2
OCANAHOWAN AND RECENTLY DISCOVERED LINGUISTIC
FRAGMENTS FROM SOUTHERN VIRGINIA, C. 1650
Philip Barbour Ridgefield, Connecticut
Published in: Papers of the 7th Algonquian Conference (1975) Ocanahowan (or Ocanahonan and other spellings) was the name of an Indian town or village, region or tribe, which was first reported in Captain John
Smith's True Relation in 1608 and vanished from the records after Smith mentioned it for the last time 1624, until it turned up again in a few handwritten lines in the back of a book.
Briefly, these lines cover half a page of a small quarto, and have been ascribed to the period from about 1650 to perhaps the end of the century, on the basis of style of writing. The page in question is the blank verso of the last page in a copy of Robert Johnson's Nova Britannia, published in
London in 1604, now in the possession of a distinguished bibliophile of
Williamsburg, Virginia. When I first heard about it, I was in London doing research and brushing up on the English language, Easter-time 1974, and
Bernard Quaritch, Ltd., got in touch with me about "some rather meaningless annotations" in a small volume they had for sale. Very briefly put, for
I shall return to the matter in a few minutes, I saw that the notes were of the time of the Jamestown colony and that they contained a few Powhatan words. Now that the volume has a new owner, and I have his permission to xerox and talk about it, I can explain why it aroused my interest to such an extent.
To begin with the end, so to speak, I would like to expatiate on the name Ocanahowan and its history, and then proceed to a conclusion involving the Powhatan words. That is a subject on which I profess almost total ignorance. As I have said, Ocanahowan was first mentioned in John Smith's
True Relation, and, as I have not yet said, it first appeared on a map in the same year. This was the map that was sent, along with a letter to
Philip III of Spain, by his ambassador to James I, Don Pedro de Zuniga, one of whose duties was to keep Philip informed of all threats to Spain's
Published in: Papers of the 7th Algonquian Conference (1975) 4 predominance in the regions west of approximately 50° west longitude as established in 1494 by treaty with Portugal.
John Smith's first references to Ocanahowan (I have arbitrarily chosen this spelling for the name) are brief. (Barbour, vol. 130: 182 ff):
1) Powhatan's half-brother Opechancanough "spared not to acquaint" Smith with word of "certaine men cloathed [like me] at a place called Ocanahonan," which has been corrected in pen and ink by an anonymous annotator to read
"certaine men at a place 6 dayes jorny beyond Ocanahonan".
2) Shortly thereafter, Smith sent a letter to inform the fort at
Jamestown about "Ocanahonum".
3) Powhatan himself described to Smith "the people cloathed at Ocamahowan," and also confirmed what "the rest" had said, "that reported us to be within a day and a halfe of Mangoge, two dayes of Chawwonocke, 6 from Roonock [Roanoke,
Ralegh's colony] to the south part of the backe sea [the Pacific Ocean]..."
The map I have mentioned, which I have called the Smith/Zuniga map for obvious reasons, adds further details. It shows Ocanahowan on the south side of a river which must be the Roanoke some distance above its confluence with the river now called the Chowan. In addition it supplies descriptive notes along with other place-names:
1) There is a town called Pakerikanick on the second important river to the south, next to which is a note: "Here remayne the 4 men clothed that came from Roonock to Okanahowan;"
2) north of this river (the modern Neuse) a larger river is shown (the
Pamlico) and between that and the Roanoke there is another note: "here the king of Paspaheygh reported our men to be and went to se[e]" (note that
Paspahegh was always inimical to the English);
3) still more to the north, at Warraskoyack (on the modern Pagan River),
Published in: Papers of the 7th Algonquian Conference (1975) 5
is a third pertinent note: "here Paspanegn and two of our men landed to go to Panawiock" (located next to the preceding note).
Here, tnen, we have a clue to the interest in Ocanahowan. The Englishmen mentioned were said (or thought) to be survivors of Sir Walter Ralegh s
Roanoke colony, which withered on the vine, or was rudely uprooted, sometime between August 27, 1587, when John White sailed from Roanoke, and August 18,
1590, when White returned and found the colony deserted. Whatever the facts, the immediate cause of the severance of the lifeline to England was the Spanish
Armada of 1588. Not even Ralegh was able to care for the colony at the time.
