Doha Assembly to Be a Milestone in IPU History
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2018 Party Registration Decisions-English Version
2018 Party registration decisions Decisions by the Commission to approve or reject applied for party names, descriptions and emblems in date order You can find the current registration details of the applicants by clicking on their name An overview of the rules on registering a political party names, descriptions and emblems can be found here Type of Application Identity Date of The identity mark applied applies to Registration Further information/ Reason for Applicant name Mark decision for which part decision rejection applied of the UK? for 10.12.18 Both Unions Party Name Both Unions Party All of Great Approve Britain 10.12.18 Both Unions Party Description Scotland for Both Unions: All of Great Approve UK Europe Britain 10.12.18 Both Unions Party Description Together we are all All of Great Reject Does not meet the requirements of strongest Britain a description 10.12.18 Both Unions Party Emblem All of Great Reject Confusingly similar to another Britain already registered party 10.12.18 Both Unions Party Name Both Unions Party of Northern Approve Northern Ireland Ireland 10.12.18 Ein Gwlad Name Ein Gwlad Wales Reject Application incomplete 10.12.18 Future Shepton Description Future Shepton – Working England Approve together for Shepton 10.12.18 Future Shepton Description A fresh approach with Future England Approve Shepton 1 Decisions on party registration applications made in 2018 Type of Application Identity Date of The identity mark applied applies to Registration Further information/ Reason for Applicant name Mark decision for which -
Article the Empire Strikes Back: Brexit, the Irish Peace Process, and The
ARTICLE THE EMPIRE STRIKES BACK: BREXIT, THE IRISH PEACE PROCESS, AND THE LIMITATIONS OF LAW Kieran McEvoy, Anna Bryson, & Amanda Kramer* I. INTRODUCTION ..........................................................610 II. BREXIT, EMPIRE NOSTALGIA, AND THE PEACE PROCESS .......................................................................615 III. ANGLO-IRISH RELATIONS AND THE EUROPEAN UNION ...........................................................................624 IV. THE EU AND THE NORTHERN IRELAND PEACE PROCESS .......................................................................633 V. BREXIT, POLITICAL RELATIONSHIPS AND IDENTITY POLITICS IN NORTHERN IRELAND ....637 VI. BREXIT AND THE “MAINSTREAMING” OF IRISH REUNIFICATION .........................................................643 VII. BREXIT, POLITICAL VIOLENCE AND THE GOVERNANCE OF SECURITY ..................................646 VIII. CONCLUSION: BREXIT AND THE LIMITATIONS OF LAW ...............................................................................657 * The Authors are respectively Professor of Law and Transitional Justice, Senior Lecturer and Lecturer in Law, Queens University Belfast. We would like to acknowledge the comments and advice of a number of colleagues including Colin Harvey, Brian Gormally, Daniel Holder, Rory O’Connell, Gordon Anthony, John Morison, and Chris McCrudden. We would like to thank Alina Utrata, Kevin Hearty, Ashleigh McFeeters, and Órlaith McEvoy for their research assistance. As is detailed below, we would also like to thank the Economic -
Parliamentary Debates (Hansard)
Thursday Volume 669 19 December 2019 No. 3 HOUSE OF COMMONS OFFICIAL REPORT PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES (HANSARD) Thursday 19 December 2019 © Parliamentary Copyright House of Commons 2019 This publication may be reproduced under the terms of the Open Parliament licence, which is published at www.parliament.uk/site-information/copyright/. Chronology of The Parliamentary Debates The Parliamentary History contains all that can be collected of the Legislative History of this country from the Conquest to the close of the XVIIIth Century (1803), 36 vols. The chief sources whence these Debates are derived are the Constitutional History, 24 vols.; Sir Simonds D’Ewes’ Journal; Debates of the Commons in 1620 and 1621; Chandler and Timberland’s Debates, 22 vols.; Grey’s Debates of the Commons, from 1667 to 1694, 10 vols.; Almons Debates, 24 vols.; Debrett’s Debates, 63 vols.; The Hardwicke Papers; Debates in Parliament by Dr. Johnson, &c. &c. THE PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES commenced with the year 1803, and the contents are set forth in the following Chronological Table:— HISTORY (EIGHTH PARLIAMENT) CONQUEST TO 34 GEO. II.—1066 to 1760 Vol. 16 ..........................7 GEO. IV. ...........1826 Vol.1to15.1Will.Ito34Geo.II — 17 ..........................8 — ...........1827 1066-1760 — 18 & 19..................9 — ...........1828 REIGN OF GEO. III.—1760 to 1820 — 20—21 .................10 — ...........1829 Vol. 15 to 35. Geo. III to 40 Geo. III. — 22 to 25 ...............11 — ...........1830 1760—1800 Third Series PARLIAMENTS OF UNITED KINGDOM OF REIGN OF WILLIAM IV. —1830 to 1837 GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND (NINTH PARLIAMENT) (FIRST PARLIAMENT) Vol. 1 to 3.....................1 WILL. IV. .......1830-1 Vol. 35.........................41 GEO. -
Northern Ireland and the EU Referendum
