Hadrian and the Limits to Power
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Hadrian and the Greek East
HADRIAN AND THE GREEK EAST: IMPERIAL POLICY AND COMMUNICATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Demetrios Kritsotakis, B.A, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Fritz Graf, Adviser Professor Tom Hawkins ____________________________ Professor Anthony Kaldellis Adviser Greek and Latin Graduate Program Copyright by Demetrios Kritsotakis 2008 ABSTRACT The Roman Emperor Hadrian pursued a policy of unification of the vast Empire. After his accession, he abandoned the expansionist policy of his predecessor Trajan and focused on securing the frontiers of the empire and on maintaining its stability. Of the utmost importance was the further integration and participation in his program of the peoples of the Greek East, especially of the Greek mainland and Asia Minor. Hadrian now invited them to become active members of the empire. By his lengthy travels and benefactions to the people of the region and by the creation of the Panhellenion, Hadrian attempted to create a second center of the Empire. Rome, in the West, was the first center; now a second one, in the East, would draw together the Greek people on both sides of the Aegean Sea. Thus he could accelerate the unification of the empire by focusing on its two most important elements, Romans and Greeks. Hadrian channeled his intentions in a number of ways, including the use of specific iconographical types on the coinage of his reign and religious language and themes in his interactions with the Greeks. In both cases it becomes evident that the Greeks not only understood his messages, but they also reacted in a positive way. -
Domitian's Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome
Rising from the Ashes: Domitian’s Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome Lea K. Cline In the August 1888 edition of the Notizie degli Scavi, profes- on a base of two steps; it is a long, solid rectangle, 6.25 m sors Guliermo Gatti and Rodolfo Lanciani announced the deep, 3.25 m wide, and 1.26 m high (lacking its crown). rediscovery of a Domitianic altar on the Quirinal hill during These dimensions make it the second largest public altar to the construction of the Casa Reale (Figures 1 and 2).1 This survive in the ancient capital. Built of travertine and revet- altar, found in situ on the southeast side of the Alta Semita ted in marble, this altar lacks sculptural decoration. Only its (an important northern thoroughfare) adjacent to the church inscription identifies it as an Ara Incendii Neroniani, an altar of San Andrea al Quirinale, was not unknown to scholars.2 erected in fulfillment of a vow made after the great fire of The site was discovered, but not excavated, in 1644 when Nero (A.D. 64).7 Pope Urban VIII (Maffeo Barberini) and Gianlorenzo Bernini Archaeological evidence attests to two other altars, laid the foundations of San Andrea al Quirinale; at that time, bearing identical inscriptions, excavated in the sixteenth the inscription was removed to the Vatican, and then the and seventeenth centuries; the Ara Incendii Neroniani found altar was essentially forgotten.3 Lanciani’s notes from May on the Quirinal was the last of the three to be discovered.8 22, 1889, describe a fairly intact structure—a travertine block Little is known of the two other altars; one, presumably altar with remnants of a marble base molding on two sides.4 found on the Vatican plain, was reportedly used as building Although the altar’s inscription was not in situ, Lanciani refers material for the basilica of St. -
Chapter Fourteen Rabbinic and Other Judaisms, from 70 to Ca
Chapter Fourteen Rabbinic and Other Judaisms, from 70 to ca. 250 The war of 66-70 was as much a turning point for Judaism as it was for Christianity. In the aftermath of the war and the destruction of the Jerusalem temple Judaeans went in several religious directions. In the long run, the most significant by far was the movement toward rabbinic Judaism, on which the source-material is vast but narrow and of dubious reliability. Other than the Mishnah, Tosefta and three midrashim, almost all rabbinic sources were written no earlier than the fifth century (and many of them much later), long after the events discussed in this chapter. Our information on non-rabbinic Judaism in the centuries immediately following