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2008 A bioarchaeological perspective on Egyptian colonialism in Nubia during the New Kingdom Michele Buzon Purdue University

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Recommended Citation Buzon, Michele, "A bioarchaeological perspective on Egyptian colonialism in Nubia during the New Kingdom" (2008). Department of Anthropology Faculty Publications. Paper 2. http://docs.lib.purdue.edu/anthpubs/2

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A Bioarchaeological Perspective on Egyptian Colonialism in Nubia during the New Kingdom Author(s): Michele R. Buzon Source: The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, Vol. 94 (2008), pp. 165-181 Published by: Egypt Exploration Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40345866 Accessed: 11-01-2016 16:44 UTC

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This content downloaded from 128.210.206.145 on Mon, 11 Jan 2016 16:44:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions A BIOARCHAEOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE ON EGYPTIAN COLONIALISM IN NUBIA DURING THE NEW KINGDOM*

By MICHELE R. BUZON

Duringthe New Kingdom,Egypt began a militarycampaign to regaincommand over Nubia. Extremelysuccessful, their control extended to thefourth cataract by the time of ThutmoseIII. The circumstancesof thispower, however, are notwell known. It is unclearwhether Egyptian colonists or localsadministered Nubia duringthis time. Using a bioarchaeologicalapproach via thestudy of humanskeletal remains and archaeologicaldata fromthe New Kingdomsite of Tombosin Nubia and comparativeEgyptian and Nubianskeletal samples, this paper addresses these long-standing questions.Analyses suggest that the Tombos individuals were an ethnicallyand biologicallymixed group.The examinationof healthindicators suggests that the people of Tombosendured a relatively highdegree of physiologicalstress, despite possible resources obtained through trade networks. Additionally,the Egyptianisation of Nubiansat Tombosmay have provided a peacefulenvironment in whichfew traumatic injuries were seen.

The precise natureand extentof the presence of Egyptianpopulations in Lower and Upper Nubia during the New Kingdom and the role of indigenousNubian populationsremains a livelyarea of discussionand research,1yet is hamperedby the lack of archaeologicalevidence and skeletalremains. The Universityof California Santa BarbaraDongola Reach Expedition(led by StuartTyson Smith)has begun to addressthese questions of Egyptianand Nubian colonial activitiesand involvement throughsurvey and excavationat the site of Tombos (located at the thirdcataract of the Nile).2 Tombos is one of only threeclearly defined Egyptian sites in Upper Nubia (in additionto Kawa and Gebel Barkal).No Egyptiancolonial sites were found duringthe 1997 surveyon thewest bank of theNile thatbegan at thethird cataract (at Hannek)and ended 140 kmto thesouth. In addition,no significantevidence from this surveyor othershas been foundto suggesta substantialEgyptianised imperial culture or colonial occupationsouth of the thirdcataract.3 This paper addressesthe issues concerningthe New Kingdomcolonial agents using a bioarchaeologicalapproach.

* This paper is based on workpublished in M. R. Buzon, 'Biological and Ethnic Identityin New Kingdom Nubia: A Case Study fromTombos', CurrentAnthropology 47/4 (2006), 683-95. I am gratefulto the editorsof CurrentAnthropology and JEA forthe opportunityto presentthis workdirectly to an Egyptologicalaudience. This researchwas supported,in part,by the NSF grantno. 0313247. 1 Contrastthe general accounts of D. B. O'Connor, AncientNubia: Egypt'sRival in Africa (Philadelphia, 1993), 134,who suggeststhat towns were developed with largely Egyptian populations in Lower and Upper Nu- bia, and S. T. Smith,Wretched Kush: EthnicIdentities and Boundariesin Egypt'sNubian Empire(London, 2003), 87, who contendsthat it is not clear whetherEgyptians occupied thesetowns. 2 Convenientsummary in Smith,Wretched Kush, Chapter 6. I drawheavily on thiswork for presenting the Tombosmaterial in this paper. 3 Smith,Wretched Kush, 136-7; D. N. Edwards,The Nubian Past: An Archaeologyof theSudan (London, 2004), 94.

TheJournal of Egyptian Archaeology 94 (2008), 165-81 ISSN 0307-5133

This content downloaded from 128.210.206.145 on Mon, 11 Jan 2016 16:44:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 166 MICHELE R. BUZON JEA 94 Bioarchaeologycombines the information produced in archaeologicaland historical researchwith biological data (human skeletalremains excavated from archaeological sites)in orderto gainfurther insight into human history.4 The analysisof thismaterial can provideimportant data on age and sex,health, activity patterns, as well as cultural and biologicalidentities. The bioarchaeological approach is particularlyappropriate in investigating questions surroundingthe New Kingdom Egyptianoccupation of Nubia, and the site of Tombos is particularlywell suited for investigatingNubian and Egyptian interactions.Owing to its location(fig. 1), Tombos was an importantstrategic point of controlfor the Egyptiansand Nubians. At Tombos, culturallydiagnostic burial associationsare suggestiveof a populationthat is ethnicallyEgyptian. However, the Egyptianisationduring this time makes a determinationof identitybased solelyon artefactsdifficult. As the status of Nubian nativesfor most of the New Kingdom remainsunknown, the excavationof the Tombos cemeteryof bureaucratsand their communityprovides a unique opportunityto testtheories concerning the origins and historyof the colonial agentsof Egypt'sempire.

