University of Education, Winneba

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UNIVERSITY OF EDUCATION, WINNEBA

STYLE AND LITERARY DEVICES IN DANGME KLAMA SONGS

ELIAS NOMO TETTEH

SEPTEMBER, 2016 University of Education Winneba http://ir.uew.edu.gh

UNIVERSITY OF EDUCATION, WINNEBA

STYLE AND LITERARY DEVICES IN DANGME KLAMA SONGS

ELIAS NOMO TETTEH

A Thesis in the Department of Ga- Dangme, Faculty of Ghanaian Languages, submitted to the School of Graduate Studies, University of Education, Winneba in

partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the Master of Philosophy

(Ghanaian Language Studies- Dangme) degree.

SEPTEMBER, 2016

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DECLARATION

STUDENT’S DECLARATION

I, ELIAS NOMO TETTEH, declare that this thesis, with the exception of quotations and references contained in published works which have all been identified and duly acknowledged, is entirely my own original work, and it has not been submitted, either in part or whole, for another degree elsewhere.

SIGNATURE: …………………………………………….

DATE: …………………………………………………….

SUPERVISOR’S DECLARATION

I hereby declare that the preparation and presentation of this work was supervised in accordance with the guidelines for the supervision of Thesis as laid down by the

University of Education, Winneba.

NAME OF SUPERVISOR: …DR. J. A. N. SAANCHI

SIGNATURE: …………………………………………………

DATE: …………………………………………………………

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I am profoundly grateful to Dr. J. A. N. Saanchi, Head of the Linguistics

Department of University of Ghana, for being my supervisor in this work. I am greatly indebted to him for making time out of his heavy schedule to correct my mistakes and making suggestions on this work.

My profound gratitude and sincere appreciation goes to all the lecturers at the

Faculty of Ghanaian Languages, University of Education, Ajumako campus, for their hardworking and dedication to work which enable me achieve this feat.

I would also like to express my thanks to my dear wife, Esther Dansowa

Okanta and my children whose never-failing support and cooperation made it possible for me to complete my course.

My sincere thanks also go to my year mates at the M.Phil. level for the diverse ways by which they also helped me during my course, especially Miss Rosemary

Tamakloe, Miss Cecilia Ofosua Odame, Messrs Gabriel Agbemehia, Gordon Bayor and Robert Bonsu.

I cannot complete the list without mentioning Nɛnɛ Dadebom Anim II, chief of

Salom, Ada, for the assistance he gave me. Nɛnɛ, May God richly bless you.

Finally, I wish to thank all and sundry who contributed knowingly or unknowingly to the success of this work.

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DEDICATION

I dedicate this work to my wife and my family and to all the descendants of

Nɛnɛ Kwadjo Nomo, alias Amanortser Scholar.

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TABLE OF CONTENT

CONTENT PAGE

Declaration ii

Acknowledgement iii

Dedication iv

Table of content v

Abstract

CHAPTER ONE 1

INTRODUCTION 1

1.1 Background to the Study 1

1.1.1.The Klama Dance and Songs 2

1.1.2. Origin and Position of the Dangme People 4

1.2 Statement of the Problem 9

1.3 Purpose of the Study 10

1.4 Significance of the Study 10

1.5 Objectives of the Study 10

1.6 Research Questions 11

1.7 Delimitation 11

1.8 Limitation 11

1.9 Organisation of the Study 12

CHAPTER TWO 13

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE 13

2.0 Introduction 13

2.1 Definition of Song 13

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2.2 Origin of Song 14

2.3 Why music Began 17

2.4 Music and Language 18

2.5 Music and Man 19

2.6 Western songs 21

2.7 African songs 22

2.8 Music in Ghana 23

2.9 Importance of music 25

2.10 Demerits of songs 29

2.11 What is style? 29

CHAPTER THREE 33

METHODOLOGY 33

3.0 Introduction 33

3.1 Research Methodology 33

3.2 Research Design 34

3.3 Population 36

3.4 Sampling 36

3.5 Data Collection Procedures 38

3.6 Data Analysis Procedures 41

CHAPTER FOUR 43

DISCUSSION, ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS 43

4,0 Introduction 43

4.1 Analysis of the Songs 43

4.2 Themes 85

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CHAPTER FIVE 90

SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSION AND

RECCOMMENDATIONS 90

5.1 Summary 90

5.2 Findings 92

5.3 Conclusion 94

5.4 Recommendation 95

REFERENCES 96

APPENDIX 98

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ABSTRACT

The work aims at a qualitative study of Dangme klama songs. The study looked at the style, literary devices, meanings and moral lessons the songs convey to its audience. The study reveals that the songs have many literary devices such as metaphors, parallelisms, repetition and so on. It was found out that there are a lot of respectable literature worthy of consideration that cannot be pushed or glossed over. In translating the songs from Dangme into English, a conscious effort has been made in order to maintain the actual meanings of the songs. In so doing, the richness of the language of the song text has been maintained. The study has also revealed various and varied embedded messages in the songs that point or at least make reference to the history, religion, culture as well as the harmonies and tensions within the society from which these songs were drawn. Some of the song texts were found to contain words whose meanings are not intelligible. However, the meanings of the words are implied to make the songs meaningful. Finally, klama songs serves as check and balance on the behaviour and general lives of its singers.

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CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1. 1 Background to the Study

Man is ontologically an expressive being, and both actions and reactions consequently permeate our mode of life and living. The song mode is one of the many ways through which our supressed emotions are released. Music and dance, and for that matter song, like language, is an indispensable element in human life. It is a basic characteristic of the human species. The two stem from the need for human beings to communicate. Music therefore plays a social role similar to that of language.

Sanortey (2012) says songs are very important form of communication.

Through them one would be able to identify some important people and the legacy they leave behind in society as well as why and how certain things are done among some group of people. Citing Geraldo (2001:22), he states that the art is simply the communication of emotions and that sentiments experienced a thousand years before us could still affect us today because of the way they are evoked. Through the aesthetic values of song, one is able to link the past and the present and identifies where he or she belongs to. This is common with places of origin or origin of settlement, clans and traditional occupations. Song also serves as a source of entertainment. It also sometimes teaches moral. Song can be used to admonish bad behaviour and make people to be patriotic. Again song is also used to encourage good behaviour.

In Ghana in general and among the Dangme in particular, music is one of the main connections between men and their God and serves as their constant companion.

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There are songs that tell stories, explain mysteries and express feeling and insights.

There are songs that pay tribute to or request the help of the gods and goddesses of rivers, the wind, the rain, the thunder, the sky and all the other objects of the universe.

There are songs to accompany the things one does from birth to death; songs older men sing to adolescent boys in preparation into manhood, songs of courtship, wedding songs, songs of fetish priests, warrior songs, children songs, lullabies, songs to guide the spirits of the dead to the world beyond this one. There are songs also that go with the movement of works; sowing songs, grinding songs, hunting songs, fishing songs and others.

Music or singing is therefore a social and religious activity which should not be ignored in society. Klama songs, the main topic for this essay is no exception. It plays a major role in the lives of our elders who saw the need to embrace and preserve the songs.

1.1.1 The Klama Dance and Songs

Huber (1963) says klama is the traditional play of all Adangme tribes and a great number of its texts refer to god and medicine. Puplampu (1953) says Klama is the great repertoire of songs and poems in which Dangme history, proverbs, wise saying, medicine, tradition and romance are preserved. It is in the Klama songs that we find the basic language from which all forms of modern Dangme have developed. It has the same character and is cherished with the same fondness in all Dangme land. At all the dipo puberty rites, feasts, stool festivals and seasonal gathering of the priest of the great national deities, enthusiastic drumming and singing of klama ren ds the air from the evening till the small hours of the morning and often till dawn and later. It

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must have something in it to have been able to survive throughout the years of

Dangme history.

Klama is by far the most important and oldest dance among the Dangme. Its origin is not known unlike other dances like Kpatsa, Ohuεsabe, Obonu, Lolo and many others. It is believed to be the dance the Dangme used in worshipping and to entertain themselves after the day’s hard work before and during their stay at Samε, their place of abode in Nigeria around the eleventh century (Nomo Ozigi) (PC)

This type of Dangme which is found in klama songs is very difficult to understand by the youth of today. Klama is both a religious and social dance. It is highly enjoyable when master drummers (oklebeduhi), eloquent singers (latekuɔhi) and skillful dancers (doli) are involved. Its songs are pregnant with proverbs, idioms, parables, metaphors, aphorisms, allegory and also full of love. The songs teach morals as well as praise and admonish behaviour.

Klama dance is performed mostly during puberty rites ceremonies for girls

(dipo sεmi) and circumcision for boys (sule nya pomi), initiation into priesthood and priestess hood (wɔnɔ kε wɔyo tomi) outdooring and naming of a baby (bi kpojemi kε biε womi), funeral (ya peemi) (at times) and for entertainment.

The dance is performed by both men and women. Its instrumental equipment consists of two short drums (otslεma), one narrow long drum (glε), a gong (gɔgɔ), and small bamboo clappers (maa). The drums, on one side, are mostly covered with the skin of Maxwell’s brown duiker (afugbε womi) or any durable animal skin. The glε is beaten with small sticks, from (the sutsue or sotsohiɔ tree) tied up like a miniature bow.

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There are various forms of the klama dance. These are the Ha, Haye, Tingme,

Tεgblε, Hangme, Ohikpɔ and Luo. The klama dance goes in a slow motion in dipo ceremonies. In short steps, the dipo girl gracefully and discretely moves forward, turns to the right and to the left, moves forward and backwards or more lively during out celebrations. Both actions excel in aesthetically graceful movements of the arms and feet. At the beginning and whenever the play is getting dull, one of the leaders tries to animate the singers by strutting up and down in front of the audience or group and simultaneously clapping his or her maa to the rhythm of the drums.

1.1.2 Origin and Position of the Dangme People

The Dangme were believed to have entered Ghana through the east. They traced their origin from Israel, Abyssinia (Ethiopia) through Ile Ife (Samε) in Nigeria and Huatsi in Dahomey. Fage (1966) says the Ga-Adangme and Ewe tradition conform to an observable cultural and linguistic pattern, namely that the Kwa- speaking peoples, are distributed about a lateral axis parallel to the coast. They would seem also to suggest that the prime centre of dispersion of this culture is the east, among the Yoruba and the Edo, the people who produced the world’s famous Ife and

Benin brass castings. Thus the line of immigration of the Ga-Adangme group ran through Huatsi in Dahomey from Samε (Ile Ife) in Nigeria.

Buah (1967:105-106) also wrote about the Ga-Adangme people thus; “the Ga-

Adangme, who occupy the Accra and the Ada areas trace their origin from the east. It is believed that they migrated from the country of Ile Ife in modern Nigeria towards the close of the fifteenth century”.