the destruction of the temple is scanty: here we must depend especially on archaeology, because textual traditions are almost totally lacking. This is especially regrettable when we recognize that two non-rabbinic traditions of Judaism were very widespread at the time. Through at least the fourth century the Hellenistic Diaspora and the non-rabbinic Aramaic Diaspora each seem to have included several million Judaeans. Also of interest, although they were a tiny community, are Jewish Gnostics of the late first and second centuries. The end of the Jerusalem temple meant also the end of the Sadducees, for whom the worship of Adonai had been limited to sacrifices at the temple. The great crowds of pilgrims who traditionally came to the city for the feasts of Passover, Weeks and Tabernacles were no longer to be seen, and the temple tax from the Diaspora that had previously poured into Jerusalem was now diverted to the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus in Rome. -
Domitian and the Vestals As Emperor and High Priest of Rome
Domitian and the Vestals As emperor and high priest of Rome, Domitian involved himself with moral and religious matters. Unfortunately, at least one group paid the price for his religious zeal—the Vestal Virgins. During his reign Domitian convicted four priestesses of incestum (broken vows of chastity) along with numerous alleged male conspirators. Concentrated attacks on this priesthood had not happened since 114/113 BCE and a Vestal had not been condemned for many generations. Domitian’s first assault against the Vestal Virgins occurred shortly after his accession. The year of the trial is uncertain, but 81-82 BCE seems likely (Southern, Domitian, 79) although 83 BCE is also proposed (Bauman, Crime and Punishment in Ancient Rome, 93). On this occasion the Emperor found guilty three of the six priestesses, the Oculata sisters and Varronilla. Remarkably, Domitian did not rely on the traditional punishment of inhumation for Vestals convicted of incestum, but instead let them choose the manner of their deaths. Moreover, their lovers were merely exiled and not beaten to death which was the standard punishment for violating a Vestal Virgin. These events must be compared with the trial of the chief Vestal at the time, Cornelia. Although she was not part of the case mentioned above, we are told that Cornelia had been accused and acquitted of breaking her vows once before (Suetonius, Dom., 8). During her second trial in 91 BCE she was found guilty. However, this time Domitian reverted to the customary punishment and ordered that Cornelia be buried alive. Likewise, her alleged lovers were beaten to death with the exception of Valerius Licinianus who admitted his crime and was instead exiled. -
Five Good Emperors Nerva – Marcus Aurelius HIS 207 Oakton Community College Mitilineos November 17, 2011 Reminders
Five good emperors Nerva – Marcus Aurelius HIS 207 Oakton Community College Mitilineos November 17, 2011 Reminders All material due by 11/29/2011 Final study guide – 11/29/2011 Today: ◦ Film ◦ Boudicca ◦ Five good emperors Boudicca and the Iceni Roman Britain C.E. 60 The evidence ◦ Tacitus Agricola ◦ Archaeology not helpful Iceni ◦ Celtic tribe in East Anglia ◦ farming Prasutagus, king of the Iceni Women among the Iceni ◦ power and positions of prestige ◦ Owned land ◦ Right to divorce Prasutagus ◦ Client/king ◦ Left kingdom to two daughters and Nero Roman law prohibits inheritance by women Members of ruling class enslaved Boudicca flogged, her daughters raped The Iceni look to Boudicca for leadership Revolt begins Supported by neighboring tribes, the Iceni numbered about 100,000 Attacked Camulodunum (Cambridge) and Colchester Successful for awhile due to guerilla tactics, use of chariots, lack of respect Last victory at Londinium (London) 230,000 faced smaller Roman force (Midlands – location unknown) 70,000 killed as Roman weapons and tactics under Paulinas prevail Suicide c. 61/62 Nerva 96-98 Period of five good emperors generally prosperous Chosen by senate Recalled exiles Modified taxes Tolerated Christians Adopted Trajan as his successor Purchased land from wealthy and rented them to the needed Promoted public education including poor children Trajan 98-117 Born in Spain Father was a consul Patrician status Adopted by Nerva in 97 Extended the empire As emperor Deified Nerva Optimus Augustus – the -
Did You Know?
