The Introduction of the Carved Iris and Pupil to the Portraits of Hadrian
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Hadrian and the Greek East
HADRIAN AND THE GREEK EAST: IMPERIAL POLICY AND COMMUNICATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Demetrios Kritsotakis, B.A, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Fritz Graf, Adviser Professor Tom Hawkins ____________________________ Professor Anthony Kaldellis Adviser Greek and Latin Graduate Program Copyright by Demetrios Kritsotakis 2008 ABSTRACT The Roman Emperor Hadrian pursued a policy of unification of the vast Empire. After his accession, he abandoned the expansionist policy of his predecessor Trajan and focused on securing the frontiers of the empire and on maintaining its stability. Of the utmost importance was the further integration and participation in his program of the peoples of the Greek East, especially of the Greek mainland and Asia Minor. Hadrian now invited them to become active members of the empire. By his lengthy travels and benefactions to the people of the region and by the creation of the Panhellenion, Hadrian attempted to create a second center of the Empire. Rome, in the West, was the first center; now a second one, in the East, would draw together the Greek people on both sides of the Aegean Sea. Thus he could accelerate the unification of the empire by focusing on its two most important elements, Romans and Greeks. Hadrian channeled his intentions in a number of ways, including the use of specific iconographical types on the coinage of his reign and religious language and themes in his interactions with the Greeks. In both cases it becomes evident that the Greeks not only understood his messages, but they also reacted in a positive way. -
Domitian's Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome
Rising from the Ashes: Domitian’s Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome Lea K. Cline In the August 1888 edition of the Notizie degli Scavi, profes- on a base of two steps; it is a long, solid rectangle, 6.25 m sors Guliermo Gatti and Rodolfo Lanciani announced the deep, 3.25 m wide, and 1.26 m high (lacking its crown). rediscovery of a Domitianic altar on the Quirinal hill during These dimensions make it the second largest public altar to the construction of the Casa Reale (Figures 1 and 2).1 This survive in the ancient capital. Built of travertine and revet- altar, found in situ on the southeast side of the Alta Semita ted in marble, this altar lacks sculptural decoration. Only its (an important northern thoroughfare) adjacent to the church inscription identifies it as an Ara Incendii Neroniani, an altar of San Andrea al Quirinale, was not unknown to scholars.2 erected in fulfillment of a vow made after the great fire of The site was discovered, but not excavated, in 1644 when Nero (A.D. 64).7 Pope Urban VIII (Maffeo Barberini) and Gianlorenzo Bernini Archaeological evidence attests to two other altars, laid the foundations of San Andrea al Quirinale; at that time, bearing identical inscriptions, excavated in the sixteenth the inscription was removed to the Vatican, and then the and seventeenth centuries; the Ara Incendii Neroniani found altar was essentially forgotten.3 Lanciani’s notes from May on the Quirinal was the last of the three to be discovered.8 22, 1889, describe a fairly intact structure—a travertine block Little is known of the two other altars; one, presumably altar with remnants of a marble base molding on two sides.4 found on the Vatican plain, was reportedly used as building Although the altar’s inscription was not in situ, Lanciani refers material for the basilica of St. -
PLINY, TRAJAN, HADRIAN and the CHRISTIANS* in the Seventh Book