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The above records of Fage (1966) and Buah (1967) agree with the oral history of the Dangme that they came from Samε, a land lying between two rivers, the

Kpwɔla, (which the Hausa people of Nigeria call Kwora) and Efa. According to oral history, the Dangme left Samε because some groups of people were forcing them to accept their religion against their will.

The Dangme presently in Ghana occupy the south eastern part; that is the

Greater Accra and part of the Eastern region. They have seven main divisions or groupings. They are the Shai (Sε li), the Krobo (Klo li), the Osudoku (Osu li) the Ada

(Adaa li), the Ningo (Nugo li) the Gbugblaa (Gbugblaa li) and the Kpom (Kpomi li).

The people of Kpom or Kpom li are now forcing to be part of the Ga people due to their closeness to Tema.

According to Puplampu (1953), before the Dangme people crossed the Volta river to their present locations, they settled at a place called Huatsi for a very long time and later at Lorlorvor before their dispersion. Apart from the actual Dangme speaking areas, Dangme speakers are found in large numbers in other regions in Ghana. For example, Agotime-Kpetoe, Agortsom and some towns in the Adaklu Anyigba district of the Volta region. Though thse people speak Dangme, they have shifted to the use of

Eve as their first language and the language of study in the basic schools. They can be found in other regions of Ghana in large numbers as farmers especially Central,

Western and Ashanti as farmers or smaller numbers as salary workers. There are some

Dangme speaking communities found in Esse Zogbedji, in the Cercle du Tsevie, Togo.

The Dangme land, as described by Puplampu (1953) indicates that the Volta

River forms the eastern boundary. Starting from Azizanya, where the Volta River

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enters the Atlantic Ocean, about eighty killometres west wards along the coast is

Kpomi. Between Kpomi and Tema lies the Chemu lagoon. This lagoon and the gullies that lead into it form the boundary along the coast between Dangme and Ga lands. The boundary goes northwards to the Akwapim hills. Bawaleshi, some five killometres southwest of Dodowa is the last Dangme town nearest to both Akwapim and the Ga boundaries. From a point north of Bawaleshi, Dangme land is bounded on the north by a line running along the southern most ridges and slopes of the Akwapim hills eastwards as far as the Akorle stream. At the stream, the boundary turns northwards and follows the stream into the valleys between the mountains, passing a few miles east of Koforidua far into the Akim forest. Then it turns eastward again along the

Akrum and Afram rivers to Aframso at the mouth of the Pɔmpɔm, where it enters the

Afram and the southwards to a point a few miles west of the Volta at Ajina. It then continues southwards along the Volta river to Aveyime. There it turns slightly inland along a line of fresh water lagoons to the Angor creek leaving the Eve speakers of the

Tongu Confederation between it and the Volta. From the Angor to the sea, the boundary line again runs along the Volta, so that all the large islands in the Volta delta are on the Dangme side. As the Volta river enters the sea at Azizanya, it forms the boundary between Dangme land and the Eve land.

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1.1.3 The Dangme Language

The Dangme language belongs to the Kwa group of languages of the Niger-

Congo family. The name kwa has been used for the languages spoken in the belt of about 322 killometres average south north from the West African coast and stretching from the area of Liberia through Ivory Coast, Ghana, Togo, Benin to the eastern end of the Niger delta in Nigeria (Annan 1986). Dakubu (1987) in Caesar (2013), indicates that the sub-category of the Kwa group known as Central Togo Languages includes such languages as Ga-Dangme, Ewe, Siya (Avatime), Buem (Lefana, Lelemi) and

Siwu (Akpafu, Lolobi).

Dangme is a combination of seven dialects which incidentally coincide with traditional political divisions. These are Shai (Sε gbi), Krobo (Klo gbi), Ada (Adaa gbi), Osu (Osu gbi), Ningo (Nugo gbi), Gbugblaa (Gbugblaa gbi) and Kpomi (Kpomi gbi).

Phonology: Dangme has thirty sounds or phonemes. There are seven vowels sounds -/ a, e, ε, i, o, ᴐ, u / which can be nasalized except /o /and /e/. It has twenty- three consonants and peculiar among them are the labia-velar plosives /kp/ and /gb/, the palatal affricate /ʧ / and /ʤ/, the velar nasal /ŋ/, the palatal nasal /ɲ/; the /r/ does not exist except in borrowed words (Huber 1963).

Tonal system: There are three tone levels; low, mid and high. The tones perform grammatical and lexical functions.

For example; lexical function: má = dough; mā = a type of fish; mà = town

Grammatical function; À do (They danced). Á do (They should dance)

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Verbal roots: They are mainly mono-syllabic, the consonant preceding the vowel. Triplication of roots expresses special stress in adjectives and adverbs. For example; gaga (long); gagaaga (very long)

There are no nominal classes, but there are peculiar suffixes for derived nouns as ‘lɔ’ for the actor noun, ‘no’ for membership and ‘mi’ for the action or verbal noun

(the gerund).

Examples are:

Actor noun= tsɔɔ (teach) – tsɔɔlɔ (teacher); hε (to fish) hεlɔ (fisherman),

Membership = weku (family) weku no (member of the family), we (house), we no (member of the house)

Verbal noun = bεε (sweep) bεεmi (sweeping), nyεε (walk) nyεεmi (walking)

Plurals are formed by adding suffixes and changing the word form.Eg.tso

(tree)- tsohi (trees), sε (seat)- sεhi (seats), nɔmlɔ (person) nimli (persons) yoyo (lady) yiwi (ladies).

There is no grammatical gender

Tenses of verbs are expressed by auxiliary verbs and tone. Eg. E ba (He came),

É ba. (He should come), E bàá, (He comes) E maa ba. (He will come)

There is no passive voice in Dangme.

The adjective follows the noun, but the possessive precedes it.

The ordinary word order in a simple sentence is; subject- verb – object.

Dangme shares with Ga largely the same roots. It contains words from

the Akan and Eve languages, but can otherwise not be regarded as lexically

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related with those two neighbouring groups (Huber1963). It also loaned words

from the English language.

1. 2 Statement of the problem

Song, as an element of oral literature, preserves the language of a group of people. It contains the beliefs and traditions of a group of people. Klama songs therefore are not exception of the above. Huber (1963) says klama is a collection of historical and proverbial songs to which attaches a particular set of drums and a rather pleasant form of dancing. In spite of the importance of klama, much is not known about it and it is even perceived as a dance for idol worshipers hence the youth of today shun it.

Though attempts have been made to bring its value known to the youth, it is not enough so it is not yielding the expected result which calls for more work to be done on it. For instance, Accam (1972) wrote down some proverbs in klama songs. Huber

(1963) writing on the culture of the Krobo, wrote down some of the songs and dealt a little on their cultural aspect only. Though Aborchie (2013) wrote on literary devices, his work was on kpatsa songs. Those who wrote something direct on the topic are

Odorkorteila (2014), Adaa Klama La kε Asilε Suhi nε a Hεε, (Ada klama songs and their poetic characteristics) a long essay for the award of a first degree, University of

Education, and Francis Teye (Klama Kaa Dangme Gbi Si Tolɔ) for the award of

Diploma, School of Ghana Languages, Ajumako. Though he wrote on the literary devices, he only identified the devices in the songs but did not discuss the devices in detail. The difference between the earlier works and mine will be that I will discuss the

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style, characteristics, the literary devices, message, moral lesson and the history behind a particular song in detail. As the songs of klama teach history, teach medicine, mend broken hearts, promote unity and love, encourage good behaviour and frown on bad ones, klama should be preserved and made known to society.

1.3 Purpose of the study

The research seeks to explore the literary devices in the klama songs and the meanings they convey to the audience. It will also look at the style used in the songs and help to educate the youth on the need to embrace the klama dance and its songs. It will unearth the cultural values, the communication skills and help to revitalize the klama dance through the songs.

1. 4 Significance of the study

The study will help the youth to understand and appreciate the songs in the klama dance in general. There is little literature on literary devices on songs in particular and the Dangme language in general so this will add to the few existing ones. In addition, it will serve as a resource material to both students and teachers.

1. 5 Objectives of the study

The objective of this research work is to:

Find out the style used in the klama songs.

Explore the literary devices used in the songs.

Discuss the messages the songs carry to the audience.

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1.6 Research Questions

The research work will be guided by the following questions:

1. What is the style employed in the klama songs?

2. What literary devices are used in the klama songs?

3. What meanings and moral lessons do the devices and the songs convey to

the audience?

1.7 Delimitation

There are seven main divisions of Dangme; the Krobo, Ada, Shai, Osu, Nungo,

Gbugblaa and Kpomi. The research work is carried out in the Shai land in Agomeda and Kordiabe only because the klama dance is the same throughout the Dangme land.

As Puplampu (1953: 24) puts it, ‘it has the same character and is cherished with the same fondness in all Adangme land’.

1.8 Limitation

A major problem faced during the research work is meeting the elders on the agreed day. On many occasions the elders may not be available for the interview with the reason that they have to attend emergency calls or have got important visitors as such the interview has to be postponed or rescheduled. Another problem encountered in the transcribing of the songs into English. Careful and judicious work had to be done because if care is not taken, the beauty and the actual meaning of the song may be lost.

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1. 9 Organisation of the research work

The work is organised in five chapters. The chapter one contains the introduction to the research work, statement of the problem, purpose of the problem and research questions. The chapter two carries the review of related literature on the topic. In chapter three can be found the methodology. The methodology takes care of data collection procedures, population and research design. The Chapter Four deals with data analysis, analysis procedures and findings. The Chapter Five contains the summary and conclusion of the research work.

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CHAPTER TWO

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

2. 0 Introduction

Music making, and for that matter, singing is one of the activities Ghanaians love to do. It forms one of the basic elements in the fabric of Ghanaian society and is performed all the time. This chapter reveals the related studies on klama songs regarding style, and literary devices in order to establish the gap yet to be filled. The chapter focuses on klama songs that constitute the topic and the various theories that contributed to the development of present studies, thus, the study discusses what authorities and authors have said about song or music in terms of definition, origin, the relationship between music and man, importance and demerits of music. It will also look at what style and literary devices are.