House of Commons Northern Ireland Affairs Committee Northern Ireland and the EU referendum First Report of Session 2016–17 HC 48 House of Commons Northern Ireland Affairs Committee Northern Ireland and the EU referendum First Report of Session 2016–17 Report, together with formal minutes relating to the report Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed 25 May 2016 HC 48 Published on 26 May 2016 by authority of the House of Commons Northern Ireland Affairs Committee The Northern Ireland Affairs Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to examine the expenditure, administration, and policy of the Northern Ireland Office (but excluding individual cases and advice given by the Crown Solicitor); and other matters within the responsibilities of the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland (but excluding the expenditure, administration and policy of the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions, Northern Ireland and the drafting of legislation by the Office of the Legislative Counsel). Current membership Mr Laurence Robertson MP (Conservative, Tewkesbury) (Chair) Tom Blenkinsop MP (Labour, Middlesbrough South and East Cleveland) Oliver Colvile MP (Conservative, Plymouth, Sutton and Devonport) Mr Nigel Evans MP (Conservative, Ribble Valley) Mr Stephen Hepburn MP (Labour, Jarrow) Lady Hermon MP (Independent, North Down) Kate Hoey MP (Labour, Vauxhall) Danny Kinahan MP (Ulster Unionist Party, South Antrim) Jack Lopresti MP (Conservative, Filton and Bradley Stoke) Dr Alasdair McDonnell MP (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South) Nigel Mills MP (Conservative, Amber Valley) Ian Paisley MP (Democratic Unionist Party, North Antrim) Gavin Robinson MP (Democratic Unionist Party, Belfast East) Powers The committee is one of the departmental select committees, the powers of which are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in SO No. -
Brexit: a Social Total Event, a Trump for Socio-Economics
1 BREXIT: A SOCIAL TOTAL EVENT, A TRUMP FOR SOCIO-ECONOMICS Robert BOYER (Institute of the Americas) For more observers, the outcome of the British referendum was a total surprise. It is not necessarily so for the researchers that have been analyzing the transformations of contemporary society during the last two decades. Let us apply to Brexit some of the main results of a whole spectrum of social sciences: sociology of finance, heterodox political science, sociology of globalization, history of European integration, and finally political economy. Illusion of finance and political myopia Until midnight, after the closing of votes, the brokers continued to forecast the victory of the Remain camp, in the light of the bets of individuals ready to risk a (modest) part of their wealth. Clearly this sample was not representative of the whole British society since the retirees and the low skill wage earners were not at all represented. The same criticism applies to quite all the polls before the referendum on Brexit: the so-called experts have been confusing pre-electoral intentions with the effective voting process. But a second error is much more preoccupying: for modern mathematical finance, financial market valuations are the most accurate predictor of future growth, profit, exchange rate and so on. The media were prompt to believe this property as a scientific achievement of modern finance. Brexit has falsified this naïve belief. Basically, a post-Keynesian research suggests, quite convincingly, that stock markets are dramatically unable to deal with radical uncertainty, since they recurrently alternate speculative bubbles, fed by naïve optimism, and bursting out when over pessimist views prevail (Orléan, 1999; 2013; Schiller, 2000). -
Stephen Farry MLA, Deputy Leader & Brexit Spokesperson
Alliance Party Annual Conference – Saturday 2nd March 2019 Speech - Stephen Farry MLA, Deputy Leader & Brexit Spokesperson Conference, we meet at a time of unprecedented crisis. We may not be seeing necessarily large scale violence or confrontation on the streets. But we are witnessing: A gradual and persistent erosion of the pillars of this society. The pulling apart of those things that hold this place together. The deterioration of our public services. The undermining of our economy potential. And the dashing of so many hopes and dreams. With the Good Friday Agreement, and successive periods of devolution, Northern Ireland has had many opportunities to build on those foundations that were laid, to press on and transform this society, and to deliver integration, reconciliation and justice. But instead these opportunities have been squandered: Through the exploitation rather than healing of divisions Through populism and failure to engage in evidence based policy making Through clientism, corruption and cronyism. No political system can survive, let alone flourish, without a basic level of trust and respect between the key actors. Who knows where we would be today if people had kicked on from what was arguably the high water-mark of devolution between 2010 and 2012? But instead, we have had an accelerating deterioration of relationships. The absence of devolved government – for two years. Two whole years. The potential unpicking of what had been successful police reform. The political weaponisation of how we deal with our painful past. And finally, Brexit has taken the situation to an even deeper abyss. Conference, the sobering reality, is, that in this its 21st year, it is difficult to envisage how the Good Friday Agreement could today be made. -