Biological identityin the Nile Valley Biologicalidentity A person's biologicaland culturalidentities are both inextricablylinked to the past and can only be understoodwithin their historical context. Biological identityis a resultof a longhistory of interactionsthat occur between that person's ancestors and earliernatural and socioculturalenvironments. Tracing these biological relationships can offerinsight into the importantarchaeological and biohistoricalquestions.5 The biological identitiesof peoples fromthe past can be investigatedthrough skeletalstudies. Generally,biological affinitiesare assessed throughthe analysisof cranialand dentalmeasurements. Although factors such as climate,diet, and nutrition can have importantinfluences, groups withsimilar cranial shape tend to be related moreclosely to each otherthan groups that show moredivergence.6 Biologicalrelationships in theNile Valley AlthoughEgyptian depictions of themselvesand foreignersreveal perceived physical differences,with Egyptians tending to be representedas havingred-brown skin and black hair,and Nubians withblack skin,broad flatnoses, and shorthair in ringlets,7 the numerousinvestigations into the biologicalaffinities of variouspast and present populationsin theNile Valleyreveal that demonstrating differences between Egyptian and Nubian populationsis far fromstraightforward. Often called the Corridorto Africa,it seemsevident that the Nile Valleywould have been a passagewayfor human migrationfrom sub-Saharan Africa to the Mediterranean, going back to the beginnings

4 M. R. Buzon, J.T. Eng, P. M. Lambert,and P. L. Walker,'Bioarchaeological Methods', in H. D. G. Maschner and C. Chippindale(eds), Handbookof ArchaeologicalMethods (Walnut Creek. 2ooO. 871. 5 C. S. Larsen,Bioarchaeology : Interpreting Behavior from the Human Skeleton (Cambridge Studies in Biological and EvolutionaryAnthropology 21; Cambridge,1907), 302-5. 6 J. Buikstra and D. Ubelaker, Standardsfor Data Collectionfrom Human Skeletal Remains (Arkansas ArchaeologicalResearch Series 44; Favetteville,1004). 6o. 7 See convenientlySmith, Wretched Kush, 21-4.

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Fig. i. Location of skeletalcollection sites (dark circle). SJE = ScandinavianJoint Expedition sites area. of the spreadof humans.Anatomically modern humans should have passed through the Nile Valleyon theirway 'out of Africa'.The Nile is a constantsource of water and it seems a likelypath to have followed.8However, some archaeologicalevidence suggeststhat there was a significantfrontier zone betweennorthern and southernareas of Lower Nubia. The Nile Valleypathway has been consideredby some researchers as moreof a cul-de-sacthan a corridorbased on archaeologicalinterpretations.9 Some researcherssupport the idea of gene flowthrough the Nile Valleythrough the analysisof DNA fromliving populations. For example,Lalueza Fox10suggests 8 C. Lalueza Fox, 'MtDNA Analysisin AncientNubians Supportsthe Existenceof Gene Flow betweenSub- Sahara and NorthAfrica in the Nile Valley',Annals of Human Biology24/3 (1997), 217. 9 J.Alexander, "The Saharan Divide in the Nile Valley:The Evidence fromQasr Ibrim',African Archaeology Review6 (1988), 89. 10 Lalueza Fox, Annalsof Human Biology24/3, 223.

This content downloaded from 128.210.206.145 on Mon, 11 Jan 2016 16:44:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 168 MICHELE R. BUZON JEA 94 the existenceof south-northgene flowduring or beforethe Meroiticperiod based on mtDNA, synthesizingevidence from archaeology, history, linguistics, and genetic data. Keita11demonstrates the results of continuous bidirectionalmigrations in the region,and Lucotte and Mercier12associate genetic data with northto south migrationduring and beforethe New Kingdom periodand southto northmigration withthe Twenty-fifthDynasty. Krings and co-workers13assert that there have not been any significantlocal barriersto migration(as suggestedby Alexander),14and thatmigration of populationswith northern mtDNA typesto the southis olderthan migrationof populationswith southern mtDNA typesto thenorth in theNile Valley. In contrast,other researchers report a high degree of biological isolationfor both Nubian and Egyptianpopulation, based primarilyon craniometricstudies.15 It is also importantto note that the number of foreignersentering Nubia and Egyptduring these various events would not have been equal and thatEgyptian and Nubian populationswere vastly different in size duringthe New Kingdom; Egyptis estimatedto have had approximately3.5 millionpeople/6 while Nubia likelyhad no morethan a tenthof thatfigure. It is probablethat the largernumbers of Egyptians enteringthe less populous Nubia would have had a moresignificant biological effect thanthe reverse.17

Hypothesesregarding the biological and culturaleffects of Egyptian-Nubianinteraction at Tombos

Biologicalrelationships Individuals buried using Egyptian rituals in Nubia can representtwo groups: biologicalNubians fromthe local populationwho have been culturallyEgyptianised, or recentimmigrants from Egypt (and theiroffspring). The bioarchaeologicalanalysis of skeletalremains offers a way in whichto investigatewhether the people buriedat Tombos were biologicallyEgyptian or Nubian. In order to assess the association between Egyptian and Nubian groups, biological relationships,as measured by differencesin cranialdimensions, were evaluated. In additionto theTombos sample, twodifferent groups of nativeNubian populations(C-Group and Kerma), twoseries of skeletonsfrom Nubian sites similarto Tombos with architectureand artefacts that appear Egyptian (Shellal and the Scandinavian JointExpedition Pharaonic samplefrom the area of thesecond cataract),and twogroups from Egypt (Qurna and