2.1 Definition of song

Palmer (1965) defines music as “the art of combining sounds or tones for reproduction by voice or by various kinds of mucical instruments in rhythmical, melodic and harmonic form so as to effect emotions.”,

Song is a music usually sung by a solo voice. It may be performed with or without accompaniment. Songs are the oldest form of music and have been found in all cultures. Tracing the history of songs, Millbower (2000), says the earliest surviving songs are Latin pieces dating from the 1000s. These songs were traditional folk songs with mono-phonic style – that is a style with only one part. It further went on to say

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that between the 1100s and the 1400s, poets and singers called minnesingers and master singers in Germany and troubadours and traversers in France composed works called art songs. Their songs glorified romantic love and heroic deeds. Again, he says that in the 1400s, composers began writing polyphonic songs – works with two or more parts. About 1650, many French and German composers returned to the monophonic style. The song reached perhaps its highest level of development in lieder, which were arts songs written by German composers during the late 1700 and

1800s. The leading composer of lieder was Franz Schubert. Other important composers included Johannes Brahms, Robert Schumann and Hugo Wolf. During the

1900s, many American songwriters have composed minor masterpieces for the stage films, and recordings. The most important of these songwriters include Irving Berlin,

George Gershwin, Jerome Kerry, Cole Porter and Richard Rodgers.

Music as a sound arranged into pleasing or interesting patterns. It forms an important part of many cultures and social activities. It forms an important part in social activities. It is used to express feelings, ideas, to entertain and for relaxations.

It could be deduced from the definitions of song and music above that each can stand in for the other. Due to this, I will use song and music interchangeably in this thesis.

2. 2 Origin of Song

Music, as said earlier on, is one of the oldest arts. People probably started to sing as soon as language developed. It has been argued that hunting tools stricken together may have been the first musical instruments. It continued that by 10,000 B.C.,

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people had discovered how to make flutes out of hollow bones and that many ancient people including the Egyptians, Chinese and the Babylonians used music in court and religious ceremonies. It again says the first written music dates about 2500 BC.

Wellesz (1959) tracing the origin of song says it is difficult to say anything definite about the origin of music because the phenomenon is quite outside the domain of observation. Darwin (1859) in Millbower (2000) attributed song to the imitation of sound of animal cries in the mating season. Millbower further went on to say that

Rousseau, Herder and Spencer argued that speaking with raised voice was the beginning of song: a kind of “speech song” or chant- like recitative is indeed to be found in many primitive cultures. To Father W. Schmidt and Carl Stumpf and

Millbower, music arose like speech, from the need to give signals by sound. A loud cry led to lingering on a note of definite pitch. With this basic idea, Stumpf linked his theory of consonance; if the cry was uttered simultaneously by men and women so that it sounded in two different pitches at once, di-tones result preference.

History does suggest that music has always had a spiritual connection.

Millbower (2000) says the word music is derived from the Greek word “mousikos”, meaning “of the muses” (the Greek goddesses who inspired poets, painters, musicians and so forth). It is believed that both the Iliad and Odyssey feature songs, dirges and hymns of praise to Apollo. To him, no one knows who created the first music. Tracing the origin of song, he quoted this from Blackings (1987), “There is evidence that early human species were able to dance and sing several hundred thousand years before homo-sapiens emerged with the capacity for speech as we now know it”. He said the earliest record came from forty or so remains of Greek music. Written accounts bas-

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reliefs, mosaics, paintings and sculptures suggest that music was essential to Roman military life, theatre, religion and ritual. He continued to say that the oldest written popular songs are Latin songs from the eleventh and twelfth centuries B.C. which revolve around three themes which remain popular up to these days namely; wine, women and satire. He opines that music or song might have come due to the need of man to communicate to God or gods; singing for healing, good fortune and thanksgiving. For instance, the Greeks see music as having a divine origin being invented by their gods and that music can heal, purify and work miracles and that it penetrates the soul. In India, ragas are perceived to express certain moods or emotions; some are believed to personify gods and some are perceived as having power. In

African religions, sound is seen to be of the primary means by which deities and humans imposed order on the universe. In West Africa, drummers play crucial role in possession-trance ceremonies. A competent drummer must know of specific rhythms for particular gods and is responsible for regulating the flow of supernatural power in ritual contexts. Early Christians believed the importance of music lay in its ability to inspire good and evil. Christian church leaders feared the evil power of music so much that they contemplated banning all music to suppress Roman pagan ritual traditions.

Fortunately, the inspiration music provided was too powerful. The idea was abandoned so as not to lose all music.

Millbower (2000: 13) quoting Blackings (1987), says no one knows who created the first music. Tracing the origin of music, he wrote, “There is evidence that early human species were able to dance and sing several hundred thousand years before homo-sapiens emerged with the capacity for speech as we now know it”. He

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continued to say that the earliest record came from forty or so pieces Greek music.

Written accounts, bas-reliefs, mosaics paintings and sculpture suggest that music was essential to the Roman military life, theatre, religion and rituals. He further stated that the oldest written popular songs are Latin songs from the eleventh and twelfth centuries BC which were around three areas namely wine, women and satire. He opines that song or music might have come as a result of man’s need to communicate to God or gods, singing for healing, for good fortune and thanksgiving. For instance, the Greeks view music as having a divine origin being invented by the gods; and that music can heal, purify and work miracles as such, it penetrates the soul. Expression of emotions and moods by ragas is perceived by Indians. They see song as personification of gods and some as having power. Sound is seen to be the main means by which deities and humans impose order on the universe.

2. 3 Why Music Began

Millbower (2000), propounded some theories to suggest that those things might have caused the beginning of music. In the first place, he is of the opinion that music started as a way of joining together to share values and beliefs. He said American-

Indians, Asians and African societies believe that music reflects celestial harmonies and that by making music a group can increase the harmony between a community and the universe.

Secondly, he said music started as a way of attracting a mate. He proposed this idea based on Dr. Merker’s research in 1999 which he studied chimpanzee behaviour and discovered that the chimps sing to attract mates. Music also began as a means of

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love, not sex, due to inspiration of music. Finally, to him, music began as a way of communicating between adults and infants. If parents sing or babble to their babies who cannot talk and understand language, amazingly, the babies respond and you instantly do more of what the baby responds to and less to what it ignores.

2. 4 Music and Language

Language is a method of communication, either spoken or written, consisting of use of words in a structured and convectional way. It is also a human system of communication that uses arbitrary signals such as voice sounds, gestures or written symbols.

The importance of language is essential to every aspect and interaction in our everyday lives. We use language to inform the people around us of what we feel and what we desire and ask questions to understand the world around us. We communicate effectively with our words, gestures and tone of voice in a multitude of situations. In light of the above, language should be proper or correctly spoken or written.

Music is, in one way or the other, similar to language. It communicates ideas and moods. Rumery (1992) comparing language and music says the impact music has on us results from a message carried by a musical composition and the way it is performed. The message of music is clear whenever the listener experiences changing moods or becomes aware of the unfolding and changing patterns in the music. The composer and the performer communicate ideas, moods and images through the vehicle of a musical composition. Music communicates ideas and moods in a manner similar to language process. For example, in an ordinary conversation, a speaker

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encodes a message in spoken words. The listener decodes the words and receives the message. The listener provides the speaker with feedback in the form of spoken reply, gestures, facial expressions and posture. In music, the process operates on a different channel and involves more steps. The channel of communication uses sound other than words (although vocal music has a verbal dimension to it). In musical communication, a composer encodes a message using different kinds of musical patterns and effects, then translates aural code into a graphic code (score and parts). The performer decodes the score then decodes the aural message the score implies. The performer indicates understanding of the composer’s message through interpretation of the original message. Musical notation is used extensively to communicate ideas about musical message. This notation is not of itself, the essence of idea. Notation is simply a means of representing in a musical score so that these ideas can be retrieved at a later time.

The actual musical message is encoded in sounds that are represented by musical notation. In music, just as in language, a message can be delivered without notation or the writing of word. Writing is a way to represent spoken ideas in graphic form. In language, words may have to be written in order to preserve a large and complex structure like a play or long poem. The full impact of the message is not available until a reader imagines the lines as interpreted spoken words, hears them or actually says the lines aloud. This is very similar to musical communication.

2. 5 Music and Man

Music is woven into the fabrics of our lives. It can be heard in our homes, on televisions, on the movies, in cars, at the stores, at workplaces, in the offices and in the

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nightclubs. People everywhere work, drive, eat, sleep, dream and make love to music.

Music is our friend and confidant.

The relationship between man and music was described by the musicologist

Richard Norton as there is no form of popular music in the modern industrial world that exists outside the province of mass tonal consciousness. It is the tonality of the church, school, office, parade, convention, cafeteria, workplace, airport, airplane, automobile, truck, tractor, bar, gym, bank, and elevators. Afraid of being without it while on foot, humans are presently strapping it to their bodies in order to walk to it, run to it and relax to it. It is everywhere. Anibius (1996) in Millbower (2000), says music is so naturally united with us that we cannot be free from it even if we so desire.

The German philosopher, Friedrich Nietzche, described the relationship between man and music as one of seduction.

Frith (1987) seeing how closely music is to man also said because of its qualities of abstractness music is an individualizing form. We absorb songs into our lives and rhythm into our bodies; they have looseness of reference that makes them immediately accessible. To buttress the fact that the relationship between man and music is very intimate, there was a report from Dimension of critical Care Nursing that patients in the intensive care unit who listen to music have a reduction in their blood pressure and score high on emotional wellness test. This was a finding by Updike P. on patients in critical care in 1990.

Again, according to Millbower, Miluk-Kolasa, Obminski, Stupnicki and Golec in 1994 measured the cortisol level in patients who will undergo surgery the following

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day. They found out that patients who listened to music had a reduced level of anxiety the next day. Another study of music is that of a team headed by Escher in 1998 on patients undergoing gastroscopy. They found out that those patients who listened to music of their choice exhibited lower levels of stress in hormone. The Muzak

Cooperation reported that sales to shoppers below twenty-five years increased by

51percent, that of twenty-six to fifty years rose by 11 percent and those over fifty years also increased by 26 percent when music was present at the shop.

John Cage also says “music is edifying, for from time to time it sets the soul in operation”. William Cougreve also has this to say on the power of music, ’Music has charms to soothe a savage beast, to soften rocks or bend a knotted oak’. An MTN message for people to subscribe to caller tunes has this to say about the need for music, ‘Music is the wine of silence’.

The above quotations indicate that man and music cannot be separated.

2. 6 Western Songs

Western music has been divided into various types according to Millbower quoting Grout, and Palisca (1996), from their book A History of Western Music, 5th edition. They classified the music under the headings, dates and the type of music:

1. Medieval music (pre-1450). This type of music is Gregorian chants – sacred

music, vocals with no instruments.

2. Renaissance music (1450-1600): This type of music is more secular,

counterpoint, complex harmonies and chansons.

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3. Baroque music (1600-1750) Music of intense passion and rigid uniformity.

4. Classical music (1750-1820) elegant, flexible, melodic, balanced, expressing

multitude emotions.

5. Early Romantic music (1820-1860) intense and personal, sweeping

melodies, dynamic contrasts, extended forms, return to the dreamlike feel of

the baroque period.