Still, despite the passage of the years, not everybody forgot the men and women left behind, or the rumored copper-mines of Chaunis Temoatan, up the
Roanoke River, above Ocanahowan.
But even while the Roanoke colony flourished, briefly, its site had never seemed the best possible, and Ralph Lane had visited and reported favorably on the southern shores of Chesapeake Bay (unfortunately, very little is known about this visit). So, when the Virginia colony was being planned in
1606, the site proposed was the lower Chesapeake Bay region—not Albemarle
Sound. At the same time, however, the colonists who were to found Jamestown were instructed to look for survivors from Roanoke Island, and to explore the whole area further for silk-grass, copper mines, and so on.
Though there are no known surviving instructions to this end, there must have been verbal orders of some sort. In his True Relation Smith wrote that sometime in late March or early April, 1608:
We had agreed with the king of Paspahegh, to conduct two of our men to a place called Panawicke beyond Roanok, where he reported many men to be apparelled [like us]. We landed him at Warraskoyack, where [he] playing the villaine, and deluding us for rewards, returned within three dayes after without going further. " '
Published in: Papers of the 7th Algonquian Conference (1975) 6
Then, toward the end of 1608, when the chronic disorders and mutinies in Jamestown simmered down a little, Smith himself sent a scout southwards from Warrascoyack, on December 30 or 31. In the words of the Proceedings, he asked the werowance of that tribe for guides to Chowanoke, explaining that:
He would send a present to that king to bind him his friend. To performe this journey was sent Michael Sicklemore, a very honest, valiant and painefull souldier, with him two guids, and directions how to search for the lost company of Sir Walter Rawley, and silke grasse.
To this passage, Samuel Purchas added a side-note when he reprinted it in his Pilgrimes (1625):
Search for them sent by Sir W. Rawlew. Powhatan confessed that hee had bin at the murther of that Colonie: and shewed to Captaine Smith a Musket barrell and a brasse Morter, and certaine peeces of Iron which had bin theirs.
Some time later, after Smith had finished a stay at Powhatan's residence, trading for corn, Sicklemore returned to Jamestown from Chawonock: "but found little hope and lesse certainetie of them were left by Sir Walter Rawley".
Smith then dispatched two others on the same mission, this time with guides from another werowance. This expedition is barely mentioned in the Proceedings, but is recounted in some detail in the Generall Historie:
Master Nathanael Powell and Anas Todkill were also by the Quiyoughquohanocks conducted to the Mangoags to search them there: but nothing could they learne but [that] they were all dead.... Three dayes jorney they conducted them through the woods, into a high country towards the Southwest: where they saw here and there a little corne field, by some little spring or smal brooke, but no river they could see: the people in all respects like the rest, except their language: they live most upon rootes, fruites, and wilde beasts; and trade with them towards the sea and the fatter [more fertile] countries for dryed fish and corne, for skins.
Meanwhile, Captain Christopher Newport was on his way back to London, and the London company was going through a reorganization that came very close indeed to destroying the very thing it was designed to revivify, through
Published in: Papers of the 7th Algonquian Conference (1975) 7
senseless bungling and a hurricane. However, what is pertinent here is that the reorganized company with its new charter appointed a lord governor to replace the president of the local council, and sent Sir Thomas Gates, one of the patentees of the original charter off to Virginia as deputy governor while his lordship baron De La Warr got himself ready to take over full command. Gates got lengthy and detailed instructions, which included the following paragraph:
Foure dayes Journey from your forte [Jamestown] Southewards is a towne called Ohonahorn seated where the River of Choanocki devideth it self into three braunches and falleth into the sea of Rawnocke in thirtie five degrees [correctly, 36° N lat. ]. This place if you seeke by Indian guides from James forte to Winocke by water, from thence to Manqueocke, some twenty miles from thence to Gaththega, as much and from thence to Oconahoen you shall find a brave and fruiteful seate every way unaccessable by a straunger enemy, much more abundant in Pochon and in the grasse silke called Cour del Cherva and in vines, then any parte of this land knowne unto us. Here we suppose, if you make your principall and cheife seate, you shall doe most safely and Richely because you are in the part of the land inclined to the southe, and two of the best rivers will supply you, besides you are neere to Riche Copper mines of Ritanoc and may passe them by one braunche of this River, and by another Peccarecamicke where you shall finde foure of the englishe alive, left by Sir Walter Rawely which escaped from the slaughter of Powhaton of Roanocke, uppon the first arrivall of our Colonie, and live under the proteccion of a wiroane called Gepanocon, enemy to Powhaton, by whose consent you shall never recover them, one of these were worth much labour, and if you finde them not, yet search into this Countrey it is more probable then towards the north. (Kingsbury, vol. 3: 17).