Did You Know? By *Marjorie Charlot Black presence in the military and in wars can be traced to various periods of the ancient world and across cultures. Jugurtha was a North African patriot who initiated the Jugurthine War (112–105 B.C.). His guerrilla warfare would inflict embarrassing defeat upon the Roman legions. Authors Brunson and Rashidi quote Graham Webster when he wrote, “The wars of Jugurtha demonstrated the value of the nimble Moorish horsemen who Trajan later found so useful against the Dacians.”1 Black Conquistadors Juan Bardales was a free black slave who participated in the conquests of Honduras and Panama. For the part he played in the conquest of Honduras, he received an award consisting of an annual subsidy of 50 pesos.2 Nuflo de Olano was a slave conquistador and explorer. He was part of the Vasco Núñez de Balboa expedition, along with 30 other Africans, 190 Spaniards, and 1,000 Native Americans when they went through the jungle to cross the Isthmus of Panama. De Olano in 1513 was with Balboa when they first saw the Pacific Ocean.3 Antonio Pérez was a free North African who was a cavalryman and one of Diego de Losada’s most valued captains in 1568. Pérez took part in the conquest of Venezuela.4 He was described as “an old soldier of African wars who had been with the emperor at the storming of Tunis.”5 Juan Portugués was either black African or black Portuguese. He was involved in the conquest of Venezuela.6 Miguel Ruíz was a free Spanish mulatto who was a conquistador in Peru and one of two blacks in Francisco Pizarro’s company at Cajamarca. -
Addressees of Horace's Odes
Addressees of Horace’s Odes M re ver, the oaristys betwaeen the p et and Lydra (39) (“the only one of Ho- race’s lyrics in dialogue”)5 rs rndexed under b th headrngs – as wa uld have happened war- th any de rncludrng m re than ne addres- P sees any themes and many characters Frnally, the Latrn wa rdrng f each ad- find therr waay rnt Ho race’ss ddes dress rs grven rn parentheses next t the nu- M merrcal desrgnatr n f the des6 My purp - In wahat f ll was I attempt t lrst the drrect addressees f the p et rn thrs wa - se rs t rnclude nly the rnf rmatr n wahrch rk My classrficatr n rs summarrzed rn a ta- rs requrred t rdentrfy the addressee Thus, ble added as an apendrx t thrs entry warrtrng d wan the c ll catr n “Aeli vetusto S me clarrficatr ns are n wa rn rder nobilis ab Lamo” (317) rs necessary t rec - Thrs rs a lrst f directly addressed rndrvrduals gnrze Lucrus Aelrus Lamra, but the phrase dbvr usly many des can be rnterpreted as a “Maecenas atavis edite regibus” (11) d es m re r less unambrgu us eul g r censure n t play the same crucral r le rn establrshrng f specrfic pers ns, but these rndrrect ad- the rdentrty f Garus Crlnrus Maecenas dresses are n t rec rded here1 There are, F nevertheless, twa n table exceptr ns Frrst- ly, the g ds are deemed as drrect addressees 1. -
Gods of Cultivation and Food Supply in the Imperial Iconography of Septimius Severus
Jussi Rantala a hundred years.1 The result of this was that a new emperor without any direct connection to the earlier dynasty had risen to the throne. This situation provided a tough challenge for Severus. He had to demonstrate that he was the true and legitimate emperor and he had to keep the empire and especially the capital calm Gods of Cultivation and Food after a period of crisis.2 The task was not made easier by the fact that Severus was not connected with the traditional elites of the capital; he can be considered an Supply in the Imperial Iconography outsider, for some scholars even an “alien”. of Septimius Severus Severus was a native of Lepcis Magna, North Africa. His “Africanness” has been a debated issue among modern researchers. Severus’ Punic roots are Jussi Rantala highlighted especially by Anthony Birley, and the emperor’s interest