6. Late Romantic (1860-1900) this kind of music is bolder, bigger, louder and

adventurous.

7. Twentieth Century music (1900-2000) this type of music is new chromatic

scales, tonalities, mediums; Debussy impressionism, Gershwin jazz, Bartok

dissonance Babbitt experimentation, Glass minimalism, Schoenberg anti-

tonalities.

Other types of Western music are Sound track, Popular music, Jazz and Blues music and New Age music.

2.7 African Songs

In most African songs, the singers are divided into groups. The first group is usually made up of one person known as cantor, while the rest of the singers form the second group known as chorus. The cantor leads the singing whilst the chorus sings after him or her. What the cantor sings is referred to as the call whilst the part the chorus sings is known as the response. Call and response structure takes various forms.

In one form, the chorus repeats exactly what the cantor sings. In another form the chorus sings a type of refrain to what the cantor sings.

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Klama songs, which are meant for group singing, are no exception. The dominant structure is the call and response format. There is a lead singer or cantor who does the solo part while the rest of the singers pick up the response or chorus. The solo or the call, by itself usually sounds incomplete and creates some kind of suspense, rather like question awaiting an answer. In effect, the solo calls and the chorus respond. However, within this basic antiphonal character, exist other variations.

Perhaps the simplest form of the song can be illustrated with the following:

1. Call

2. Response

2. 8 Music in Ghana

Music in Ghana has been grouped into three categories (Amuah, Adum-Attah and Arthur (2006). These are Occasional, Recreation and Accidental.

Occasional music, according to them, includes music played during birth rites, naming ceremonies, puberty rites, marriage ceremonies and funerals. Also music played during enstoolment and enskinment and destoolment/ deskinment ceremonies, ceremonies of social groups and organisations and state functions. The last of music under this heading is religious music. This is music provided for worship by Christians and other objects of worship like the Akɔm music for the worship of the god Akonodi of the Larteh and the Yeve music of the Eve for the worship of a god.

Incidental Music: This type of music, according to them, includes musical types associated with activities which are non-ritual or non ceremonial nature. In

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general, this type of music is performed in the context of activities to which it does not form an integral part. It includes the following:

a) Work songs – songs associated with different types of occupations like

fishing, farming, sawing, etc.

b) Musical types- songs associated with the performance of household

chores like pounding, grinding, cradle songs or lullabies.

c) Musical types performed in connection with games by grownups and

children.

d) Music performed during story telling sessions when the songs do not

form integral parts of the stories.

Recreational Music- This category of music includes non-ritual and non- recreational musical types. All music that is performed for entertainment and relaxation fall under this category.

Again, Amuah, et al (2006), say music in Ghana can also be grouped under

Traditional, Art and Popular music. Under traditional music, they say it includes all music made up of all musical types that are closely linked to traditional Ghanaian social and political institutions. Political institutions such as chieftaincy have special music which occupies a very important place at royal courts. There is special music performed during enstoolment / enskinment and distoolment / diskinment. Some social institutions have their own special music which is performed in activities connected with these institutions.

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Art music refers to music which has been notated and performed to be listened to. Because these songs have been notated, they are performed in the same way always whenever they are performed. Examples of this type of music are hymns and anthems.

Popular music is connected with dancing. There are two types of this category namely those in the folk tradition and those in the contemporary idioms. Those in the folk type are Klama, Kolomashie, Kpalongo, Bɔbɔɔbɔ, Adowa, among others. The other groups are Highlife, Reggae, Funk, Hiplife and so on.

2. 9 Importance of Music

Song or music plays an essential role in the lives of mankind. In Ghanaian societies, no occasion is complete without the use of music. Music permeates the cultural life of the individual and community. In Ghana, most of the music that is performed is associated with dance. Owing to the extensive use of music, various musical groups are formed by people who come together as amateur or professional musicians to perform music to entertain, encourage and educate themselves and others.

Amuah, et al (2006) outlined various uses or importance of music and dance in

Ghana. Firstly, they say music is used during initiation ceremonies. Such ceremonies include the dipo of the Dangme people, Kple cult of the Ga people, Bragoro of the

Akan tradition and the Yeve cult of the Eve people. Also, some Christian churches have special music for baptism and confirmation.

Secondly, they stated that music is used in religious rituals, sacrifices and worship in general. Music and dance aids in the invocation of the deities in traditional

African religion and the descent of the Holy Spirit of the Angels in Christian religious

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groups. It is also used to enhance religious worship by making it interesting and as a means of attracting people to worship centres.

As a third reason, they stated that music is used in funeral situations and that it is used to announce the death of a member of the community. It is also performed to console the bereaved, to entertain sympathizers and to show people that death is not the end of life.

Fourthly, music is used in work situations. It helps to remove boredom and act as an aid to cooperate labour. Market women and other traders use music to advertise their wares. Farmers, masons, labourers, and other category of workers sing or have music performed for them while they work. Political parties also use music to advertise and rally supporters. It can be used as a medium for voicing out personal and community sentiments. People sing and dance as a form of self-expression and through this, they portray how they feel about what is going on in society. It therefore helps them to express themselves emotionally. It can also serve as a device for moral training and social control. Music also serves as a source of historical data for communities. Finally, music serves as means of recreation after a hard day’s work.

The Cultural Studies text book for Junior Secondary Schools in Ghana agrees with the uses of music and dance as stated above. It also gave the use of music as for recreation, religious activities, for entertainment, for funeral and to praise and admonish behaviours.

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In other parts of the world too, music or song is equally important there just as it is to Ghanaians and their communities. Millbower (2000) outlined some importance of songs which include the following:

-All unpolished people sing and act, they sing about what they do and thus sing histories. Their songs are archives of people, their treasury of their science and religion.

-In Australia, Aborigine music is multilayered – a life’s study that only the most devoted of the population reaches. The information an Aborigine needs to completely understand the meanings of his world are all in the songs requiring the individual to learn customs, history and social order through music.

-In many African societies, professional musicians act as historians. The

African sings about work, about hunting, about money, about woman, about planting- in short, about all things that men dwell naturally upon in their minds.

The African Tiv tribe uses music to teach and define norms within its societies.

The Kaluli in Papua New Guinea uses song to help map important geographical locations. Among the Mande people of West Africa savanna, professional bards still recount the histories of powerful lineages and offer counsel to modern day rulers.

Murphy (1992) also outlines some importance of songs. He said song appears to precede and aid the development of language in young children. He said a growing body of research indicates that the musical babbling produced by infants and returned by their parents is extremely important in the development of language in young children. Another importance of song that he said is that, it is hard to escape music and

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song as it occupies more of the world around us, in operating theatres (for heart transplanting and childbirth), restaurants and cafes, shopping malls, at sports events, in our cars and literally everywhere for those tuned to a walkman. It would seem that the only place music and song is slow to catch on is in schools. Again, he said the singing of songs resembles what Piaget described as egocentric language, in which children talk, with little concern for an addressee. They simply enjoy having themselves repeated. It could be that the need for egocentric hearing language never really leaves us and is fulfilled partly through songs. He also said Krashen is of the opinion that involuntary repetition may be manifestation of Chomsky’s language acquisition device. It seems our brains have a natural propensity to repeat what we hear in our environment in order to make sure of it. Songs may strongly activate repetition mechanism of language acquisition device. It certainly seems to do so with children, who learn songs almost effortlessly.

Another important usefulness of song by Murphy, is that, songs in general also use simple conversational language with a lot of repetition, which is just what many language teachers look for in simple texts. The fact that they are effective makes them many times more motivating than other texts.

Another point of Murphy and perhaps the most important is that songs are relaxing. They provide variety and fun, and encourage harmony within oneself and within a group. Little wonder, they are important tools in sustaining cultures, religions, patriotism and even revolutions. Finally, he says practically for language teachers, songs are short, self-contained texts, recordings and films that are easy to handle in a lesson.

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2.10 Demerits of Songs

Despite the numerous advantages of song, it has also got some disadvantages.

Non religious songs for example can cause havoc in the communities. They breed disrespectfulness. They also promote drunkenness and indecent dressing and bad language among the youth. Songs also encourage hooliganism and drug abuse. Song can trigger personal memories. Songs that are composed about some people or situations may remind people about their problems, sufferings or any unwanted situations and not to make them forget it. Songs provided at work place can make concentration difficult. If a song is too popular, people may start singing the lyrics or they may pay attention to the song instead of the work.

Songs may have hidden meaning. We mostly enjoy music or song without knowing its meaning. The song can be so inviting that the intent of the lyric is ignored.

Some songs are insult to elders and leaders in society which should not be encouraged by listening to those songs but because people are not aware of their meanings, they listen to them wiyhout paying particular attention to the songs. Examples of these songs are Daddy Lumba’s song Abenwɔha and A. B. Crentsil’s Moses which society is now frowning upon.

2.11 What is Style?

Style in everyday use is a particular way of doing, designing or producing something, especially one that is typical of a particular place, period of time or group of people. It is a way of behaviour. That is, a particular way that someone behaves, works or deals with other people. On the subject Literature and Art, it is a typical way

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of writing, painting etc that is used by a particular person or during a particular period of time.

Lutrin and Marcelle (2004) defines style as the manner in which the work has been written so as to achieve the writer’s or the speaker’s purpose. They continue to say that the style is created and developed by vocabulary and language usage. The style may be literal or figurative, formal or informal, detailed or concise, simple or verbose. They say styles differ depending on the use of the first person or third person

(narrator point of view). Finally, they say that style depends on the purpose of work, the setting and the audience for which the work is intended.

Gyampo, (2009) says style is the distinctive manner in which the author chooses and arranges words in his or her work. Style usually reveals the authors purpose in writing and his attitude towards his subject and audience.

Agyekum, (2013:257) defines style as “the arrangement of words in a manner that at once identifies the individual author and the ideas he has in mind, a way and manner in which the author expresses himself or herself”. Style includes imagery, symbolism, diction, and sentence structure and the language the author uses; style is a distinguishable characteristic of the author’s writing.

Style means the way things are done. To me, in literature, it is the particular way a writer produces his or her work to make it interesting for its reader making use of all necessary literary devices. Thus, style can also be seen in African folksongs like klama songs.

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One major style of African music is the call and response structure. This is one main feature of klama songs. In essence, the lead singer sings a part of the song or the full song and a chorus response. The chorus can also sing a part of the song or the whole song. This call-and-response structure means among other things that the cantor or soloist or the lead singer has considerable room for improvisation even though the chorus part may remain relatively fixed.