PLINY, TRAJAN, HADRIAN AND THE CHRISTIANS* In the seventh book of his work de officio proconsulis, Ulpian collected legal rulings concerning the Christians. The compilers of Justinian's Corpus Juris naturally omitted this material. The Church Fathers again were not interested in copying "the abominable rescripts" which instructed the Roman authorities "by which penalties should be affiicted those who acknowledged that they were worshippers of God. 1 " Eusebius himself, when describing "the martyrdoms of our own time," does not reproduce the anti-Christian ordinances of the Tetrarchs, though he quotes in full the decrees of Galerius, Maximinus, Licinius and Constantine on behalf of the Church. Again, he copies Gallienus's letter to some bishops (of Egypt?) on restoration of Church property, but not the edict of Valerian on confiscation of this property. 2 In other words, the Christian tradition, quite naturally, preserved documents which attested "the gracious and favoring interposition of God, 3 " and did not care to retain the memory of the imperial legislation against the Church. 4 Thus, only two imperial rescripts on trials of Christians have come down to us verbatim : a letter of Trajan to Pliny, and a letter of Hadrian. 5 * A review article of Rudolf Freudenberger, Das Verhalten der romischen Behorden gegen die Christen im 2. Jahrhundert dargestel(t am Brief des Plinius an Trajan und den Reskripten Trajans und Hadrians (Miinchener Beitriige zur Papyrusforschung und antiken Rechtsge schichte, 52. Heft). Miinchen, 1967, C.H. Beck, X + 258 pp. In this edition, the observations on Freudenberger's work have been omitted. Some abbreviations: Abbott-Johnson = F. -
Collector's Checklist for Roman Imperial Coinage
Liberty Coin Service Collector’s Checklist for Roman Imperial Coinage (49 BC - AD 518) The Twelve Caesars - The Julio-Claudians and the Flavians (49 BC - AD 96) Purchase Emperor Denomination Grade Date Price Julius Caesar (49-44 BC) Augustus (31 BC-AD 14) Tiberius (AD 14 - AD 37) Caligula (AD 37 - AD 41) Claudius (AD 41 - AD 54) Tiberius Nero (AD 54 - AD 68) Galba (AD 68 - AD 69) Otho (AD 69) Nero Vitellius (AD 69) Vespasian (AD 69 - AD 79) Otho Titus (AD 79 - AD 81) Domitian (AD 81 - AD 96) The Nerva-Antonine Dynasty (AD 96 - AD 192) Nerva (AD 96-AD 98) Trajan (AD 98-AD 117) Hadrian (AD 117 - AD 138) Antoninus Pius (AD 138 - AD 161) Marcus Aurelius (AD 161 - AD 180) Hadrian Lucius Verus (AD 161 - AD 169) Commodus (AD 177 - AD 192) Marcus Aurelius Years of Transition (AD 193 - AD 195) Pertinax (AD 193) Didius Julianus (AD 193) Pescennius Niger (AD 193) Clodius Albinus (AD 193- AD 195) The Severans (AD 193 - AD 235) Clodius Albinus Septimus Severus (AD 193 - AD 211) Caracalla (AD 198 - AD 217) Purchase Emperor Denomination Grade Date Price Geta (AD 209 - AD 212) Macrinus (AD 217 - AD 218) Diadumedian as Caesar (AD 217 - AD 218) Elagabalus (AD 218 - AD 222) Severus Alexander (AD 222 - AD 235) Severus The Military Emperors (AD 235 - AD 284) Alexander Maximinus (AD 235 - AD 238) Maximus Caesar (AD 235 - AD 238) Balbinus (AD 238) Maximinus Pupienus (AD 238) Gordian I (AD 238) Gordian II (AD 238) Gordian III (AD 238 - AD 244) Philip I (AD 244 - AD 249) Philip II (AD 247 - AD 249) Gordian III Trajan Decius (AD 249 - AD 251) Herennius Etruscus -
Commodus-Hercules: the People’S Princeps
Commodus-Hercules: The People’s Princeps Olivier Hekster History has not been kind to Lucius Aurelius Commodus. Cassius Dio men tioned how ‘Commodus, taking a respite from his amusement and sports, turned to murder and was killing off the prominent men’, before describing the emperor as ‘superlatively mad’. The author of the fourth-century Histo ria Augusta continued the negative tradition, and summarised Commodus as being, from his earliest childhood onwards, ‘base and dishonourable, and cruel and lewd, and moreover defiled of mouth and debauched’.1 Gibbon was shocked to find that his perfect princeps, Marcus Aurelius, had left his throne to such a debased creature and commented that ‘the monstrous vices of the son have cast a shade on the purity of the father’s virtues’.2 More re cently, the latest edition of the Oxford Classical Dictionary summarises Earlier versions of this paper were delivered at the ‘Bristol Myth Colloquium’ (14-16 July 1998) and the seminar Stadtkultur in der römischen Kaiserzeit at the Deutsches Archäologisches Institut in Rome (24-1-2000). My gratitude to the organisers for inviting me, and to all participants for their comments. Spe cial thanks go to Professors Fergus Millar, Thomas Wiedemann and Wolf Lie- beschuetz, who have kindly read earlier drafts of this article, and to Professor Luuk de Blois and Dr Stephan Mols for their help during the research upon which much of this article is based. Their comments have been of great help, as was the criticism of the editors and readers of SCI. This paper will appear, in alternative form, as part of Ο. -