These instructions were never carried out, for reasons that neither the company nor Sir Thomas Gates could have foreseen. Due to the shipwreck of
Gates' flagship, with all three senior officers and all authenticating documents, bedlam broke out in Jamestown when the remaining vesels of his fleet arrived. Smith was accidentally burned and had to return to England, leaving the warring factions there to anarchy, despair, and starvation.
When Gates finally arrived nearly ten months later, but sixty of five hundred
Published in: Papers of the 7th Algonquian Conference (1975) o settlers were alive, and they still had no provisions. Gates was about to abandon the colony when Lord De La Warr providentially arrived, with more colonists, and ample supplies. Even then, however, conditions were far from favorable for any exploring or searching for remnants of Ralegh's "lost colony." Nevertheless, the newly appointed secretary of the council in
Jamestown, William Strachey, felt free to confirm what London had written, even though nothing had been done about it:
This highland is in all likelyhoodes a pleasant Tract, and the Mould fruictfull, especially what may lye to the South ward, where at Peccarecanicke and Ochanahoen, by the Relation of Machumps [brother of one of Powhatan's wives], the People have howses built with stone walls, and one story above another, so taught them by those English who ascaped the slaughter at Roanoak, at what tyme this our Colony under the Conduct of Captain Newport) landed within the Chesapeack Bay, and where the people breed up tame Turkeis about their howses, and take Apes in the Mountayns, and where at Ritanoe, the Weroance Eyanoco [cf. the instructions to Gates, above] preserved 7. of the English alive, fower men, twoo Boyes, and one young Maid, who escaped and fled up the River of Chaonoke, to beat his Copper, of which he hath certayn Mynes at the said Ritanoe, as also at Pannawaick are said to be store of salt stones [rock salt]. (Strachey 1612: 34).
A side note to this passage is even more impressive:
Peccarecanick between 35. and 36. degrees of the Line: and in her warme Vallyes may be planted, Sugar-Canes, Oranges, Lemons, and all sortes of Southren fruites, and whatsoever, the South-Spaine, Italy, Barbary, Greece, Judea, and Syria bring forth being answerable to the same height.
And just below, he adds, also in the margin: "Likewise Silk of the grass: and habundaunce of the dying Roote."
Although this reads as if something had happened, in reality Strachey probably knew no more than Smith, and no Englishman had in the meantime crossed the watershed between the James River and the Roanoke. Indeed, even when two unhappy colonists tried to run away to the Spaniards who were assumed to live to the south of Jamestown, nothing came of it. Here is what Ralph Hamor,
Published in: Papers of the 7th Algonquian Conference (1975) secretary of the colony after Strachey, had to say, referring to such
If the law should not have restrained by execution, I see not how the utter subversion and ruine of the Colony should have bin prevented, witnesse . . . even this summer [1611], Coles and Kitchins Plot, with three more, bending their course towards the Southward, to a Spanish Plantation, reported to be there, who had travelled (it being now a time of peace) some five daies jorney to Ocanahoen, there cut off [stopped] by certaine Indians, hired by us to hunt them home to receive their deserts. (Hamor 1615: 27).
This account was partly reprinted in Smith's Generall Historie in 1624, but apart from this, so far as your speaker knows, from 1611 until 1650 there was no mention of Ocanahowan. The goal was three, four, or five days' journey from Jamestown or some Indian town across the James, yet it was thirty-nine years before any serious attempt was made to find it, and that attempt was accidental, and not intentional, as we shall see. During that interlude several crises came and passed, which must be sketched before we return to the theme.
The kidnapping of Pocahontas in 1613 led to what is called today a detente, that developed into a kind of peace. But both she and her father, Powhatan, died in 1617-1618, after which Opechancanough, heir to Powhatan, began to be restless under continuous English expansion over his lands. As was intimated by Captain John Martin, one of Smith's old companions in Jamestown, and explicitly stated in an explanatory side-note,
The infinite trade they [the Indians] have had in this 4 years of securitie [1618-1622] enabled Opichankanoe to hire many auxiliaries which in former tymes I knowe for want thereof Pohatan was never able to act the like. (Kingsbury, vol. 3: 707).