The klama songs occur in many forms with various themes. Some of the themes are about the origin of its singers and its related themes of struggles, wars, a demonstration of manliness or bravery, social factors like, food, governance, living in peace and unity, love for work, tolerance, importance of marriage and the need to have children. There is also the theme of appeal or supplication to deities. Also, there are themes of abuse, satire, taunt and ridicule. Though this is not a focus, it will be dealt with in a later chapter.

Every song therefore has a reason for been produced or background. It may contain a literary device or diction. For example, the klama song,

“ Anikaka Anikaka

Wa ka wa hyɛ Let us try and see

Kaa suɔ nya ma ma.” Whether the elephant will close its mouth

This song has a background story that the Anikaka is a place where disputes are settled in the olden days in Dangme land. The belief is that no matter how serious the case may be when they meet at Anikaka they will surely settle it. The song also made

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use of symbolism. Suɔ in the song is elephant. The elephant is used here to refer to very serious cases.

In the next chapter, the methodological strategies the researcher used to obtain the data for the study will be discussed.

Summary

It could be seen from the definitions of song and music that both are interchangeable. Music or song has performed an important role in any known society.

Just as language, music is used in moral and character training. For many people, song is a central feature of concerts, sporting events, festivals, outdooring and other communal events. Agreeing with the theories propounded about the origin of song, I found out that children lullabies, regardless of culture or locality, have many of these same characteristics with simple pitch and repeated rhymes. I, therefore, believe all the theories about the origin of song have merit. It may be true that our ancestors used songs to survive, procreate, communicate, nurture and learn. Again songs, as poetry, cannot be disputed.

The songs will be analysed in terms of background, literary devices and meaning.

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CHAPTER THREE

METHODOLOGY

3.0 Introduction

This chapter deals with the methodology employed in the research. This includes the research design, population and sampling techniques. Also it contains the data collection procedures and data analysis procedure.

3.1 Research Methodology

In undertaking any project work, one has to plan the form and the step by step activities involved in executing the project so that at the end, a reliable and valid result would be achieved. Such activities are referred to as methodology. Hucker

(2002) in Sanortey (2012) sees methodology as how a researcher carries his chosen method in terms of whom he chooses to ask to get good response. Methodology includes all the mechanics in carrying out the research. In this study, the researcher used the Qualitative research technique which is based on making observation that are summarized and interpreted in a narrative report. Qualitative research involves a careful observation of participants (often including interaction with participants) usually accompanied by intensive note taking. The observation and notes are then summarized in narrative report that attempts to describe and interpret the phenomenon being studied (Marlow and Boone, 2005).

Observation is another research method the researcher used. The participant observer method was the procedure used. In this method, the participant is part of the activities being studied. In this type of observation, the investigator plays two roles

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namely that of a researcher and that of a group member. To fully comprehend the activities of the group and the dynamics of the situation, the researcher must be fully involved in the group’s activities. “The researcher who does not participate is hampered in achieving ‘verstehen’, an emphatic understanding of the deep meaning and experiences that are important to the group” (Duane, et al 2008: 223). In order to be fully involved, the researcher must act like any of the group members. In doing so the researcher may be intervening during situations in which other group members are also doing so.

Opponents to this type of observation say the more fully one becomes a group member, the less objective one becomes. The danger is that the researcher will ‘go native’ – that is become so immersed in the group that they take on completely the perspective of that group and no longer view the situation from a less interested perspective (Shupe and Bromley, 1980 in Duane, et al 2008 :53).

In spite of the disadvantage mentioned above, the researcher adopted the participant observer method because of its numerous advantages over the others and its suitability to this kind of research. The researcher was involved in the activities of the group as a participant observer on several occasions and was able to get all information he wanted from the group.

3. 2 Research Design

A research design is a general plan for carrying out a research strategy. A research design indicates whether the study will involve groups or individual participants, will make comparisons within a group or between groups and how many

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variables be included in the study. In this work, the researcher used the qualitative descriptive method. A qualitative research is based on making observations that are summarized and interpreted in a narrative report (Marlow and Boone (2005).

Qualitative research involves careful observation of participants (often including interaction with participants) usually accompanied by intensive note taking. The observation and notes are then summarized in a narrative report that tries to describe and interpret the activity being studied. Here, qualitative research is not only data collecting activity but also frequently and perhaps typically, a theory generating activity. Conducting qualitative responsibly involves confronting several ethical issues that arise from the researcher’s direct contact with participants. Compared with surveys and experiments, qualitative research measurements generally tap more depth of meaning but have less reliability and field results cannot be generalized as safely as those based on rigorous sampling and standardized questionnaires. The research method chosen aims at getting deeper understanding of the songs selected, attempt to subjectively tap from the experience of the persons mentioned, and intended to generate theoretically rich observation.

The research covers two communities in the Shai traditional area namely

Agomeda, and Kordiabe. These communities are well known to the researcher. The researcher lives at Agomeda though he comes from Kordiabe.

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3. 3 Population

Population refers to all the possible cases of what we are interested in studying. The definition of population should specify four things; content, units, extent, and time,

(Kish, 1965:7)

Content of population refers to the particular characteristics that the member of the population has in common. Unit indicates the unit of analysis (in my research it is the individual). Extent of population refers to its spatial or geographic coverage. Time factor refers to the temporal period during which a unit must possess the appropriate characteristics to qualify for the sample.

In the human services, the target population, often, is who have some particular characteristics in common. A population needs not, however, be composed of only people. It can be something other than individuals, such as group or programmes. The target population is all possible cases of unit analysis. The population of this research is all people that have knowledge of klama songs both in and outside the Shai traditional area. The research area is two towns in the Shai traditional area.

3. 4 Sampling

A sampling involves choosing the participants in the study. It is necessary because the researcher cannot include everyone in the study. A sample consists of one or more elements selected from the population. A sample is a special subset of a population that is observed for purposes of making inferences about the nature of the total population itself.

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In this research, I have chosen the purposive sampling technique due to its advantages. The purposive sampling is the sampling technique in which the investigator uses his or her own judgment and prior knowledge to choose for the sample people who best serve the purpose of the study. Marlow and Boone (2005) say purposive sampling involves the following methods and characteristics: a) Typical class – those with typical characteristics b) Criterion – participants selected according to some eligibility c) Focus group – those with interest in the research topic d) Key informants – those with expertise on the research topic e) Community forum – open to community, some can be purposely invited f) Quota–certain proportions of participants from different groups selected according to specific characteristics g)

Snowball – some participants identified, these participants then identify others with certain characteristics and finally h) Availability – those selected because they are available.

The researcher chose two dipo priestesses at Kordiabe and the two elders from

Agomeda because these personalities have some typical characteristic and also due to their eligibility. Again, because the researcher comes from those towns and knows much about the towns and the people mentioned, he chose them for the study. The individuals selected for this research were chosen because of their availability and the knowledge they have on the topic. This is a type of sampling which Punch (1988) calls

‘convenient sampling’ and that it is used when participants for the study are selected because of their accessibility and availability. The researcher chose only these towns to represent the whole Dangme people because klama dance is played in the same way throughout the Dangme land. The researcher chose these two communities because it

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is during this period of the year that dipo rite is performed for girls in these towns and it is during the dipo ceremony that klama dance is mostly played. The researcher also chose these two towns because the chief criterion of the quality of a sample is the degree to which it is representative – the extent to which the characteristics of the sample are the same as those of the population from which it was selected which he finds the two towns capable of representing the whole population.

3.5 Data Collecting Procedures

The researcher employed some techniques in acquiring data for the research.

This includes recording and personal consultation or qualitative interview. Allen and

Babbie (2008) say qualitative interview is an interaction between an interviewer and a respondent in which the interviewer has a general plan of inquiry but not specific set of questions that must be asked in particular words and in a particular order. A qualitative interview is essentially a conversation in which the interviewer establishes a general direction for conversation and pursues specific topics raised by the respondent. Two weeks was used in recording the songs. Songs were recorded at the dipo rites celebrations at Kordiabe and Agomeda. Dipo is a puberty rite performed for

Dangme adolescent girls into womanhood. Formerly, it is held in high esteem among all the Dangme tribes but now it is only performed among the Krobo, the Shai and the

Osu Doku people. Klama is the only dance played during this rite. A study of this nature naturally calls for fieldwork which involves the collection of samples on audio tape for later transcription and translation into English. One option was to record the songs within the context of the total dipo performance, that is to record actual live performances of the songs and their accompaniments- drums, metal gongs, rattles,

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bamboo clappers and handclaps together with other background noise. A second option was to isolate the songs from their total surround of accompaniments for recording. This meant assembling a small group of singers or individuals for the purpose. This latter option was found more attractive for some reasons. First, since the aim of this study is not the music of the klama dance per se but the language of the text, it was considered prudent to zero in on the text by eliminating the elements which, though important, are not essential for this study.

Secondly, it is generally easier and more practical to deal with specific individuals than with a large, heterogeneous crowd. In addition, the use of a smaller, more manageable group gives the researcher the right of inclusion and exclusion. In other words, the researcher can, through investigations, locate informants well versed in the art as well as accomplished singers with large repertoires whose skills and knowledge can be used for the purpose at hand. Again, dealing with specific individuals means, among other things, that they can be contacted at any point for further discussions or elaborations or explanations or even for reruns. The possibility for further work with them is an added advantage. Finally, for all practical purposes, it is easier to establish a rapport and a good working relationship on a more personal level with a handful of people than with a large group of klama performers. However, in spite of the numerous advantages of small groups or individuals over a large group of klama dance group, the researcher recorded some songs involving larger groups during live performances.

The researcher played a dual role when recording the songs. He played the role of a researcher by recording the songs and again as a participant in the dance,

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singing and dancing with the group. Most of the songs were recorded during the

“Legeku hwɔmi”. The legeku hwɔmi is one of the activities within the dipo ceremony where klama is played for the dipo girls (celebrants) to dance throughout the night till the morning of the following day. This occasion takes place on Tuesday at night till

Wednesday morning. During this occasion, the various types of klama are played

(with the exception of tεgblε, the type played during the funeral of a chief, a warrior or a very important personality) for the dipo girls to dance. The legeku hwɔmi is the time during the performance of the dipo rite that attracts many relatives, friends and well wishers to join in the performance of the rite. At this time everybody is permitted to take pictures of the girls and to do any recording hence songs on all aspects of the dance are sang. Thus the researcher participated in the group’s activities throughout on two nights during the rite. Two legeku nights were used to record the songs. Others too were recorded during discussion with two dipo priestesses at Kordiabe, Yayo Awuki and Maa Ablayoo, chief linguist of the Shai traditional area, Nɛnɛ Delɔ Adamitey and

Nomo Ozigi, an octogenarian, both of Agomeda. Two weeks was also used in recording the songs from the personalities mendtioned above. These persons were chosen because they can sing, play, dance and are knowledgeable in klama dance and therefore can interpret the songs. As Allen and Babbie (2008) said, when informants are to be used, they should be selected in such a way that they can provide a broad and diverse view of the group that they are representing.