Hadrian's Religious Policy
Hadrian’s Religious Policy: An Architectural Perspective By Chelsie Weidele Brines March 2015 Director of Thesis: F.E. Romer PhD Major Department: History This thesis argues that the emperor Hadrian used vast building projects as a means to display and project his distinctive religious policy in the service of his overarching attempt to cement his power and rule. The undergirding analysis focuses on a select group of his building projects throughout the empire and draws on an array of secondary literature on issues of his rule and imperial power, including other monuments commissioned by Hadrian. An examination of Hadrian’s religious policy through examination of his architectural projects will reveal the catalysts for his diplomatic success in and outside of Rome. The thesis discusses in turn: Hadrian’s building projects within the city of Rome, his villa at Tibur, and various projects in the provinces of Greece and Judaea. By juxtaposing analysis of Hadrian’s projects in Rome and Greece with his projects and actions in Judaea, this study seeks to provide a deeper understanding of his religious policy and the state of Roman religion in his times than scholars have reached to date. Hadrian’s Religious Policy: An Architectural Perspective A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Department of History East Carolina University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in History By Chelsie W. Brines March 2015 © Chelsie Brines, 2015 Hadrian’s Religious Policy: An Architectural Perspective By Chelsie Weidele Brines Approved By: Director of Thesis:_______________________________________________________ F.E. Romer Ph.D. -
Roman Literature Under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian
Roman Literature under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian Literary Interactions, ad 96–138 Edited by Alice König and Christopher Whitton ROMAN LITE·RATURE UNDER NERVA, TRAJAN AND HADRIAN Literary Interactions, AD 96-I38 for John Henderson EDITED BY ALICE KÖNIG Univenity ofSt And~s, Scotland CHRISTOPHER WHITTON Univenity of Cambridge EI CAMBRIDGE ~ UNIVERSITY PRESS 20 /18 ROMAN LITERATURE UNDER NERVA, TRAJAN AND HADRIAN This volume is the first holistic investigation of Roman liceracure and literary culture under Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian (AD 96-138). Wich case scudies from Frontinus, Juvenal, Martial, Pliny the Younger, Plutarch, Quintilian, Suetonius and Tacitus among others, the eigh teen chapters offer not just innovative readings ofliterary (and some 'less literary') texts, but a collaborative enquiry into the networks and culcure in which they are embedded. The book brings together estab lished and novel methodologies to explore the connections, conver sations and silences between these texts and their authors, both on and off the page. The scholarly dialogues that result not only shed fresh light on the dynamics of literary production and consumption in the 'High Roman Empire', but offer new provocations to students ofintercextuality and interdiscursivity across classical literature. How can and should we read textual interactions in their social, literary and cultural contexts? ALICE KÖNIG is Senior Lecturer in Classics at the University of St Andrews. Her research focuses on ancient technical literature and the history of science, and the relationship between politics, society and literature in the early principate. She is preparing a monograph on ehe author and statesman Sextus Julius Frontinus, and has published a series of articles on Vitruvius, Frontinus and Tacitus. -
Hadrian: Art, Politics and Economy Edited by Thorsten Opper Publishers the British Museum Great Russell Street London WC1B 3DG