towards the cult of Serapis is also considered a sign of African identity.3 These ideas are University of Tampere nowadays somewhat disputed. Lepcis Magna was more or less Romanized long This article deals with the question of the role of gods involved with cultivation, grain before the birth of Severus, and the two families (the Fulvii and the Septimii) from and food supply in the Roman imperial iconography during the reign of Septimius which the family of Severus descended, were very much of Italian origin. Moreover, Severus. By evaluating numismatic and written evidence, as well as inscriptions, the the Severan interest in Serapis can hardly be considered an African feature: the article discusses which gods related to grain and cultivation received most attention same god was given attention already by Vespasian (who was definitely not an from Septimius Severus, and how their use helped the emperor to stabilize his rule. -
12 Judaea in the Early Years of Hadrian's Reign
12 JUDAEA IN THE EARLY YEARS OF HADRIAN'S REIGN* (with I. Roll) Mommsen doubted that the legion VI Fmata was in Judaea at all, questioning the truth of Dio's statement that it was based there. 1 Ritterling has shown that, not later than 152, it was in garrison in Galilee, at Caparcotna, called 'Legio' by Eusebius. 2 The arrival of the legion was dated by von Rohden from the time of the Second Jewish Revolt, 132-5.3 Mc Elderry preferred to make it earlier, A.D. 11 7, noting that Lusius Quietus, Trajan's governor ofJudaea in that year was a consularis. 4 The date at which Judaea became a consular province with two legions has remained a problem ever since. 5 If we * This paper was written in the framework of the activities of the Israel Mile stones Committee. For various suggestions and comments we are grateful to Prof. S. Applebaum and Prof. M. Gichon. Further we would like to record the great assistance afforded by Mr. I. Ben-Shalom and Dr. A. Oppenheimer in interpreting Jewish sources. 1 Note on GIL iii 6641. Dio IV 23 (113). 2 Rheinisches Museum, 58 (1903), 633-5; P-W, xii, s.v. 'Legio', col. 1591. Caparcotna is mentioned as castra of VI Ferr. in GIL iii, 6814-16; W.M. Ramsay, ]RS 6 (1916), 129-31; B. Levick, ]RS 48 (1958), 75-6; AE 1920.78. See: 'Caporcotani' on the Tabula Peuti.ngeriana (ed. Miller, segm. x, 1-2); Ka1tapKO'tVE'i in Ptolemy, v, 15, 4. The name is derived from Kefar 'Otnay, a village mentioned in Jewish sources, inhab ited both before and after the Second Revolt by Jews and Samaritans: Mishna, Gittin, 1:5; 7:7; Tos. -
Perceptions of the Ancient Jews As a Nation in the Greek and Roman Worlds
Perceptions of the Ancient Jews as a Nation in the Greek and Roman Worlds By Keaton Arksey A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies of The University of Manitoba In partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Classics University of Manitoba Winnipeg Copyright © 2016 by Keaton Arksey Abstract The question of what made one Jewish in the ancient world remains a fraught topic for scholars. The current communis opinio is that Jewish communities had more in common with the Greeks and Romans than previously thought. Throughout the Diaspora, Jewish communities struggled with how to live amongst their Greco-Roman majority while continuing to practise their faith and thereby remain identifiably ‘Jewish’. To describe a unified Jewish identity in the Mediterranean in the period between 200 BCE and 200 CE is incorrect, since each Jewish community approached its identity in unique ways. These varied on the basis of time, place, and how the non-Jewish population reacted to the Jews and interpreted Judaism. This thesis examines the three major centres of Jewish life in the ancient world - Rome, Alexandria in Egypt, and Judaea - demonstrate that Jewish identity was remarkably and surprisingly fluid. By examining the available Jewish, Roman, and Greek literary and archaeological sources, one can learn how Jewish identity evolved in the Greco-Roman world. The Jews interacted with non-Jews daily, and adapted their neighbours’ practices while retaining what they considered a distinctive Jewish identity. Each chapter of this thesis examines a Jewish community in a different region of the ancient Mediterranean. -