11 S.O.Y. Keita, 'History in the Interpretationof the Patternof the P49a,f Taql RFLP Y-Chromosome Variationin Egypt: A Considerationof Multiple Lines of Evidence', AmericanJournal of Human Biology 17 (2005), 563-6. ______m .„.„.«, 12 G. Lucotteand G. Mercier,'Brief Communication: Y-Chromosome Haplotypes in iigypt, Americanjournal of PhysicalAnthropology 121 (2003), 65. G. 13 M. Krings,A. el-H. Salem, K. Bauer,H. Geisert,A. K. Malek, L. Chaix, C, D. Welsby,A. Di Rienzo, A Utermann,A. Sajantila, S. Paabo, and M. Stoneking,'MtDNA Analysisof Nile River Valley Populations: GeneticCorridor or a Barrierto Migration?',American Journal of Human Genetics64 (i999)> 1172-3- 14Alexander, African Archaeology Review 6, 89. Clines 15 For example,C. Loring Brace, D. P. Tracer, L. A. Yaroch, J. Robb, K. Brandt,and A. R. Nelson, and Clustersversus "Race": A Test in AncientEgypt and the Case of a Death on the Nile', Yearbookof Physical Determinismand Anthropology36 (1993), 22; D. S. Carlson and D. P. Van Gerven, 'Diffusion,Biological BioculturalAdaptation in the Nubian Corridor',American Anthropologist 81 (i979)> 573- 16 K. W. Butzer,Early HydraulicCivilization in Egypt:A Studyin CulturalEcology (Chicago, 1976), 05• 17 Buzon, CurrentAnthropology 47 , 686.

This content downloaded from 128.210.206.145 on Mon, 11 Jan 2016 16:44:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 2008 A BIOARCHAEOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE 169 Memphis)18were analysed. Published biometric data fromEighteenth Dynasty sites locatedin the area northof Thebes (Abydosand SheikhAli) werealso used in order to providecomparative assessment for the Tombos data.19 First,craniometric differences between people buriedin Egyptand Nubia mustbe explored.Are thesegroups physically different? If so, do thepeople of Tombos more closelyresemble those from Egypt or Nubia? If thepeople buried at Tombos areindeed colonistsfrom Egypt, they should more closely resemble the Egyptian populations than those fromNubia and possiblyshow close relationswith other Egyptian immigrants buriedin Lower Nubian Pharaoniccemeteries. Alternatively, ifthe Tombos population is derivedfrom local rulingfamilies, they should most closely resemble native Nubians, such as thepeople buriedat Kerma or in C-Group cemeteries. Health and disease This studyalso exploresthe effectsthat this conquest and socio-politicaltransition had on the health and physicalwell being of the Tombos population.20Although determininga specificcause of death based on skeletal remains is usually quite difficult,21skeletons can provide importantdata regardingthe interactionof the socio-economicenvironment with conditions that individuals experienced during life, such as nutritionaldeficiency, disease, activity patterns, and traumaticinjuries. Fully incorporatedinto the Egyptiansystem at this importantand strategiclocation, it is hypothesizedthat the people of Tombos mayhave had excellentaccess to local resources and tradegoods acquiredfrom Egypt. Upper Nubia also likelysupplied considerable numbersof cattle,sheep, and goats duringthe New Kingdom.22These connections would probablyhave providedsubstantial supplies. Additional resources provided by the integrationof Tombos into trade networksmay have bufferedthe individuals at Tombos againstsome nutritionalstress. However, this increasedcontact through trademay also have provideda mechanismfor introducing infectious disease.23

Ethnicidentity at Tombos24 Architecture The 2000 and 2002 excavationseasons revealedindications of ethnicidentity of the Tombos populationin the formof architecturalfeatures and mortuarypractices. The remainsof a largepyramid tomb were uncovered during the first season of excavation (fig.2). Funerarycones (fig.3) foundin the fillof the shaftindicate that the tomb belongedto Siamun,a high-rankingofficial. His titlesincluded Scribe of theTreasury

18 'Memphis' is thelabel accompanyingthe remains in the DuckworthCollection at Cambridge,and is retained here. Some, but not all, of thesewere also marked'Saqqara'. 19 A. Thomson and D. Randall-Maclver,The AncientRaces oj the Ihebaid: Being an Anthropologicalstudy of theInhabitants of UpperEgypt from the Earliest Prehistoric Times to theMohammedan Conquest based upon the Examinationof over1500 Crania (Oxford,1905), inset 12-14, 27-30. 20 For additionaldetailed analyses see M. R. Buzon, 'Health of Non-elitesat Tombos: Nutritionaland Disease Stressin New Kingdom Nubia', AmericanJournal of PhysicalAnthropology 130 (2006), 26-37. 21 C. Robertsand K. Manchester,The Archaeologyof Disease (3rd edn; Cornell,2005), 13-14. 22 P. Iacumin, H. Bocherens,L. Chaix, and A. Marioth, 'Stable Carbon and NitrogenIsotopes as Dietary Indicatorsof AncientNubian Populations(Northern Sudan)', Journalof ArchaeologicalScience 25 (1998), 300. 23 Larsen,Bioarchaeology , 86; A. R. Zink,M. Spigelman,B. Schraut,C. L. Greenblatt,A. G. Nerlich,and H. D. Donoghue, 'Leishmaniasisin AncientEgypt and Upper Nubia', EmergingInfectious Diseases 12 (2006), 1616. 24 See Smith,Wretched Kush, Chapter6 fordiscussion of the cemetery,which I drawon here.