Hadrian: Art, Politics and Economy Edited by Thorsten Opper Publishers The British Museum Great Russell Street London WC1B 3DG Series editor Sarah Faulks Distributors The British Museum Press 38 Russell Square London WC1B 3QQ Hadrian: Art, Politics and Economy Edited by Thorsten Opper isbn 978 086159 175 6 issn 1747 3640 © The Trustees of the British Museum 2013 Front cover: detail of the interior of the Pantheon, Rome, seen from the entrance to the rotunda. © The Trustees of the British Museum Printed and bound in the UK by 4edge Ltd, Hockley Papers used by The British Museum Press are recyclable products made from wood grown in well-managed forests and other controlled sources. The manufacturing processes conform to the environmental regulations of the country of origin. All British Museum images illustrated in this book are © The Trustees of the British Museum. Further information about the Museum and its collection can be found at britishmuseum.org. Contents Acknowledgements iv Introduction: 1 Continuity and Change in the Reign of Hadrian Thorsten Opper 1. Hadrian’s Succession and the Monuments 5 of Trajan Amanda Claridge 2. Hadrian and the Agrippa Inscription of 19 the Pantheon Mary T. Boatwright 3. Who Built the Pantheon?: 31 Agrippa, Apollodorus, Hadrian and Trajan Mark Wilson Jones 4. A Colossal Portrait of Hadrian and the Imperial 50 Group from the Roman Baths at Sagalassos Semra Mägele 5. The Fate of the Colossal Statues of Hadrian and 62 Other Members of the Imperial Family from the ‘Imperial Baths’ at Sagalassos during Late Antiquity Marc Waelkens 6. Matidia Minor and Suessa Aurunca 73 Sergio Cascella 7. -
99 9. the Sculptures FOUND in the BOULEUTERION and the Sculptural Program of the VEDIUS SCAENAE FRONS364 the Sculptures Found I
99 9. THE SCULPTURES FOUND IN THE BOULEUTERION AND THE SCULPTURAL PROGRAM OF THE VEDIUS SCAENAE FRONS364 The sculptures found in the Bouleuterion were mainly discovered by J. T. Wood in the early 1860s. Two frag- ments of inscribed statue bases (sculp. 1.3 and 1.6, see chapter 9.5, pls. 67, 2; 68) were recorded by J. Keil in 1908, whereas W. Alzinger’s excavations in 1970 yielded only one small fragment of a male head (sculp. 2.4, pl. 70, 2). About half of the sculptures are attested only by inscribed statue bases or are mentioned in Wood’s letters to the British Museum. As far as we know, Wood sent three sculptures (sculp. 1.1; 1.4; 2.3, pls. 66; 69; 70, 1.3) to the British Museum; one of them (sculp. 1.4, pls. 69; 70, 1) was returned to the Imperial Ottoman Museum in Constantinople. A fourth piece, the statue of a Muse (sculp. 2.1, pls. 70, 4; 71), was also intended for the British Museum, but sank with the ship off the coast of Syros. It was retrieved in a partially damaged state from the sea and is now displayed in the Archaeological Museum of Syros (see below, chapter 9.2). The whereabouts of five other bases or plinths and sculptures (sculp. 1.2; 1.5; 2.2; 3.1; 3.2; pl. 67, 1) found by Wood are unknown. The fragment of the inscribed base sculp. 1.3 is stored in the epigraphic depot at the site of Ephesos; the location of the fragment of the base sculp. -
Hadrian and the Limits to Power
HADRIAN AND THE LIMITS TO POWER Abstract: Roman emperors were influenced by precedent and by the expectations of various groups in the Roman Empire that followed from precedent. Yet, imperial decisions by individual emperors influenced groups of Romans and changed their expectations of later emperors. This article analyses this process through the lens of the emperor Hadrian. It pays particular attention to Hadrian’s accession, and to the consequences that the way in which he came to power had for some of his imperial Olivier Hekster behaviour, noticeable the ways in which the emperor dealt with Radboud University, Nijmegen the provinces. Both the constraints which Hadrian faced in his [email protected] early reign because of the context in which he came to power, and the ways in which his mode of reign seems to have shifted expectations of later rulers are reflected in the way the emperor DOI: 10.14795/j.v7i1_SI.486 was (numismatically) represented. ISSN 2360 – 266X Keywords: Hadrian, Roman emperorship, Roman provinces, Imperial roles, Imperial representation. ISSN–L 2360 – 266X oman emperors were sole rulers of their Empire. But even they were not completely free in the way they held their power. Each emperor had to Rdeal with various groups, of which soldiers, senators, the people of Rome, members of the court, and the elite of the provinces were the most important ones. Those groups had expectations about how their rulers had to act, expectations that were determined by precedents from the immediate and more remote past. For that reason alone, the rule of individual Roman emperors and the way they portrayed themselves through coins and other media must always be viewed in the context of the behaviour of their predecessors.1 THE BURDEN OF THE PAST A case in point is the reign of Hadrian. -