A Remark on the Name of the Emperor Lucius Aurelius Verus in Egypt 448 ADAM ŁUKASZEWICZ
INSTITUT DES CULTURES MÉDITERRANÉENNES ET ORIENTALES DE L’ACADÉMIE POLONAISE DES SCIENCES ÉTUDES et TRAVAUX XXVI 2013 ADAM ŁUKASZEWICZ A Remark on the Name of the Emperor Lucius Aurelius Verus in Egypt 448 ADAM ŁUKASZEWICZ In documents from Roman Egypt the emperor Lucius Aurelius Verus (AD 161–169)1 appears obviously as co-regent of Marcus Aurelius and is mentioned only together with Marcus Aurelius. In Greek papyri a frequent formula reads: Αὐτοκράτωρ Καῖσαρ Μάρκος Αὐρήλιος ʼΑντωνῖνος Σεβαστὸς καὶ Αὐτοκράτωρ Καῖσαρ Λούκιος Αὐρήλιος Οὐῆρος Σεβαστός.2 The occurrence of Lucius Verus is rare in Egyptian texts. As far as the Egyptian hieroglyphic inscriptions are considered, J. von Beckerath quotes only the examples from R. Lepsius’ Denkmäler.3 The name of Lucius Verus occurs as: Rwky Awrry wr-aA anx-Dt. The names printed in the Denkmäler were copied from three cartouches which are situ- ated on the southern wall in a small western temple of Marcus Aurelius at Philae, in a row together with the cartouches of Marcus Aurelius, with two preserved cartouches containing the titles Αὐτοκράτωρ Καῖσαρ: Awtkrtr Ksrs. Above these cartouches of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus there is a fragment of a Greek inscription with a date (Pharmouthi 30 of an unknown year) referring to the joint rulers: ] κυρίων Αὐτοκρατόρων Φαρμοῦθι λ ἐπ΄ ἀγαθῷ. New instances of the name of Lucius Verus are available now in the publication by J. Hallof.4 They came from Kom Ombo and Philae. The inscriptions can be found in the main temple of Kom Ombo and in the gate of Hadrian at Philae. -
PLINY, TRAJAN, HADRIAN and the CHRISTIANS* in the Seventh Book
PLINY, TRAJAN, HADRIAN AND THE CHRISTIANS* In the seventh book of his work de officio proconsulis, Ulpian collected legal rulings concerning the Christians. The compilers of Justinian's Corpus Juris naturally omitted this material. The Church Fathers again were not interested in copying "the abominable rescripts" which instructed the Roman authorities "by which penalties should be affiicted those who acknowledged that they were worshippers of God. 1 " Eusebius himself, when describing "the martyrdoms of our own time," does not reproduce the anti-Christian ordinances of the Tetrarchs, though he quotes in full the decrees of Galerius, Maximinus, Licinius and Constantine on behalf of the Church. Again, he copies Gallienus's letter to some bishops (of Egypt?) on restoration of Church property, but not the edict of Valerian on confiscation of this property. 2 In other words, the Christian tradition, quite naturally, preserved documents which attested "the gracious and favoring interposition of God, 3 " and did not care to retain the memory of the imperial legislation against the Church. 4 Thus, only two imperial rescripts on trials of Christians have come down to us verbatim : a letter of Trajan to Pliny, and a letter of Hadrian. 5 * A review article of Rudolf Freudenberger, Das Verhalten der romischen Behorden gegen die Christen im 2. Jahrhundert dargestel(t am Brief des Plinius an Trajan und den Reskripten Trajans und Hadrians (Miinchener Beitriige zur Papyrusforschung und antiken Rechtsge schichte, 52. Heft). Miinchen, 1967, C.H. Beck, X + 258 pp. In this edition, the observations on Freudenberger's work have been omitted. Some abbreviations: Abbott-Johnson = F.