In all, there were six recording sessions, one each for the four individual and two for groups on the two legeku nights. After each recording session, the material was played back to the lead singer of the group because certain words seemed to

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assimilated or glossed over for the meaning of the songs to be made clear. In addition, the generally compressed language of the songs required some amount of unraveling, especially those songs that are rooted in historical incident, knowledge of which appeared to be crucial to the overall understanding and appreciation of the texts.

3.6 Data Analysis Procedures

The researcher has chosen the descriptive method of analysing the data collected for the research. The analyses were focused mainly on the literary devices used in the songs which will bring out their aesthetic values and the themes they carry.

The songs are transcribed into the English language literary and their deeper meanings explained to make their meanings clearly to both Dangme and non-Dangme speakers.

Since songs contain the beliefs and traditions of the people who sing the songs, in analysing the songs, care was taken to maintain the beliefs and the traditions. Tape recorder was the main gadget used alongside camera and cellphone. These machines were used because the researcher found their use to be less expensive as compared to others like the video camera. Also these machines do not only ensure verbatim recording but also free the interviewer to keep attention focused on respondents, to communicate that they are listening to what is being said and to probe into important cues. In all a total of about two hundred songs were collected, but only twenty were analysed based on the purposive sampling technique used. The songs were analysed based on literary devise used in the song, the meaning of the song, the history of the song and the message it conveys to Ghanaians in general and the Dangme in particular.

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Summary

The research was carried out in two towns in the Shai traditional area namely

Agomeda and Kordiabe to represent the whole of Dangme land because klama songs have the same characteristics everywhere. Most of the songs were recorded at the dipo rites celebrations because it is during this occasion that klama is mostly played and for a longer time. Some were recorded during interview with the dipo priestesses and the two elders from Agomeda. The researcher was a participant observer during the recording of the songs at the dipo rite celebrations. The qualitative approach was used in the research because the researcher found it to be more appropriate than the other methods for this type of research because it was based on observation that are summarized and interpreted in a narrative form. The purposive method of sampling was used in selecting the twenty songs out of the about two hundred songs recorded and also obtained from books and in choosing the personalities involved. In transcribing the songs and analyzing them, proper care was taken in order not to misinterpret them so that their real meanings may not get lost. Again care was taken to maintain the beliefs and tradition of the people found in the songs in the course of the transcription and the analyses.

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CHAPTER FOUR

DISCUSSION, ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS

4.0 Introduction

This chapter discusses and analyses the data collected on the klama songs in terms of style and literary devices used in the songs, what they mean and the moral lessons contained in the songs. In terms of style, the songs will be analysed by how the sentences are structured to create meaningful verses, the kind of literary device found in the song and the meaning and the moral lesson for its audience, if any. Again in analysing the songs, the terms lead singer and chorus will be represented by LS and

Ch respectfully.

4.1 Analysis of the Songs

Song 1. Ke pi bᴐkuu he ᴐ, I ko na Mawu ngɛ hiᴐwe

LS. 1. Ke pi bɔkuu he ɔ, Had it not been the cloud,

2. I ko na Mawu ngε hiɔwe. I would have seen God in heaven.

Ch .3. Ke pi bᴐkuu he , ᴐ Had it not been the cloud,

4. I ko na Mawu ngε hiɔwe. I would have seen God in heaven.

LS. 5. Ke pi bɔkuu he ɔ, Had it not been the cloud,

6. I ko na Mawu ngε hiɔwe. I would have seen God in heaven.

Ch. 7. Ke pi bᴐkuu he ɔ, Had it not been the cloud,

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8. I ko na Mawu ngε hiɔwe. I would have seen God in heaven.

LS. 9. I ko na Mawu ngε hiɔwe. I would have seen God in heaven.

10. I ko na Mawu ngε hiɔwe I would have seen God in heaven.

Ch.11. Ke pi bᴐkuu he ɔ, Had it not been the cloud,

12. I ko na Mawu ngε hiɔwe. I would have seen God in heaven.

Style

This song is in simple and plain language. It is short and brief typical of

Ghanaian folk songs. It contains no figurative expression. The song is formed from a complex sentence. The first part of the clause

Ke pi bɔkuu he ɔ, Had it not been the cloud,

is a subordinate clause whilst the second clause,

“I ko na Mawu ngε hiɔwe.” I would have seen God in heaven.

is the main clause. This sentence does not violate any grammatical rule in

Dangme therefore it is a well-formed sentence. Either the main clause or the subordinate clause could be used to start the sentence but the meaning will mean the same.

Origin of the song

The Dangme are religious and worship the Almighty God. Their belief is that

God is the provider of their needs, their protector and source of blessing. The song came about due to the wish of the singers that they could see God personally so that

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they could tell him their needs and wants. God, as believed by the singers, is in heaven in a beautiful city but because of the cloud they cannot see him.

Literary device(s) in the song - Repetition

The main literary device used in the song is repetition. Repetition is the reoccurrence of an item more that once to give special emphasis, contrast, express emotions or merely to give pleasure to the ear.

Avorgbedor (1979) considers repetition as an element of ‘redundancy’ that takes on an additional meaning and puts the very concept in doubt. He said repetition constitutes in temporal terms, a series of sequential events. The initial appearance of a sentence will carry with it some degree of ‘newness’ but is also subsequently altered when the sentence is repeated. He said repetition creates both differentiated and undifferentiated temporal segments that also introduce tension between ‘familiarity’ and ‘newness’.

In the song, the Ch repeats exactly what the LS sings in lines 1 and 2.

LS 1. Ke pi bɔkuu he ɔ, Had it not been the cloud

2. I ko na Mawu ngε hiɔwe. I would have seen the God in heaven.

Ch 1. Ke pi bɔkuu he ɔ, Had it not been the cloud,

2. I ko na Mawu ngε hiɔwe. I would have seen God in heaven.

And in lines 9 and 10 the LS repeats herself, thus:

LS 9. I ko na Mawu ngε hiɔwe, I would have seen God in heaven.

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10. I ko na Mawu ngε hiɔwe. I would have seen God in heaven.

Ch 11. Ke pi bɔkuu he ɔ, Had it not been the cloud,

12. I ko na Mawu ngε hiɔwe. I would have seen God in heaven.

The repetitive nature of the song makes it interesting and enjoyable and also makes it very easy for others to join in the singing.

Repetition is a prominent feature of African oral poetry in general. Okpewho

(1990) shares this observation and points out that the repetitions are not merely for emphasizing significant details. He argues that in performance, repetitions become a pressing need by the sheer demands of the situation. He submits further that repetitions within the context of performance are the product of the sort of emotional excitement that music inspires.

In actual performance where the song is sung in full, the lead singer’s part of the second and third part of repetition is sung in a different pitch (a higher one) which makes it look as if the words are different from the first ones.

9. I ko na Mawu ngε hiɔwe I would have seen God in heaven

10. I ko na Mawu ngε hiɔwe I would have seen God in heaven

Thus the repetitive nature of the song has made such a simple and short song looks as if it very long and different stanzas. Also it makes the song to inspire emotions. This goes to prove Okpewho’s assertion that repetition within the context of performance are the product of the sort of emotional excitement that music inspires.

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Nketia (1955) has also pinpointed repetition as a feature of Akan poetry.

Writing on the Akan funeral dirge, he notes tha t:

“It is necessary to emphasis that (such) repetitions are to the Akan not monotonous repetitions; they are not due to barrenness or paucity of thought."

Nketia maintains that repetition may either stress the musical quality of the text or emphasis the meaning. He notes further that repetitions are used in a similar fashion in horn and drum language and can indeed be regarded as one of the distinguishing features of Akan poetry. Still on repetition, Avorgbedor (1979) examines the practice from a different angle. He contends that in song performance, repetitions should not be seen as "an element of redundancy. He states:

Even at a superficial level of consideration, there is no internal repetition as far as song texts are concerned”. When, for example, a sentence (or phrase) is stated and repeated, there are temporal factors that introduce a distinguishing mark between the initial statement and its repetition. The repetition constitutes, in temporal terms, a series of sequential events. The initial appearance of a sentence will carry with it some degree of 'newness'. Such newness is also subsequently altered when the sentence is repeated. The freshness with which we perceive the initial statement is altered by the degree of familiarity that the repetition introduces. (Avorgbedor,1979, p. 209)

Song 2 Nyɛ ba hyɛ yaka biyo ᴐ wami

LS 1. Nyε ba hyε Come and see

2. Yaka biyo ɔ wami. How the scandalous girl has grown.

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Ch 3. Yaka nɔ hyεli ɔmε You, who are out to see scandals,

4. Yaka nɔ deli ɔmε You, who are out to talk about scandals

5. Yaka nɔ nuli ɔmε You, who are out to hear about scandals

6. Nyε ba hyε Come and see

7. Yaka biyo ɔ wami. How the scandalous girl has grown.

LS 8 Nyε ba hyε Come and see

9. Yaka biyo ɔ wami How the scandalous girl has grown

Ch. 10 Yaka nɔ hyεli ɔmε You, who are out to see scandals

11. Yaka nɔ deli ɔmε You, who are out to talk about scandals

12. Yaka nɔ nuli ɔmε You, who are out to hear about scandals

13. Nyε ba hyε Come and see

14. Yaka biyo ɔ wami How the scandalous girl has grown

Origin of the song

This song was composed as a result of the slanderous nature of man towards his or her neighbour. In Dangme land, specifically among the Shai, Krobo and

Osudoku, if a girl does not perform the dipo rites and becomes pregnant, she is banished from the community in which she lives. Because of this, whenever a girl reaches the age of between sixteen and eighteen but has not yet performed the rite, people will start talking about her. They may be saying among other things her

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banishment from the town in case she becomes pregnant. They may even say she has been sleeping with men and that is the reason why she cannot perform the dipo rites.

When the rite is finally performed, the mother or relatives of the girl will sing this song as insinuation and challenges the slanderers who used to accuse their daughter of bad conduct to come and have a look at the girl.

Literary device in the song is Parallelism

Another form of repetition used in the song is Parallelism. Parallelism is the use of series of words or phrases or sentences that have similar grammatical form.

Parallelism emphasizes the items that are arranged in similar structures. (Gyampo,

2009). Agyekum (2013:250) says “parallelism is a structural arrangement of syntactically similar words, phrases, or clauses so that one element of equal importance is developed equally with another.” Saanchi (2002) identified the importance of parallelism. He pointed out that parallelism in Dagaaba dirges is not an empty repetitive device that the dirger uses because of paucity of repertoire, neither is it monotonous and tautologies nor is it merely an ornamental device but rather to give unity of structure and to make the dirge memorable.