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Fig. 2. Pyramidtomb at Tombos (photo by S. T. Smith). and Overseerof ForeignLands. The conesalso mentionedhis wife, Weren, the Mistress of the House. A middle-classcomponent of the cemeterywas also discoveredin the firstseason, with excavation continuing into the second season. It consistedof several pit tombsand threeunderground mud brickchamber tombs (fig 4). The architectureof thepyramid tomb is similarto thatof contemporaryelite burials in Egypt.It is also comparableto colonialcemeteries in Nubia (e.g. Aniba and Soleb). The pyramidincluded a superstructurethat surrounded a shaftwith three chambers. An enclosurewall surroundedthe complex, creatinga courtyardin the rear.The funerarycones, which likely would have been placed intoplaster in a decorativefrieze along the tomb's facade, have only been found elsewhereat the Egyptiancapital, Thebes, and the provincialcapital in Nubia, Aniba. The middleclass structuresalso reflectEgyptian burial styles,also seen in Egypt and othercolonial cemeteries(e.g. Fadrus,located near the firstcataract of the Nile).

Gravegoods The gravegoods foundin the middle-classcemetery also stronglyreflect Egyptian customs.Several burialsat Tombos revealedsigns of an associatedcoffin in the form of darkstains around the body and remnantsof organicmaterials, such as wood and paint(fig. 5). Fragmentsof decoratedplaster and ceramicfragments from mummiform coffinswere also foundin both the pyramidfill and chambertombs. A totalof fourushabtis (fig. 6), one of thehallmarks of Egyptianburial, were found in boththe pyramid fill (1) and middle-classburial area (3). The jewelleryfound with

This content downloaded from 128.210.206.145 on Mon, 11 Jan 2016 16:44:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 2oo8 A BIOARCHAEOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE 171 the burialsalso suggestsa connectionwith Egyptian beliefs; a small carnelianheart amulet,several Bes amulets,Taweret figurines, eye of Horus amulets,and scarabsall reflectEgyptian practices. Cosmetic equipmentrecovered from Tombos included a containerfor kohl and ebonyand hematiteapplicators. Decayed pieces of furniture,such as a foldingseat, werefound as well as an ebonythrowing stick. The most common grave inclusionat Tombos was potterywhich, for the most part,is Egyptianin style.There are also two Mycenaeanjuglets and scant amounts

Fig. 3. Face'of funerarycone fromTombos pyramid(photo by S. T. Smith).

Fig. 4. Middle class tomb at Tombos (photo by S. T. Smith).

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Fig. 5. Coffinand extendedEgyptian-style burial at Tombos (photo by S. T. Smith).

Fig. 6. Ushabti figurinefrom Tombos (photo by S. T. Smith).

This content downloaded from 128.210.206.145 on Mon, 11 Jan 2016 16:44:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 2oo8 A BIOARCHAEOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE 173 of Nubian pottery(concentrated in the courtyardof the pyramid). Specialised beer bottlesand 'flowerpots'are the most commonpottery types, objects thatcarry Egyptianreligious connotations connected with offerings to the dead. Burial positionand mummification The vast majorityof burials at Tombos forwhich positioncould be assessed were foundin an Egyptianburial position(fig. 5). All but fourindividuals were extended withhands overthe pelvis and head to the west. Some indicationsof mummification were present.A few small pieces of linen survived,in addition to impressionsof fabricaround the bodies. During the second season of excavation,four burials were uncovered that suggest Nubian burial rituals. These four burials, all women, were flexedon their side, withhead orientedtowards the east and facingnorth, a positiontypical of Nubian traditionsat Kerma (fig.7).25 A Nubian bowl was foundat the head of two of the women, providingadditional evidence of Nubian ethnicity.One of these women wore Bes amulets around her neck. Several additionalburials in this middle-class area may have been flexed,but disturbancedue to lootingmade determiningtheir originalposition impossible. Overallburial practice at Tombos The vast majorityof indicatorsof ethnicityin the Tombos cemeteryare consistent with an Egyptian identity.Nearly all of the burials adhere to typical Egyptian

Fig. 7. Flexed Nubian-styleburials at Tombos (photo by S. T. Smith).

25 Edwards,The Nubian Past, 87; F. Gues, 'Burial Customs in the Upper Main Nile: An Overview',in W. V. Davies (ed.), Egyptand Africa: Nubia fromPrehistory to Islam (London, 1991), 64.

This content downloaded from 128.210.206.145 on Mon, 11 Jan 2016 16:44:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 174 MICHELE R. BUZON JEA 94 standards. However, the presence of the four women buried followingNubian traditionsindicates that Nubians did interactwith this predominantlyethnically Egyptiancommunity at Tombos. Yet some questionsstill remain unanswered. While thepeople buriedat Tombos appear to displaya mostlyEgyptian identity, were they in factcolonists from Egypt, or were theyEgyptianised Nubians? These questions will be exploredin the nextsection through the analysisof cranialmeasurements.