Europe's New Emperor
29 april 2017 [ £4.25 www.spectator.co.uk [ est. 1828 Europe’s new emperor KELVIN MACKENZIE'S DIARY EURO ZONE €6.95 SOUTH AFRICA ZAR79.90 BAHRAIN BD3.20. CANADA C$7.50. UAE AED34.00. USA US$7.20. KEEPING BRITAIN TRADING ABP’s network of 21 ports handle around 100 million tonnes of cargo every year. Our ports connect British businesses to global markets and support 84,000 jobs. Together, our ports generate £5.6 billion for the UK economy. Hull Southampton Port Talbot Goole Teignmouth Garston Immingham Plymouth Fleetwood Grimsby Newport Barrow King’s Lynn *HYKPɈ Silloth Lowestoft Barry Ayr Ipswich Swansea Troon www.abports.co.uk www.abports.co.uk Keep in touch established 1828 Uniting the kingdom hen launching the Scottish England and Scotland. There is far greater it will mean voting Conservative. There are National Party’s election cam- variance in opinion between the south-west others, too, such as the late Charles Kenne- Wpaign, Nicola Sturgeon said the and south-east of England than there is dy’s seat of Ross, Skye and Lochaber, where word ‘Tory’ 20 times in 20 minutes. For between England and Scotland. the Liberal Democrats have the best chance. much of her political lifetime, it has been The Conservatives have performed badly Many will feel an innate resistance to tac- used by the SNP as the dirtiest word in in Scotland over the past generation for the tical voting. There is a respectable argument Scottish politics. Nationalists have long liked same reason as the Liberals have performed that people should always vote for their to portray the Conservatives as the succes- poorly all over Britain since 1945: there is favoured candidate on the basis that even if sors to Edward Longshanks: an occupying not a lot of room in a two-party system for they don’t succeed this time around, a strong army with little affinity for the people they a third party. -
Question D'europe N°322
th th 20 October 2015 BREXIT: What Fair Deal between UK and EU Member States? Thierry CHOPIN INTRODUCTION : Christian LEQUESNE (eds) UK's relationship with the European Union has never been a bed of roses. In 1975, barely two years after joining, Harold Wilson’s Labour government consulted the British population by referendum asking them whether they wanted to remain in the European Community. At that time 67% answered “yes”. For the 42 years of membership, taking part in Europe has, for most British governments, comprised preventing Europe’s institutions from having too much power and negotiating exemptions and derogations to protect national sovereignty. In 2015 this has led to a UK that has managed to escape both from the single currency and the Schengen Agreements on the free movement of people. There are three areas in which the UK has made a strong contribution to the European Union without playing a wild-card: the creation of the internal market, enlargement and defence. The British have always felt comfortable with a European Union defined as a vast market, but much less so with one of political union. Since a market can never exist without regulation the governments in London have accepted however, whether they have liked it or not, for the European Union to regulate trade, financial services and capital. Hence enlargements have often been viewed as positive extensions to the market. Since UK, along with France, are the only ones to have an army that can project itself outside of the European Union, it has been able to make a significant contribution to European Defence without committing strongly to the institutionalisation of a European Defence Policy, which might have competed against NATO. -
1 British Foreign Policy After Brexit
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by St Andrews Research Repository British Foreign Policy after Brexit: Losing Europe and Finding a Role Kai Oppermann (Chemnitz University of Technology) Ryan Beasley (University of St Andrews) Juliet Kaarbo (University of Edinburgh) Abstract British foreign policy stands at a turning point following the 2016 ‘Brexit’ referendum. Drawing on role theory, we trace the UK’s efforts to establish new foreign policy roles as it interacts with concerned international actors. We find that the pro-Brexit desire to ‘take back control’ has not yet translated into a cogent foreign policy direction. In its efforts to avoid adopting the role of isolate, the UK has projected a disoriented foreign policy containing elements of partially incompatible roles such as great power, global trading state, leader of the Commonwealth, regional partner to the EU, and faithful ally to the US. The international community has, through processes of socialization and alter- casting, largely rejected these efforts. These role conflicts between the UK and international actors, as well as conflicts among its different role aspirations, has pressed UK policies towards its unwanted isolationist role, potentially shaping its long-term foreign policy orientation post-Brexit. 1 The 2016 British referendum decision to leave the European Union (EU) represents a major rupture in Britain’s international position.1 Brexit has sparked intense debate about Britain’s place in the world and will require “the largest rewiring of British foreign policy since World War II”.2 Leaving the EU will involve a fundamental shift in British foreign policy but how this re-orientation will play out is uncertain. -