Various forms of parallelism could be identified in the song:

Syntactic parallelism – the type of syntactic parallelism found in the song is the structural parallelism. Syntactically, structures are equivalent when they have similar patterns like NP+VP+NP (SVO). We can also say that two or more structures are equivalent by virtue of the fact that they express the same proposition.

3. Yaka nɔ hyεli ɔmε You, who are out to see scandals

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4. Yaka nɔ deli ɔmε You, who are out to talk about scandals

5. Yaka nɔ nuli ɔmε You, who are out to hear about scandals

Lines 3,4 and 5 are equally structured phrases. If lines 6 and 7

6. Nyε ba hyε

7. Yaka biyo ɔ wami

should be added to them, they may become equally structured sentences.

They can be represented graphically as:

3. Yaka nɔ hyεli ɔmε

You, who are out to see

scandals 6. Nyε ba hyε 7. Yaka biyo ɔ

4. Yaka nɔ deli ɔmε Come and see wami

You, who are out to talk about How the

scandals, scandalous girl has

5. Yaka nɔ nuli ɔmε grown.

You who are out to hear about

scandals

As always in African songs, the lead singer has the freedom of manipulating the song. This call-and-response structure means among other things that the lead

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singer or soloist has considerable room for improvisation even though the chorus part may remain relatively fixed. In repeating, the lead singer may sing part of his and that of the chorus, thus instead of singing

LS 1. Nyε ba hyε

2. Yaka biyo ɔ wami

The LS sings

LS 3. Yaka nɔ hyεli ɔmε

1. Nyε ba hyε

Ch 2. Yaka biyo ɔ wami

This proves the kind of freedom the lead singers have in klama songs just like in any other African song.

By the kind of pattern repetition below,

3,10. Yaka nɔ hyεli ɔmε You, who are out to see scandals

4,11. Yaka nɔ deli ɔmε You, who are out to talk about scandals

5,12. Yaka nɔ nuli ɔmε You, who are out to hear about scandals the singer or the mother of the adolescent girl wants to emphasis that their thoughts were in vain.

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Meaning/Moral lesson: The lesson this song teaches is that it is not good to talk scandalously about people. Society abhors that. We must think positively about one another in our society or communities.

Song 3 Anikaka, waa ka wa hyɛ

LS 1 Anikaka, waa ka wa hyε Anikaka, let us try and see

2. Kaa suɔ nya ma ma lo That the elephant will bow its mouth

Ch 3. Anikaka, waa ka wa hyε Anikaka, let us try and see

4. Kaa suɔ nya ma ma lo. Whether the elephant will bow its mouth

LS 5. Anikaka, waa ka wa hyε Anikaka, let us try and see

6. Kaa suɔ nya ma ma lo. Whether the elephant will bow its mouth

Ch.7. Anikaka, waa ka wa hyε Anikaka, let us try and see,

8. Kaa suɔ nya ma ma lo. Whether the elephant will bow its mouth

Origin of the song

Every song has a reason for been produced or a background. The song may contain a literary device or not.

Anikaka in the song is a flat stone on which, in the olden days, the clan elders of the Dangme people sat to settle disputes whether political, social or religious or how to meet any calamity that confronts their towns. No matter how serious the cases may be, they managed to settle them when they met there, hence, the song.

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Literary device - Symbolism is one of the devices used in this song.

Symbolism is a figure of speech in which something represents another thing by virtue of an analogical correspondence. As a literary device, the symbol combines a literal and a sensuous quality with an abstract or suggestive aspect. As an image, it evokes an objective concrete reality and usually goes beyond that to suggest another level of meaning. Again, a symbol has the quality of being either universal where its intended meaning is more or less generally available, or private, where its effectiveness derives not from anything inherent in itself but from the way it is employed in a given work.

In song 3 above, the elephant is used to represent serious cases. The elephant is a universal symbol in Africa which indicates greatness, strength, and serious problems or difficulty. In the song, the elephant is used in place of not just cases but also serious ones.

Anikaka, wa ka wa hyε Anikaka, let us try and see

Nε suɔ nya ma ma lo. Whether the elephant may bow its mouth

Whenever the elders met at Anikaka, the sacred flat stone, cases were settled amicable, no matter how serious a case may be. When they sat on the case an antidote was surely found to it when the parties involved exercised patience. So in the song the elephant is used in place of cases.

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Moral lesson/Meaning The lesson to be learnt from the song is that whatever problem that will occur, a solution will by all means be found if the right process is chosen.

Song 4 Adamo fu ngε bɔ he

LS 1. Adamo fu ngε bɔ he Adamo is ripe in the groove

2. Adamo hlali ɔmε nyε ba Adamo pluckers come

Ch 3. Adamo tsutusuutsu Very red adamo

4. Adamo pɔpɔɔpɔ Very red adamo

LS 5. Adamo fu ngε bɔ he Adamo is ripe in the groove

6. Adamo hlali nyε ba Adamo pluckers come

7. Adamo fu ngε bɔ he Adamo is ripe in the groove

8. Adamo hlali ɔmε nyε ba Adamo pluckers come

Ch 9. Adamo tsutsuutsu Very red adamo

10. Adamo pɔpɔɔpɔ Very red adamo

LS11. Adamo fu ngε bɔ he Adamo is ripe in the groove

12. Adamo hlali nyε ba Adamo pluckers come

This song is one of the klama songs that can be sung to suit many occasions, such as dipo rite, naming and outdooring, recreation and marriage. The words seem to

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suit all these occasions. However, it is mostly sung during dipo rite celebration. It is sung in dipo rite when the rite has been completed. They sing to inform and invite potential lovers and proposed bridegrooms that the girls are matured and ready for marriage.

Origin of the Song: Among the Dangme, in the past, a girl can not marry if she has not gone through the dipo rites. Failure to go through this rite before given birth will cause the banishment of the girl from the Dangme land to a far away foreign land. This means that some of the girls have to stay for about the age of eighteen years and above before the dipo rite is performed for them. So by the time they finished with the rite, they were matured enough to marry. So the elders sing this song to invite and inform prospective suitors to come and marry the girls.

Literary Device The device used in this song is metaphor. Metaphors are created when one item is compared to another in such a way to make the concept of the first item more understandable. Gabriel Rico Lusser, in Millbower (2000) described metaphor as word pictures that give language power and richness by involving our senses in the experiences.

Agyekum (2013) opines that metaphor is a figure of speech that implies a direct likeness between two unlike things normally expressed in the form X is Y.

This is a compressed analogy which involves a transfer of meaning from the word that properly possesses it to another word which belongs to some shared category of meaning. Put in other words, it is the substitution of a figurative

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expression for a literal or a proper one based on a resemblance or an analogy. The metaphor has the tendency to reveal unexpected truths.

In the song adamo, which is a fruit, is used to represent the dipo girls who have just finished or passed through the dipo rite as in line 1:

Adamo fu ngε bɔ he Adamo is ripe in the groove

In line 2, men, or would be lovers, bridegrooms and husbands of the girls are

referred to as adamo pluckers who are being called upon to come and pluck the

adamo fruit.

Adamo hlali nyε ba Adamo pluckers come

After calling the men and informing them that the girls are ready for marriage

the songstress did not end there but described how beautiful the girls are in order to

attract the men to the girls. This was done in lines 3 and 4 and their repetitions in

lines 9 and 10. Here too, the song is comparing the beauty of the girls to that of ripped

adamo fruits.

Adamo fu tsutsuutsu Very red ripe adamo

Adamo fu pɔpɔɔ pɔ Very red ripe adamo

This means that adamo and adamo pluckers have been used metaphorically to

mean the newly completed dipo girls and men who want women to marry.

In another way, this song is sung to cast insinuation. Among the Dangme, if

someone dies, it is his or her immediate junior brother or sister who inherits him or

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her (it should be noted here that the inheritance is not a total one. The actual one is by his or her children). If the deceased has no direct siblings, they look for someone from the family to inherit the deceased. When the death occurs before the performance of the dipo rites such a song may be sung as an insinuation to the new person because the bride price of the girls will be given to him if they are aware that the new father has not spend any thing concerning the growth and well being of the girl. This song will be sung because the adamo is a wild plant fruit that nobody weeds around it before it matures and ripe for eating.

Song 5 Ongmo gba ye bo

LS 1. Eee eee hee Eee eee hee

Ch 2. Hee eee eee Eee eee eee

LS 3. Eee eee eee Eee eee eee

Ch 4. Eee eee eee Eee eee eee

LS 5. Ongmo gba ye bo Ongmo (God) has torn my cloth

6. Mεnɔ ma ha mi abui Who will give me needle

7. Nε ma kε kpε ye bo ɔ? To sew my cloth?

Ch 8. Ongmo gba ye bo Ongmo (God) has torn my cloth

9. Mεnɔ ma ha mi abui Who will give me needle

10. Nε ma kε kpε ye bo ɔ? To sew my cloth?

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LS11. Eee eee h eee Eee eee heee

Ch 12. Hee eeeee Hee eee eee

LS13. Ongmo gba ye bo ɔ Ongmo (God) has torn my cloth

14. Mεnɔ ma ha mi abui Who will give me needle

15. Nε ma kε kpε ye bo ɔ? To sew my cloth?

Style The song begins with a call by the lead singer to the chorus or the audience to pay attention. Though the words are not proper and meaningful, their meaning is inplied. The song is made up of only two proper and meaningful sentences made of a statement and a question. The first sentence,

Ogmo gba ye bo (God has torn my cloth)

is a simple sentence whilst the second one is a acomplex sentence.

Mεnɔ ma ha mi abui nε ma kε kpε ye bo ɔ? (Who will give me needle to sew my cloth?)

is a complex one used to ask the question.

Origin of the song The song came about as a result of the belief the Dangme have about the Almighty God. To them, and like any other ethnic group, they believe that God is the creator of the universe and everything within it. Whatever happens to man whether good or bad, it is the doing or the Lord. God is unquestionable in any way no matter how serious a case may be.

The song is Rhetorical question. The song begins by LS calling for the attention of the group members, the chorus, to the song which they also respond, thus

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LS 1. Eee eee hee Eee eee hee

Ch2. Hee Hee

LS3. Eee eee hee Eee eee hee

Ch4. Hee Hee

This opening marker draws the attention of the chorus to be ready for the song which they also indicated their readiness by responding:

lines 2 Hee Hee

This is like the usual way of calling for attention in ordinary situations such as a person might use to announce his presence at the door before he enters a house. In the same way, a person wishing to address a group is more likely than not to apply this formula as a preface to his delivery as a means of capturing the attention of his audience. After the calling of the attention, the question then follows:

5. Ongmo gba ye bo Ongmo (God) has torn my cloth

6. Mεnɔ ma ha mi abui Who will give me needle

7. Nε ma kε kpε ye bo ɔ? To sew my cloth?

Here, the Supreme Being is unchallengeable. His decisions are final as such if he decides to tear your cloth you cannot get or ask anybody to give you a needle to sow it. Because the songstress is aware that nobody will venture by giving the needle

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because he or she may equally face the import of your action, she asked that question which the songstress expects no answer. To Agyekum, such question is asked for effect or to make a point.