The Religious Legitimation of War in the Reign of Antoninus Pius*
The Religious Legitimation of War in the Reign of Antoninus Pius* André Heller Introduction Antoninus Pius (138–161) reigned twenty-three years, which makes him the lon- gest ruling emperor between Augustus and Constantine the Great. Nowadays, he is almost entirely perceived as a lacklustre figure compared to his predeces- sors and successors, though generally credited as faithful administrator of the Empire, which rejoiced in an unprecedented period of peace and prosperity under his reign. While modern scholarship recognises stagnation or regres- sion in Antoninus’ government, the ancient sources extol his foreign policy via diplomacy which guaranteed the compliance of Rome’s enemies. However, territorial gains in Britain and Germany contradict the opinion of an inactive emperor; even more puzzling are the many war-related themes on Antoninus’ coins. A close examination of the written sources, the reverses of the coins and the distance slabs of the Antonine Wall unveils a complex, though unparal- leled system how the emperor combined his need for military glory with the emphasis on the concept of just war and the invocation of the protective func- tion of the gods for Rome’s prosperity and security. Historical Setting When Trajan died in 117, the Roman Empire had reached its largest territo- rial extent after the conquest of Dacia (101–6), Armenia (114), Northern Mesopotamia (115), and the annexation of the Nabatean Kingdom (106). However, his expansionist policy overstressed the Empire’s resources due to the huge casualties in the Dacian and Parthian wars. Trajan’s successor Hadrian immediately concluded peace with the Parthians, relinquishing the Eastern conquests, as he faced the outbreak of revolts in several regions.1 Hadrian’s non-expansionist attitude, manifest through the building of walls in Britain, Germany, and Africa proconsularis, did not find favour with the senators’ * I wish to thank Krzysztof Ulanowski for inviting me to the conference. -
Hadrian's Second Jewish Revolt: Political Or Religious
1 Hadrian’s Second Jewish Revolt: Political or Religious? By Ronnie Leslie Western Oregon University Hst. 499: Senior Seminar Professor Kimberly Jensen Spring 2005 Primary Thesis Advisor: Dr. Benedict Lowe Secondary Thesis Adviser: Dr. Narasingha Sil 2 I No matter how broad the gathering of evidence, there is a certain degree of opinion involved in deciding what to include in Hadrian’s Second Jewish revolt. Our knowledge of the reign of Hadrian is problematic due to the lack of evidence. Not only are contemporary documents relatively rare, but our knowledge of specific events of Hadrian’s reign is also limited. However, there are certain aspects of Hadrian’s reign that have stirred up numerous myths and truths which have been debated throughout history. Foremost amongst these are Hadrian’s meticulous Hellenistic program which reorganized certain cities of the Roman Empire particularly the cities of the East, and his major structural and social reforms forced on the Jews leading to the Jewish revolt of AD 132- 135 characterized his rule. His rule is characterized as himself being his own man in administration of the Roman Empire. Therefore, was Hadrian’s political ideology toward the empire the cause of the Second Jewish revolt, or was it his religious ideology that forced him to belief that the Jews were inferior by enforce major reforms, and policy in Judaea. The second Jewish uprising against Rome is only comparable in its significance and its far-reaching consequences with the first uprising of A.D. 66, although there is one essential difference to this initial revolt, the source material on which we must rely on in 1 order to reconstruct the events is inferior to that of the earlier Jewish war.