Analysisof human skeletalremains fromTombos One hundredindividuals from the site of Tombos were examinedfor this study.In addition,1,287 individuals from Egyptian and Nubian populationswere included for comparison(Table 1). An attemptwas made to obtaina geographicdistribution in the Nile Valleyduring the generalperiod of the Tombos siteoccupation. All individuals wereaged and sexed, if possible,using standardosteological procedures.26

Table i Populationsexamined for this study

Site Date Sample size

Tombos New Kingdom-Third IntermediatePeriod 100 Kerma Middle Kingdom-Second IntermediatePeriod 307 I Shellal New Kingdom 157 Z SJE C-Group Second IntermediatePeriod-New Kingdom 249 SJE Pharaonic New Kingdom 92 Qurna New Kingdom 174 £ Memphis New Kingdom 103 $ Abydos New Kingdom lI7 SheikhAH New Kingdom 88

Total i'387

Quantitative analysis of biological relationships Nine measurementsof the skull were used in the study:nasal height,upper facial cranial height,nasal breadth,bizygomatic breadth, basi-bregma height, maximum breadth, maximum cranial length, biauricular breadth, and basi-nasion length. These measurementswere chosen because theycorresponded to the publisheddata by Thomson and Maclver.27 The metricdata werestandardized to preventlarge measurements from contribut- which ing more than small measurements.28Principal components analysis (PC A), reduced the data fromthe originalvariables to obtain a smallerset of factorsthat

26 Buikstraand Ubelaker,Standards for Data Collection,15-38. 27 Thomson and Randall-Maclver, AncientRaces of the Thebaid; a more detailed analysis ot tnese cranial measurementscan be foundin Buzon, CurrentAnthropology 47, 689-90. 28 R. S. Corruccini,'Size and Shape in SimilarityCoefficients Based on MetricCharacters , AmericanJournal of PhysicalAnthropology 38 (i973)> 743"5-

This content downloaded from 128.210.206.145 on Mon, 11 Jan 2016 16:44:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 2oo8 A BIOARCHAEOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE 175 accountfor most of thevariability in thesamples, was performedon thecranial meas- urementdata. Females and males were analysedseparately. The sites were divided into fourgroups based on ethnic indicatorssuch as burial style,architecture, and gravegoods: (1) Egyptian:clearly Egyptian-style burials in Egypt (Abydos,Sheikh Ali, Qurna, Memphis), (2) Nubian: clearlyNubian-style burials in Nubia (Kerma, C-Group), (3) Other: Egyptian-styleburials in Nubia (Shellal, Pharaonic group), and (4) Tombos. First,the differencesbetween Egyptian and Nubian groups were assessed. Four principalcomponent factors had eigenvaluesgreater than 1.0 (accountingfor 82% of thevariability), with two factors accounting for the greatest amount of variancein the data. One factorreflected cranial breadth or, wideness of the skull (highestloading by maximumcranial breadth 0.86-0.89), and the otherfactor reflected facial height (highestloading by nasal height0.87-0.88, and upper facialheight 0.87-0.88). While all of the groupsoverlap, some differencesare apparent.For both males and females, Egyptianshave greaterfacial height (longer faces) and morenarrow cranial breadth, while Nubians tend to have lower facial heights(shorter faces) and wider cranial breadth.The 'Other' group and Tombos are mixed,but tendtoward the Nubians. Logistic regressionequations, which produce a predictionof group membership, wereused to assignindividuals to a group (Egyptianor Nubian) based on the factors produced fromthe principal componentsanalysis (figs 8 and 9). Using the two preassignedgroups of clearlydefined Egyptians and clearlydefined Nubians (groups 1 and 2 described above), the resultsof the logisticregression prediction suggest

Fig. 8. Predictedethnic groups based on logisticregression equations (M=male, F=female).

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Fig. 9. Predictedethnic groups based on logisticregression equations by site. some interestingdifferences between the populations. Egyptian males and females fromAbydos, Sheikh Ali, Memphis, and Qurnaare classified correctly (greater than 75%Egyptian) much more frequently than Nubians from C-Group and Kermasites (^40-50% Nubian).This is likelydue to the individuals of the Egyptian group having a moredistinctive, consistent cranial shape. The Nubians,in contrast,are predicted to be moreevenly divided between the Egyptianand Nubian groups,suggesting thatthe cranial shape of theindividuals in thisgroup is less consistent.The 'Other' group,which included the Pharaonic and Shellalsites, is mixed,but includesmore individualswith 'Egyptian* cranial morphology. The Tombossample is dividedmore evenlybetween the two categories.29 Interpretationof biologicalrelationships at Tombos What do thesedata indicateabout the compositionof Tombos? It is clear that thecemetery at Tombos containsmore than just Egyptiancolonists. The mixture of Egyptianand Nubian morphologyin the Tombos sample is typicalof the otherNubian samples.However, when examining these data in combinationwith archaeologicalindications of identity,it seemslikely that Tombos was composedof bothNubians and Egyptians.Cultural contact between Egyptians and Nubiansat Tombosis evidentin thearchaeological finds. The fourNubian-style burials within

29 Buzon, CurrentAnthropology 47, 690.

This content downloaded from 128.210.206.145 on Mon, 11 Jan 2016 16:44:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 2008 A BIOARCHAEOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE 177 a largelyEgyptian cemetery undoubtedly indicate some intersectionof thesegroups. While the pyramidtomb at Tombos may have been a way forSiamun, the Overseer of ForeignLands, to displayhis power and authorityin the Egyptianhierarchy and promotean in-groupsolidarity, the burialsof some Nubian women sent a different messageby using ritualsthat declared their Nubian identity.30 All of the Nubian-styleburials were foundin the lowest (and earliest)layers of the tombchambers. During the earlyuse of thiscolonial cemetery,it is possiblethat Nubian and Egyptianindividuals interacted but maintainedsome ethnicdifferences. Later,with increased incorporation into the Egyptian administrative system, Nubians may have conformedto Egyptianburial practices.Clearly, there were advantagesto lookingand actingEgyptian during this time.31 The changingof ethnicityover time suggeststhat people at Tombos were using these culturalsymbols in advantageous ways,supporting the idea thatethnicity is fluid,dynamic, and situational.32Overall, this study indicatesthat the colonial cemeteryat Tombos was composed of both native Nubians and immigrantEgyptians, suggesting that individuals fromboth culturescontributed to the administrationof Nubia duringthe New Kingdom.33