The reference is to the massacre that broke the peace on March 22, 1622. The opinion is that of one of the most hard-headed of the colonists, but it tallies well with a few points that are about to come up.
This massacre was followed by twenty-two years of English uncertain expansion and Indian resentment. Then came Opechancanough's second call to rebellion
Published in: Papers of the 7th Algonquian Conference (1975) 10 and the massacre of 1644. After that, the English apparently began to feel that they had the upper hand. A few colonists thought of building up trade with the Indians, for their personal gain. Friendship was not in mind.
Neither was Ocanahowan, or Ralegh's lost colonists. It was apparently merely that the English had been settled on the James for nearly half a century, and nobody knew what was lay hidden in the unknown wilderness south of their plantations.
Here we must pause to consider where Ocanahowan in fact was situated; not just where people who had never seen it thought it was. It was not mentioned by the Roanoke colonists, though it must have stood to the west of the
Algonquian-speaking tribes whom the colonists visited. We learn from Ralph
Lane's expedition, already mentioned, that there were "Countries of great fertilitie adjoyning to the [Chesepians ], [such] as the Mandoags, Tripanicks, and Opossians". These were tentatively identified as Iroquoian tribes in
Quinn's basic study, but I have been led to suggest that they were all
Algonquians. The habitat of the Mandoags and Tripanicks, as stated by Lane, corresponds well with Smith's village names of Mantoughquemend and Teracosick
—quite possible distortions—while the third could be an otherwise unrecorded name involving opossums.
But to the west of Lane's explorations lay the land of the Mangoaks, described by him as "another kinde of Savages, dwelling more to the Westwarde" of the Chowan River. This tribe was definitely Iroquoian, although the name by which it was known was Algonquian, and meant "rattlesnakes" or "adders" a parallel case is the Algonquian name for the Dakotas, from which the English extracted "Sioux," by way of French. While little indeed is known about the
Mangoaks, between Lane's comments and the Smith/Zuniga map it can readily be deduced that Ocahanowan was a Mangoak town, and this is broadly supported by
Published in: Papers of the 7th Algonquian Conference (1975) 11 the handwritten notes under discussion, one of which indicates that the local language was different from Powhatan. Again broadly speaking, then, we shall perhaps not be far wrong if we place Ocanahowan west of the Chowan River, and west of the Algonquian tribes of the coastal region, but within the territory occupied by Iroquoians. What then becomes important in the handwitten notes is the date, which can hardly be before 1650. We have heard nothing about the place since 1611.
Interestingly, 1650 was the year in which the first attempt was made to explore and trade in the vast tract of forest and mountains to the southwest of Powhatan village and the falls of the James River. In August of that year,
Edward Bland, a merchant who had come to Virginia in 1643, set out with the commandant of Fort Henry, at the falls of the Appomattox twenty air-miles away:
The little expedition reached an Indian town on the Meherrin river on August 29, having travelled 35 to 45 miles (say 55 to 70 km.). There, at Maharineck, "the great men and Inhabitants came, and performed divers Ceremonies and Dancings before us, as they use[d] to do to their great Emperour Apachancano." (Alvord 1912: 119).
This reference to the leader of the two Indian massacres in Virginia is interesting for two reasons: it was made in Meherrin, i.e., Iroquoian, territory, and it seems to show that Powhatan's hegemony extended farther to the south than has commonly been held. (Samuel Purchas' side-note on the
Sicklemore expedition, mentioned above, indicates that Powhatan told John
Smith something similar.) In any event, on August 30, Bland and his party spoke with a Tuscarora Indian, also Iroquoian, about an Englishman who was supposed to be "amongst those Nations", and learned that the man was "a great way off." Bland then hired the Indian to run on ahead of him and tell the werowance (chieftain) that they "intended to lay him downe a present
Published in: Papers of the 7th Algonquian Conference (1975) at Hocomowananck," and wanted him to meet them there."
The Tuscaroras were hardly known at all before John Lawson travelled and lived among them (1700-1709), but they were clearly connected with the
Nottoway, Meherrin, and Susquehanna tribes that half-circled Powhatan's domain. Judging by Bland's statement, Hocomowananck was a Tuscarora village.