INDEPENDENT SOCIALISTS AFTER the DECEMBER 12TH GENERAL ELECTION from Illusions in a Lexit Brexit to a Disillusioned Lexit from Brexit Politics
INDEPENDENT SOCIALISTS AFTER THE DECEMBER 12TH GENERAL ELECTION From Illusions in a Lexit Brexit to a Disillusioned Lexit from Brexit PolitiCs ______________________ Sunday Telegraph backs Lexit with ‘revolution’ and a ‘people’s Brexit ’ Contents a) The 2015 general election provided a warning b) After 2015 - an increasingly floundering Left c) Northern Ireland – a different pattern d) Reactionary unionism and Europhobic opposition to the EU e) The largest independent Socialist parties walk into the Brexit trap f) The official Remain and Leave campaigns – two wings of the British ruling class g) The Lexiters’ false arguments h) The political options open in the run-up to the 2016 EU referendum i) From 23rd May 2016 to 8th June 2017 – A victory for the Left or the Right? j) ‘Independent’ Socialists and ‘Oh Jeremy Corbyn’! 1 k) Corbyn and the ‘independent’ Socialists unwittingly help Boris Johnson to victory l) Independent socialists after the December 12th general election m) Independent socialists in Scotland and Northern Ireland/Ireland n) Conclusion a) The 2015 general election provided a warning The centrality of constitutional issues in the current political situation has wrong-footed Socialist organisations both in Great Britain (England, Scotland and Wales) and Ireland (the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland). Far happier addressing ‘bread and butter’ issues, the largest independent Socialist organisations, particularly the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) of Great Britain and the Socialist Workers Party (Ireland) - SWP(I), and the Socialist Party of England and Wales – SP(E&W) (with its autonomous section, the Socialist Party of Scotland – SPS) and the Socialist Party (Ireland) - SP(I), have largely left the constitutional nature of the states they operate in to the ruling class, or political representatives of would-be ruling classes. -
Vuelio's Election Briefing, 1November 2019
Vuelio’s Election Briefing, 1 November 2019 Welcome to Vuelio’s weekly Election Briefing. The election campaign will be formally underway on 6th November and in reality has already started. Whilst the polls continue to point to a commanding lead for the Conservative Party of up to 10%, there is still a concern that the election could move onto other policies which are less comfortable for Boris Johnson, and that the election to ‘Get Brexit Done’ as in 2017, might prove again indecisive and lead to an unclear result. As it stands the impact of nearly 60 MPs standing down is unknown, but it does seem likely that this 2019 election will see a noticeable generational change in terms of newly elected MPs. Commentators have suggested the impact of newly elected MPs could be as significant as it was in the 1997 Labour landslide or the formation of the Coalition government in 2010, which followed the MPs expenses crisis of 2009. We look forward to monitoring the campaign as it develops and to covering the manifesto launches, key speeches, polling and individual seat predictions. What do we know? • The General Election has been confirmed for Thursday 12 December. MPs voted in favour of the Early Parliamentary General Election Bill by 438 to 20. The Bill received its Royal Assent. • Parliament will dissolve in the early hours of Wednesday 6 November. • There will be a short campaign period of 5 weeks. • The deadline for candidate nomination papers to be submitted is Thursday 14 November. • The deadline to register to vote in the election is Tuesday 26 November. -
Work of the Police and Crime Committee in 2019-20
Work of the Police and Crime Committee in 2019-20 September 2020 Holding the Mayor to account and investigating issues that matter to Londoners 1 The London Assembly The London Assembly is a crucial check on the powers of the Mayor of London. As the most powerful directly-elected politician in the UK, it is important the Mayor is held publicly and democratically accountable. The Assembly examines the decisions and actions of the Mayor to ensure promises to Londoners are delivered and the money he spends, collected from Londoners, is wisely spent. The 25 London Assembly Members are elected every four years at the same time as the Mayor of London. The Assembly holds the Mayor and Mayoral advisers to account by publicly examining policies and programmes. In addition, the Assembly questions the Mayor ten times a year at Mayor’s Question Time. Assembly meetings are open to the public, so Londoners can stay informed about the activities of the Mayor and the Assembly can publicly review their performance. As well as examining the Mayor’s actions and decisions, Assembly Members act as champions for Londoners by investigating issues that are important to the capital. The Assembly can advance or press for changes to mayoral or national policy. 2 The Police and Crime Committee The London Assembly Police and Crime Committee is a cross-party body. In 2019-20 it was chaired by Labour Assembly Member Unmesh Desai. We examine the work of the Mayor and his Office for Policing and Crime (MOPAC), to make sure that he is delivering on the promises made to Londoners in his Police and Crime Plan.