Quantitativeanalysis of healthand activitypatterns at Tombos The analysisof human remainsis the most directway of assessingpast healthand intersectionof biologywith social, political,and economicprocesses.34 While many reportsdescribing royal burials in Nubia and Egypthave been produced,few studies concerninglower-status New Kingdom skeletal series have been completed and published.35The Tombos burialsthus provide a unique opportunityto learnabout the healthstatus and livingconditions of an important,yet little studied, population. Recentresearch has suggestedthat the New Kingdomperiod of Egyptianoccupation in Nubia was positive,providing mutual benefits,36rather than exploitativeand demoralizing.37This analysisprovides an excellentoccasion to explorethe idea that the people of Tombos may have benefitedfrom being integratedinto the Egyptian trade network.How were the people of Tombos affectedby the Egyptiancolonial interactionduring this period? To address this question,the skeletalremains from Tombos wereexamined for indications of healthstatus and activitypatterns. Several pathologicalconditions, which reflect the skeletalreaction to physiological

30 Smith,Wretched Kush, 193. 31 Ibid., 197. 32 Jones,The Archaeologyof Ethnicity,113. 33 Buzon, CurrentAnthropology 47, 693; additionalevidence suggestingthe presenceof local and non-local individualsis providedby strontiumisotope ratio analysis(87Sr/86Sr): M. R. Buzon, A. Simonetti,and R. A. Creaser, 'Migration in the Nile Valley during the New Kingdom Period: A PreliminaryStrontium Isotope Study',Journal of ArchaeologicalScience 34 (2007), 1391-401. 34 A. H. Goodman and D. Martin,'Reconstructing Health Profilesfrom Skeletal Remains , in R. H. Steckeland J.C. Rose (eds), The Backboneof History:Health and Nutritionin theWestern Hemisphere (Cambridge, 2002), 12. 35 Several studiesof Nile Valleypopulations from other time periods have been published,e.g. G. Armelagos, 'Disease in AncientNubia', Science163 (1969), 255-9; S. Hillson, 'ChronicAnaemias in theNile Valley',Museum AppliedScience Center for Archaeology (MASC A) Journal1 (1980), 172-4; W. V. Davies and R. Walker,Biological Anthropologyand theStudy of AncientEgypt, (London, 1993); M. Judd,'Continuity of InterpersonalViolence betweenNubian Communities',American Journal of PhysicalAnthropology 131 (2006), 324~33- 36 R. Morkot,'Egypt and Nubia', in S. E. Alcock,T. N. D'Altroy,K. D. Morrison,and C. M. binopoh (eds), Empires:Perspectives from Archaeology and History(Cambridge, 2001), 238; O'Connor,Ancient Nubia, 61. 37 W. Y. Adams,Nubia: Corridorto Africa (London, 1977), 218.

This content downloaded from 128.210.206.145 on Mon, 11 Jan 2016 16:44:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 178 MICHELE R. BUZON JEA 94 stress,were recorded.38Cribra orbitalia (abnormal lesions in the eye orbits)is linked withchronic health problems such as nutritionaldeficiency (folic acid, VitaminC, iron).39Enamel hypoplasia(horizontal grooves in toothenamel due to disruptionin enameldevelopment) is associatedwith systemic metabolic stress.40 Osteoperiostitis (abnormalgrowths on the surfaceof bones) is an indicationof bacterialinfection, commonin theNile Valley.41The lengthof adultlong bones, such as thefemur (thigh bone), can indicatechildhood growth disturbance due to nutritionaldeprivation and disease.42Diet can be assessed throughthe recordingof dental conditions,such as cavities(indication of carbohydrateconsumption) and loss of teethbefore death.43 The recordingof traumaticinjuries (evidence of blows to the head, fracturedbones, etc.)44and arthriticchanges45 can shed lighton activitypatterns. At Tombos,nutritional deficiency is fairlycommon. The rate(11 %) of thiscondition in the Tombos sample is similarto the otherpopulations in this study.However, the lesions (and frequency,100%) of this conditionfound in the Tombos children are differentthan those found in the comparativepopulations. For the Tombos individuals,the lesions indicatethat childrendied when the condition(nutritional deficiency)was stillpresent. This is in contrastto the otherpopulations, where the children'slesions show evidence of recovery.The assessmentof growth(length of the femur)also suggeststhat Tombos childrenwere affectedby ill health.The Tombos adults, especially the males, are shorteron average than the other populations, suggesting that childhood growth was compromised. The other pathological conditionsassociated with poor healthshow moresimilarities with the othergroups. The rateof systemicstress (enamel hypoplasia 21%) is similarto the othergroups in thisstudy. The indicationof infection(45%) on bone (osteoperiostitis)at Tombos is also comparableto theother populations examined.46 Diet, as reflectedby thelevel of cavities(24%) and toothloss (72%), indicatesthat the people of Tombos wereeating large amountsof carbohydrates,a findingcommon in comparativesamples. These populationsprobably relied on milledcereal grains and onlysmall amountsof meat.