Since Bland spoke with the Tuscarora Indian through a Powhatan-speaking
Appamatuck guide (who called the tribe Tuskarood), it is possible that
Hocomowananck is identifiable with Ocanahowan (John Lawson's Unanauhan, a
Tuscarora village), but this possibility need not be pursued just now. It is enough to know that Ocanahowan was in the territory where one of the
Iroquoian nations lived, be it the Mangoak-Nottoways, the Meherrins, or the
Tuscaroras.
To carry on with Bland: we read that the Wainoakes (presumably the Weanocks, neighbors of the Appamatucks) attempted to obstruct Bland's traffic with the
Tuscaroras, but he went on in spite of them. Crossing the Meherrin River, he travelled perhaps forty miles to the Hocomowananck. On the way, his guides stopped at an Indian commemorative monument in the form of "two remarkeable
Trees," where the Indians paused and then told Bland that Apachancano had waged war in the neighborhood for "roanoke" (beads, wampum), and for revenge for an insult of the king of Chowan against "one King of a Towne called Powhatan.
The commemorative site was kept clean by the friends of either side, and two miles away the grave of a solitary casualty, "a great man of the Chawans," was still regularly covered with green boughs. One can wonder if Powhatan's son Pochins, "king" of Powhatan village, was the one involved. He had been a young man when the English first met him in May 1607.
Not far from there Bland's party at last reached Hocomowananck. They had travelled perhaps eighty miles from Fort Henry, and they had reached another
Published in: Papers of the 7th Algonquian Conference (1975) falls. Bland described the place in great detail, adding that not far away
Apachancano had appeared one morning with four hundred men and treacherously slain two hundred and forty local Indians. Bland, who was evidently tired of hearing about the deceased "emperor's" exploits, urged his Appamatuck guide to move on: he was eager to trade with the Tuscaroras. But more talk ensued, and more evasion, until Bland finally started back to the fort. To him it was disappointing; yet the record he left is of great value to historians.
Hocomowananck was almost certainly at or near modern Roanoke Rapids, North
Carolina, about 55 miles (88 km.) south of Petersburg and Fort Henry. It was the extreme southern limit of Powhatan's and Opechancanough's aggression, which had extended his domain north to the independent though related tribes of Delawares in Maryland, Delaware, and New Jersey, and the raiding-trading grounds of the Susquehannas and the half-mysterious Massawomekes, fellow but antagonistic Iroquoians. To the south and southwest of Hocomowananck other nations roamed unmolested by the overlords of tidewater Virginia.
All this fits well into the picture of where the Ocanahowan first mentioned by John Smith must have been. Tentatively we can place it at or near
Hocomowananck. Other explorers who followed Edward Bland mention no town which can be taken to refer to the same place, although John Lederer passed through "Kawitziokan, an Indian town upon a branch of the Rorenoke river" early in July 1670, which must have been very near to the path Lederer was following. John Lawson, too, passed nearby a generation later. But after the Tuscaroras executed Lawson in 1711 a general tribal migration started, leaving, of the Iroquoians, only the Nottoway/Mangoaks to people the district around or near Ocanahowan.
It is time now to glance briefly at the other bits of information in the handwritten notes at the back of Robert Johnson's Nova Britannia. Your
Published in: Papers of the 7th Algonquian Conference (1975) 14 speaker's formidable ignorance of Algonquian languages generally is relieved only by a superficial and limited acquaintance with the handful of words and phrases noted down by Captain John Smith, and such obvious parallels as he has found in William Strachey's "Brief Dictionary." A few comments may be based on these two sources.
First, as to dating the notes; handwriting is not easy to assign to any given year, or even decade. That under consideration here is too modern for
Smith's lifetime, but it lacks characteristics that would stamp it as post-
Milton—without implying that it resembles that of either. Let us say, then, that it seems to date from the latter half of the seventeenth century, and that the present speaker leans toward 1650-1660 rather than 1690-1700, though this inclination may be like that of the campanile at Pisa, which stands on a shallow foundation.
Next: several words have been trimmed, making it occasionally difficult to guess soundly what letters are missing. Here a good knowledge of related
Algonquian languages would be of help.
Lastly, the details are as follows:
Line 1. Strachey has keis for "how many;" Smith has casa-. Reconstruct: case or kase. — For riapoke, Strachey translates "tomorrow." Perhaps some related language can supply the true meaning.
