktober 1969. Eine Dokumentation (Düsseldorf: Patmos, 1969). 3 Amongst the wealth of literature on this problem, see for instance Franz Xaver Bischof (ed.), Das Zweite Vatikanische Konzil (1962–1965). Stand und Perspektiven der kirchenhistorischen Forschung im deutschsprachigen Raum (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2012). 4 See, for instance, Norbert Lüdecke, “Einmal Königstein und zurück? Die Enzyklika Humanae Vitae als ekklesiologisches Lehrstück”, in Dominicus M. Meier et al. (eds.), Rezeption des Zweiten Vatikanischen Konzils in Theologie und Kirche heute. Festschrift für Klaus Lüdicke (Essen: Ludgerus, 2008), 357-412. 5 Carl-Peter Klusmann and Edgar Utsch (eds.), Dem Konzil verpflichtet – verantwortlich in Kirche und Welt. Priester- und Solidaritätsgruppen in Deutschland (AGP 1969–2010): eine Bilanz nach vierzig Jahren (Münster: LIT, 2010). 6 For a synthesis of the rich research on the post-WW II religious history of Germany see: Thomas Großbölting, Der verlorene Himmel. Glaube in Deutschland seit 1945 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 2013); Benjamin Ziemann, Encounters with Modernity. The Catholic Church in West Germany, 1945-1975 (New York/Oxford: Berghahn 2014.) Specifically on East German Catholicism, see, for instance, Christoph Kösters (ed.), Akten deutscher Bischöfe seit 1945. DDR 1951–1957 (Paderborn: Schöningh, 2012); and Josef Pilvousek, Die katholische Kirche in der DDR. Beiträge zur Kirchengeschichte Mitteldeutschlands (Münster: Aschendorff, 2014). 1 Claus Arnold, « Turbulent Priests : "Solidarity Groups", "Councils" and Theology in Post-Vatican II Germany », Histoire@Politique, [en ligne], n° 30, septembre-décembre 2016, www.histoire-politique.fr traditional confessional landscape had been transformed in East and West Germany alike. Although the Churches’ hopes for a thorough re-christianisation proved to be illusory, the Catholic Church gained political influence after 1945.8 Thus, even the cultural politics of the French Republic, the responsible political authority in the French zone of occupied Germany, relied on the cooperation of the German Catholic hierarchy, as can be seen, for instance, during the negotiations surrounding the re- foundation of the University of Mainz.9 Although the 1950s were not without tensions – and some German Catholic intellectuals had, to mention but one example, participated in widespread protests against rearmament – mainstream German Catholicism and its organisations remained remarkably uniform. Politically, they backed the CDU/CSU (Christian Democratic Union / Christian Social Union) government of Konrad Adenauer; and natural law, as understood and interpreted by the bishops, influenced the decisions of the Federal Court of Justice.10 The SPD (Social Democratic Party of Germany) leader Kurt Schumacher famously and polemically called the Catholic Church the ‘fifth occupation force’ in Germany, and the Protestant theologian Martin Niemöller commented that the Federal Republic of Germany had been ‘conceived in Rome and born in Washington’. These are stereotypes, of course, but they bear witness to a certain perception of German Catholicism. In his seminal study on Catholic students in Germany between 1945 and 1973, Christian Schmidtmann has labelled the early 1960s as the period of “the discovery of conflict in Catholicism”.11 The new spirit of discussion and criticism in the 1960s could be perceived in student and intellectual circles.12 The Catholic Student Paper Einigung (Unity) was renamed Initiative and began to criticise racism in the USA, torture in Algeria and CDU-politics in Germany. More fundamentally, the historical self-perception of German Catholicism began to change. Long before Hochhuth’s Der Stellvertreter. Ein christliches Trauerspiel (1963),13 the Catholic layperson Ernst Wolfgang Böckenförde had published ‘a critical consideration’ of ‘German Catholicism in the year 1933’. The self-image of the Catholic Church as the only German institution untouched by National Socialism began to be questioned.14 Catholic non-conformists like Friedrich Heer, Carl Amery, Heinrich Böll and Walter Dirks received a greater hearing in mainstream Catholicism. They criticised the juste milieu not only for its failings between 1933 and 1945, but also for an ultimately un- Christian attitude in the Adenauer-years, which were perceived as materialistic, 7 Rainer Bendel, Vertriebene finden Heimat in der Kirche. Integrationsprozesse im geteilten Deutschland nach 1945 (Köln: Böhlau 2008). 8 Joachim Köhler/Damian van Melis (eds.), Siegerin in Trümmern. Die Rolle der katholischen Kirche in der deutschen Nachkriegsgesellschaft (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer 1998). 9 Corine Defrance, La politique culturelle de la France sur la rive gauche du Rhin, 1945-1955 (Strasbourg: Presses universitaires de Strasbourg, 1994). 10 Norbert Hörster, Recht und Moral. Texte zur Rechtsphilosophie (Stuttgart: Reclam 1986), 103-108. 11 Christian Schmidtmann, Katholische Studierende 1945–1973. Ein Beitrag zur Kultur- und Sozialgeschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Paderborn: Schöningh, 2006). 12 Schmidtmann, Katholische Studierende, 191-248. 13 This controversial play by the German writer Rolf Hochhuth, whose full title and subtitle mean The Deputy. A Christian Tragedy, portrays Pope Pius XII as having failed to speak out against the holocaust. It was translated into more than twenty languages. 14 See Mark Edward Ruff, “Die Auseinandersetzungen über Rolf Hochhuths ‚Stellvertreter‘: Ein Historisierungsversuch,“ in Hubert Wolf (ed.), Eugenio Pacelli als Nuntius in Deutschland. Forschungsperspektiven und Ansätze zu einem internationalen Vergleich (Paderborn: Schöningh 2012), 111-125. 2 Claus Arnold, « Turbulent Priests : "Solidarity Groups", "Councils" and Theology in Post-Vatican II Germany », Histoire@Politique, [en ligne], n° 30, septembre-décembre 2016, www.histoire-politique.fr bourgeois and militaristic. And with the Erhard15 government, the Grand Coalition of 1966 and the Social-Liberal Coalition under Willy Brandt of 1969, the Adenauer- years had, at any rate, become a thing of the past. After having fought Socialism in Germany for more than a hundred years,16 the rapprochement with the SPD now formed part of the current agenda of mainstream Catholicism. The famous and turbulent Katholikentag17 of 1968 in Essen with its heated and controversial discussions about Humanae Vitae (“Sich beugen und zeugen” = ‘resign and multiply’) demonstrated that the spirit of discussion and democracy, as promoted by the student movement of 1968, had begun to influence significantly the mainstream milieus of Catholicism.18 Now even the German bishops saw the necessity to engage in a critical dialogue, and they created the weekly journal Publik which appeared from 1968 till 1971 and which has recently been studied by Florian Bock.19 This attempt to create a critical public sphere within the Church eventually failed, not only because of financial difficulties but also because of the sympathies vis-à-vis the SPD on the part of many editors, which pleased neither the chief editor nor the bishops. Theology and Progress A certain element of progressive revisionism and reform-orientation was also beginning to be felt in theological circles. And theology mattered in Germany. The Protestant and Catholic Faculties at the State Universities, which had been established at the beginning of the 19th century for the training of priests and pastors as ‘public servants’, had survived all political changes.20 They now became an important forum of discussion within the universities. Reform theologians drew large crowds, and it was not at all unusual that Hans Küng, Johann Baptist Metz, Jürgen Moltmann or Karl Rahner would have
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