38 For additionalinformation on pathologicalconditions at Tombos and in the comparativepopulations, see M. R. Buzon, A BioarchaeologicalPerspective on State Formationin theNile Valley(PhD thesis,University of California,Santa Barbara,2004); Buzon, AmericanJournal of PhysicalAnthropology 130. 39 P. L. Walker,'Porotic Hyperostosis in a Marine-DependentCalifornia Indian Population',American Journal of PhysicalAnthropology 69 (1986), 351; D. J. Ortner,E. H. Kimmerle,and M. Diez, Trobable Evidence of Scurvyin Subadults fromArchaeological Sites in Peru', AmericanJournal of PhysicalAnthropology 108 (1999), 330; U. Wapler, E. Crubezy,and M. Schultz, 'Is Cribra Orbitalia Synonymouswith Anemia? Analysis and Interpretationof Cranial Pathologyin Sudan', AmericanJournal of PhysicalAnthropology 123 (2004), 338. 40 K. Dobney and A. H. Goodman, 'EpidemiologicalStudies of the Dental Enamel Hypoplasias in Mexico and Bradford:Their Relevanceto theArchaeological Skeletal Studies', in H. Bush and M. Zvelebil (eds), Health in Past Societies:Biocultural Interpretations of Human SkeletalRemains in ArchaeologicalContexts (BAR IS 567; Oxford,1 991), 85. 41 Robertsand Manchester,The Archaeologyof Disease. 172-3. 42 A. H. Goodman, 'Health Adaptationand Maladaption in Past Societies',in Bush and Zvelebil (eds), Health in Past Societies,33. 43 S. Hillson, 'Diet and Dental Disease', WorldArchaeology n (1070), 150-1. 44 P. L. Walker,'A BioarchaeologicalPerspective on the Historyof Violence', Annual ReviewAnthropology 30 (2001), 582. 45 Robertsand Manchester,The Archaeologyof Disease, 143. 46 Buzon, AmericanJournal of PhysicalAnthropology 130, 5-7.

This content downloaded from 128.210.206.145 on Mon, 11 Jan 2016 16:44:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 2oo8 A BIOARCHAEOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE 179 The low level of iron and othernutrients in these grainsmay have contributedto overallnutritional deficiency and ill health.47 What mightaccount forthe higherlevel of childhood illness at Tombos? It has been suggestedthat diarrheal infections in youngchildren caused bycontamination of watersources plays an importantcausal rolein nutritionaldeficiency.48 There is a high incidenceof parasiteand bacterialinfection (such as hookwormand schistosomiasis) in the modern Nile Valley.49It seems likelythat these infectionswere common in ancienttimes, as parasiteshave been found in Ancient Egyptianmummies.50 The widespreaddisease would have provokedan inflammatoryresponse and diarrhea, ultimatelyresulting in deficienciesof essentialnutrients and theformation of skeletal lesions.51Micro-environmental variation in thelevel of infectiouspathogens between Tombos and the otherpopulations likely adversely affected health. Anotherfactor that may have playeda role is the differencein social statusbetween the Tombos burialsand othersites. The majorityof skeletalremains from Tombos in this studyare fromthe middle-classcemetery. At the othersites, there is some indicationof higher,elite status. For instance,although little burial informationis availablefor the Qurna and Memphis groups,the skullsshow evidenceof resinand scrapingmarks from the removalof skin afterdeath, suggesting they may have had elitemummification. Also, the cemeteryat Kerma clearlydisplays some obviousclass distinctionswith burials of a chiefbody, officials, and whatsome have called 'sacrifice' victims.52While there are no physicalsigns of sacrifice,53if the individuals were indeed sacrificed,they may have been healthierthan a typicalcemetery population as theydid notdie fromnatural causes. This higherstatus of some of thecomparative populations mayaccount for their lower rates of poor healthindicators.54 Althoughnot indicative of theoverall effects of thecolonial period on healthstatus, severalother, more anomalous pathological conditions were recordedin the Tombos population. For example,two bones (femurand radius) foundin the disturbedfill of the pyramidindicate the presenceof an individualwho may have been a dwarf. The bones, a radius (forearm)and a femur,show typicaldeformations associated withachondroplastic dwarfism, a congenitalabnormality. They are characteristically shortenedand disproportionatelywide at the ends.55Also, two males have a benign neoplasm, or abnormal bone growth,on the rightpelvis (hip bone). These bone growthsare osteochondromas,common benign tumours that are the resultof faulty

47 Buzon, BioarchaeologicalPerspective, 10 1-7. 48 Walker,American Journal of PhysicalAnthropology 69, 351. 49 H. Kloos and R. David, 'The Paleoepidemiologyof Schistosomiasisin AncientEgypt , Human Ecology Review9 (2002), 14; Zink et al., EmergingInfectious Diseases 12, 1616. 50 R. L. Miller,N. De Jonge,F. W. Krijger,and A. M. Deelder, 'PredynasticSchistosomiasis', in Davies and Walker(eds), BiologicalAnthropology and theStudy of AncientEgypt, 58. 51 S. O. Y. Keita and A. J.Boyce, 'Diachronic Patternsof Dental Hypoplasias and Vault Porositiesduring the Predynasticin the Naqada Region,Upper Egypt',American Journal of Human Biology13 (2001), 736. 52 T. Kendall, Kerma and the Kingdomof Kush 2500-1500 bc: The ArchaeologicalDiscovery of an Ancient Nubian Empire(Washington, 1997), 60; G. A. Reisner,Excavations at Kerma (Harvard AfricanStudies 5-6; Cambridge,1923), 70-9. 53 M. Judd,J. Irish, and A. Froment,'Dying to Serve:Human Sacrificeduring the Classic Kerma Period , paper presentedat theAnnual Meeting of the Societyfor American Archaeologists, San Juan,Puerto Rico (2006). 54 Buzon, AmericanJournal of PhysicalAnthropology 130, 35. 55 Buzon, BioarchaeologicalPerspective, 115-16.