Line 2. The trimmed word — ]up, "tomorrow", requires a specialist.
Line 3. The first word can probably be reconstructed as nu jssaconnoke,
"the third day," on the basis of Smith's nuss, "3," with -cunnakack, "daies," completing the identification. Maopunke is not in Smith, and apparently not in Strachey. A specialist is again needed.
Line 4. The first word should probably be "fou]rth." Naunnogh is not in
Smith.
Published in: Papers of the 7th Algonquian Conference (1975) 15
Line 5. The first word, junnogh, needs a specialist. Wiunquot is not in
Smith.
Line 6. Here three words need a specialist's attention: Jwah, "the sixth day;" Ohiak, "the 9th;" and Teire, "the 10th day."
Line 7. ChJesk can be offered as a reconstruction for "all," since it so appears in Strachey.
Line 8. Both "we]eke" and "w]eke" can be offered as common 17th-century spellings.
Line 9. Strachey has unnamun, "to see" (with a macron over the final "-n", possibly to show that it is not "-u"); hence, suggested reconstruction un ]aumenaugh, "to see" (-au- could represent the ah-sound in "father" [not then current in English], or the open-o in "awe, paw"). The word is discussed in Siebert 1975.
The speaker would be interested to know if the linguistic specialists have any suggestions to offer.
To conclude, careful research has lately, and partially accidentally, been producing so much by way of correction of historical details that the speaker is led to hope that similar details in other disciplines can be exchanged all around, so that the jig-saw puzzle which is still the history of the Indian tribes at the time of the European invasion of America can soon be assembled in such form that the students of tomorrow can see the truth of yesterday.
Published in: Papers of the 7th Algonquian Conference (1975) 16
ALGONQUIAN FRAGMENTS
i 4. - ,*.t>^ >< .->»vt . . ^rt ba'jt%% • JCV« •
^ --—s^~^ -/ i ' 7 & 1 L ^ iv?-----_. -4Y-<\y • ',-' -_ A-itHn^j^tLrxTL^lAA '- Yy S c^X. -
*&.-*£. "7^/
• ^ • - / ^ :
TRANSCRIPTION
ca]se . how manie. Riapokes . dayes
}up . to morrow. Anew, y day following tomorrow.
nu ]saconnoke . y third day . Maopunke y .. ^ e t foujrth day . Naunnogh . y 5 day. ]unnogh y 6 day. Wiunquot ye 7 day.
jwah . ye 8th day. Ohiak. ye 9th. Teiro ye 10th day.
ch ]elsk . all.. These names of ye
we]eke dayes are different at Oconnohoan.
un ]aumenaugh. to see.
Published in: Papers of the 7th Algonquian Conference (1975) 17
REFERENCES
Alvord, Clarence W. and Lee Bidgood, 1912. The first explorations of the Trans-Allegheny region by the Virginians. Cleveland.
Barbour, Phillip L., 1969. The Jamestown voyages under the first charter, 1606-1609. Hakluyt Society, 2nd series, vols. 137, 137. Cambridge.
Hamor, Ralph, 1615. A true discourse of the present estate of Virginia. London. [Facsimile edition, Richmond, 1957].
Kingsburg, Susan Myra, 1906-1935. The records of the Virginia Company of London, Volumes 1-4. Washington.
Purchas, Samuel, 1625. Hakluytus posthumus, or Purchas his pilgrimes. London, [Reprinted Glasgow, 1905-1907].
Siebert, Frank T., Jr., 1975. "Resurrecting Virginia Algonquian from the dead," Studies in Southeastern Indian languages, ed. J.M. Crawford, Athens (Georgia).
Smith, Captain John, 1884. Works, edited by Edward Arber, Birmingham. [Reissued, Westminister, 1896. Reprinted with introductions by A.C. Bradley, Edinburgh, 1910. The True travells and Map of Virginia, including the Procedings are reprinted literature in Barbour 1969. A complete, annotated edition is in preparation by Barbour, to be issued by the University of North Carolina Press in 3 volumes. ]
Smith/Zuniga, 1609. Manuscript map reproduced in Barbour 1969.
Strachey, William, 1612. The history of travels into Virginia Britannia, edited by Louis B. Wright and Virginia Freund, Hakluyt Society, 2nd series, vol. 103, 1953.
Published in: Papers of the 7th Algonquian Conference (1975)