This content downloaded from 128.210.206.145 on Mon, 11 Jan 2016 16:44:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 180 MICHELE R. BUZON JEA 94 growthplate development.56And, finally,adult leg bones foundin the disturbedfill of one of the middle-classchambers show evidenceof lower limb paralysis.These normallyweight-bearing bones revealno signsof muscleattachment and are too thin to have allowednormal activity. While thereare manypotential causes of paralysis,it is possiblethat this individual was affectedby polio. In additionto providinginformation about health,pathological conditions can also shed lighton activitypatterns. Deterioration with advancingage is an occurrence in all organisms.Degenerative changes can also occur fromrepeated activityand injury.The joints are the most commonlyaffected areas in the skeleton.Arthritis is commonin theadults at Tombos. Overall,this rate (49%) is similarto thecomparative populations.There are no particularareas of the skeletonthat are affectedmore than others.The degenerativechanges are likelythe resultof theirdaily activities.The people at Tombos likelyparticipated in agriculturalchores and quarrying,as thearea is knownfor its granitesupply.57 A greatdeal can be learnedabout a populationthrough evidence of trauma,such as informationregarding lifestyle, such as occupation,environment, economy, and interpersonalviolence. The occurrenceof traumaticinjuries at Tombos is relatively low. Only 1.4% of the limb bones display injury,and only one cranial injurywas found.This virtuallack of cranialinjuries in additionto a low rateof 'parry'fractures (fracturesto theforearm assumed to be the resultof defendinga blow) suggestsa low level of interpersonalviolence at Tombos. It has been proposed that the patterns of injuriesfound in Kerma populationreflect a 'cultureof violence' in the Nubian society.58As suggested,the rate of cranialinjuries and forearmfractures in the Kerma sampleis significantlyhigher than that of theTombos group.The Kerma population livedduring the Second IntermediatePeriod, a timewhen Egypt was oftenin conflict with Nubia over the Nile trade route. In contrast,the Tombos population lived duringthe New Kingdom. The mutualbenefits of interactionduring this time,as suggestedby researchers,appear to be reflectedin the low level of injuriesindicative of interpersonalviolence at Tombos.59

Conclusions

Through the use of a bioarchaeologicalapproach, as well as data from human skeletalremains in conjunctionwith information from historical texts, archaeological contexts,and the ecological setting,long-standing questions concerningthe events thatoccurred between the Nubians and Egyptiansduring the New Kingdom period wereaddressed. This researchhas provideda meansthrough which the archaeological and historicalhypotheses could be tested. These analyses reveal that the colonial

56 For additionalinformation on the osteochondromas,see M. R. Buzon, 'Two Cases of Osteochondromain New KingdomNubia', InternationalJournal of Osteoarchaeology15 (2005), 377-82. A summaryof othertumours foundin theancient Nile Valleycan be foundin W. M. Pahl, 'Tumors of Bone and SoftTissue in AncientEgypt and Nubia: A Synopsisof the Detected Cases', InternationalJournal of Anthropology1 (1086), 267-75. 57 Buzon, BioarchaeologicalPerspective, 13 1-2. 58 M. A. Judd, Trauma in AncientNubia duringthe Kerma Period (ca. 2500-1500 bc) (PhD dissertation, Universityof Alberta,2000), 135. 59 M. R. Buzon and R. Richman, 'Traumatic Injuries and Imperialism:The Effectsof EgyptianColonial Strategiesat Tombos in Upper Nubia', AmericanJournal of PhysicalAnthropology 133 (2007), 789.

This content downloaded from 128.210.206.145 on Mon, 11 Jan 2016 16:44:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 2oo8 A BIOARCHAEOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE 181 populationburied at Tombos most likelyconsisted of local Nubians and immigrant Egyptians.The intersectionof ethnicand biologicalidentities confirms that cultural identityis fluidand dynamic,changing as thesocio-political environment varies. The mixedpopulation at Tombos suggeststhat Nubians and Egyptianshad an important role in Egyptianadministration during the New Kingdom period. While the Tombos population displays the same indicationsof physiological stressas the comparativepopulations, the few small differencesin the frequencies are significantin the overallpicture of healthat Tombos. The highrate of unhealed lesions (cribraorbitalia) in childrenand stuntedgrowth (femur length) at Tombos suggeststhat theywere enduringa higherdegree of nutritionaldeficiency and/or infectioncompared to the other sites examined. Local ecological differencesin the level of infectiousagents and variationin social status likelyaccount for this difference.Although the population at Tombos may have been fullyincorporated into the Egyptiancolonial system,this studyreveals that those resourcescould not protectthem from all physiologicalstressors. Finally, the adoption of Egyptian cultural standardsby the Nubians at Tombos may have been partlyresponsible forthe relativelypeaceful coexistence at Tombos as suggestedby the low level of traumaticinjuries indicative of interpersonalviolence. In sum, the analysisof human remainsfrom the site of Tombos has contributed significantlytoan overallunderstanding of interactionbetween Nubians and Egyptians during the colonial New Kingdom Period. In addition to providinginformation about the inhabitantsof a colonial site duringthis time, this study shed lighton the health affectsof this period of sociopoliticaltransition. Continued excavationsat Tombos and in the regionwill provide additionalopportunities to furtherexplore theeffects that the New Kingdomcolonization of Nubia had on people livingduring thattime.

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