This song portrays the metaphorical use of language. How can God tear a human being’s cloth? The song means something different beyond its literal meaning.

The song is asking that what can man do when a natural accident happens or is about to happen. Man has no power to stop or prevent any natural phenomena such as earthquake, severe sunshine or heavy rain fall for number of days from taking place.

The song therefore is a rhetoric question that demands no answer.

Another song which can be seen as a rhetorical question is the following song:

Song 6. Nɔkɔ fu nε ngmola hu fu

LS 1. Nɔkɔ fu. Nɔkɔ (a fruit) is ripened.

2. Ngmola hu fu. Ngmola (a fruit) is also ripened.

Ch 3. Tenε waa ye? Which one should we eat?

4. Tenε waa jua? Which one should we sell?

LS 5. Nɔkɔ fu. Nɔkɔ (a fruit) is ripened.

6. Ngmola hu fu. Ngmola (a fruit) is also ripened.

Ch 7. Tenε waa ye? Which one should we eat?

8. Tenε waa jua? Which one should we sell?

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In the above song, both fruits are edible but very scarce and are very sweet.

They are very nutritious and therefore very good for the body. However, both fruits are expensive. If they are to be sold, each will fetch a lot of money. The singers are confronted with the decision of choosing by the questions in lines 3and 4 and 7and 8:

Tenε waa ye? (which one should we eat?) and Tenε waa jua? (which one should we sell?)

The song is not only a rhetoric question but also a proverb.

When it is sung during funeral performance in the tagblε klama it means different from the above. It means that my mother or someone from my mother’s clan is dead and at the time my father or someone from my father’s clan is dead, so which of the funerals should I attend?

Song 7 Ke I de ja a, I jε we nɔ ko.

LS1. Eee eee eee Eee eee eee

2. Ma bi nyε ba nu oo People come and listen

Ch3. Eee eee eee Eee eee eee

LS4. Ke I de ja a, I jε we nɔ ko If I say so, I do not insult anybody

Ch5. Kai lalaala kai lalaala Kai lalaala kai lalaala

6. Ke I de ja a, I jε we nɔ ko If I say so, I do not insult anybody

Ch 7. Kai lalaala kai lalaala Kai lalaala kai lalaala

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LS8. Tsate Ahua ke wa ko su huɔtsε Tsate Ahua says we should not befriend

a person with an enlarged scrotum.

Ch 9. Kai lalaala kai lalaala Kai lalaala kai lalaala

10. Tsate Ahua ke wa ko gba huɔtsε Tsate Ahua says we should not marry

a person with an enlarged scrotum

Ch 11. Kai lalaala kai lalaala Kai lalaala kai lalaala

12. Ke o gba huɔtsε o ma fɔ huɔ bi If you marry a person with an enlarged

scrotum you will give birth to a child

with an enlarged scrotum.

Ch 13. Kai lalaala kai lalaala Kai lalaala kai lalaala

14. Ke o fɔ huɔ bi o nyaake o maa hue If you give birth to child with an

enlarged scrotum you will carry it in

your hands alone.

15. Ke o fɔ huɔ bi o nyaake o maa kpa If you give birth to a child with an

enlarged scrotum, you will carry it at

your back alone.

Ch16. Kai lalaala kai lalaala Kai lalaala kai lalaala

LS/Ch17. Kai lalaala o lee Kai lalaala o lee

18. Kai lalaala o lee Kai lalaala o lee

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19. Kai lalaala o lee kai lalaala Ongmo. Kai laalaala olee kai lalaala

Ongmo.

In every human society, the best is always sought for. The song above is a

caution against marriage to somebody with a sickness. Somebody with an enlarged

scrotum is a sick person so he should not befriend and married to and also should not

be somebody to have a child with. To the songstress, anybody who would have a

child with such a person will have no one to help her carry that baby.

The song starts with the opening marker of calling or drawing the attention of

the audience or the chorus to the song, (lines 1 and 2)

1. Eee eee eee Eee eee eee

2. Ma bi nyεε ba nu oo People come and listen

After calling the people, he gave them the message. The songstress started by

saying that what she is going to say is not an insult to anybody or she is not insulting

anybody. That is lines 3 and 4

Ke i de ja a, i jε we nɔ ko If I say so I do not insult anybody

The line above is typical of the Dangme in giving information to the public. If

the town crier gives information to the public, the last thing he says is almost as this.

He says, “I am only a messenger and that I have no problem with anybody so nobody

should bear me grudge”.

The message was from Tsate Ahua. Tsate Ahua was one time the paramount chief of the Shai Traditional Area giving an order that nobody should befriend and

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marry someone suffering from the enlargement of the scrotum and that anyone who violets this order will face the consequences. (Any chief’s name can be used in place of Tsate Ahua) The order goes like this:

Tsate Ahua ke wa ko su huɔtsε Tsate Ahua says we should not

befriend the person with an enlarge scrotum

Tsate Ahua ke wa ko gba huɔtsε Tsate Ahua says we should not

marry the person with an enlarged scrotum

The songstress continued with the reason why no one should marry such a sick person. Here emphasis was laid on why a person with that big size scrotum should not be married

Ke o su huɔtsε o ma fɔ huɔ bi ɔ If you befriend a person with an

enlarged scrotum, you will give birth

to a child with an enlarged scrotum

Ke o gba huɔtsε o ma fɔ huɔ bi ɔ If you marry a person with an

enlarged scrotum you will give birth

to a child with an enlarge scrotum

After telling them the reason why they should not marry such a person, he came out with the consequences the defaulter of the ruling will face.

Ke o fɔ huɔ bi o nyaake o maa hue If you born that child you will carry it

In your hands alone

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Ke o fɔ huɔ bi o nyaake o maa kpa If you born that child you will carry it

at your back alone

The song ends with a call on Ongmo (Almighty God) to look into the case for them.

Kai lalaala kai lalaala kai lalaala o lee

Kai lalaala kai lalaala kai lalaala Ongmo

In trying to put the message of the song across, the songstress made use of some literary devices. It made use of syntactic parallelism. This kind of pattern repetitions is to place the message they carry at the forecourt of its listeners’ mind as can be seen in lines 3, 4, 6 and 7

Tsate Ahua ke wa ko su huɔtsε Tsate Ahua says we should not befriend a

person with an enlarged scrotum.

Tsate Ahua ke wa ko gba huɔtsε Tsate Ahua says we should not marry a

person with an enlarged scrotum.

Ke o fɔ huɔ bi o nyaake maa hue. If you give birth to a child with an

enlarged scrotum, you will carry it in

your hands alone.

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Ke o fɔ huɔ bi o nyaake maa kpa. If you give birth to a child with an

enlarged scrotum, you will carry it at

your back alone.

The call on God to look into their case ends the song. Though the words in the lines are not proper words, they carry meaning. My resource persons could not tell me whether they were proper words in the past but due to mispronunciation over the centuries has caused the words to change their form or that is what they were from their origin. The meanings of the lines are therefore implied or assumed as the only proper word there is Ongmo, which is another name of the Almighty God as it can be seen below:

Kai lalaala kai lalaala kai lalaala o lee

Kai lalaala kai lalaala kai lalaala Ongmo (God)

In the above lines, though they are not proper words, they suggested meaning.

They also make the song pleasing to the ear.

Again in the song, different types of parallelism could be found.

Tsate Ahua ke wa ko su huɔtsε

Tsate Ahua ke wa ko gba huɔtsε

(Tsate Ahua says we should not befriend an enlarged scrotum person)

(Tsate Ahua says we should not marry and enlarged scrotum person)

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In the above lines, both su (befriend) and gba (marriage) are synonymously related as both are in the same category of union. We can therefore say that both sentences are equivalently structured. Other equally structured sentences are

Ke o fɔ huɔ bi o nyaake maa hue

Ke o fɔ huɔ bi o nyaake maa kpa

(If you give birth to an enlarged scrotum child you will carry it in your hands alone)

(If you give birth to an enlarged scrotum child, you will carry it at your back alone)

We can say that the two structural patterns above are synonymous in meaning and all the structures above are synonymous parallelism.

Moral Lesson/Meaning The lesson from the song is that one has to investigate the family from which one wants to marry from.

Song 8 Nɔmo Jange lee

LS 1. Ayoo Ayoo Ayoo Ayoo Ayoo Ayoo

2. Nɔmo Jange lee Venerable Jange

3. Ba to ye nya he nyu Give me water to drink

Ch 4. Nɔmo Jange lee Venerable Jange

5. Ba to ye nya he nyu Give me water to drink

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LS 6. Ayoo Ayoo Ayoo Ayoo Ayoo Ayoo

7. Nɔmo Jange lee Venerable Jange

8. Ba to ye nya he nyu Give me water to drink

Ch 9. Nɔmo Jange lee Venerable Jange

10. Ba to ye nya he nyu Give me water to drink

This song is sung in the Tεgblε type of klama dance. As said earlier, this type of klama is played during the funeral of a chief, a warrior, a fetish priest, priestess or a very prominent person. The song is a cry to Nɔmo Jange to give the singer water to drink. The song is therefore a dirge. Line 1 is a wailing call from someone who something serious has happened or happening to and needs a saviour:

Ayoo ayoo ayoo

Line 2 and its repetition in line 4 is the mentioning of the name of the one from whom the help is needed, that is

Nɔmo Jange +lee Venerable Jange + lee

The lee added to Nɔmo Jange is not any meaningful word. It is just an addendum. In Dangme, such an addendum to the name indicates that the person who is being called is a bit far from the caller. Line 4 brings to notice the rea son for the call which is to bring the caller water (to drink.)

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Ba to ye nya he nyu Come and give me water

The song in its literal meaning is someone calling Jange to bring him water to drink. However, it means something more than this. It is a call on relatives and the entire public to come and assist him or her in his or her affliction.

Literary Device The device used in the song is personification.

Personification is where we have the characteristics of a human subject passed on to an inhuman subject. Personification endows animals, ideas, abstractions and inanimate objects with a human character. These are presented as having human personalities, emotions or sensibilities.

The Nɔmo Jange, who is being called upon to bring the water is not a human being. It is lagoon. It is a kind of lagoon in which a section of the Dangme people believe in and worship. This believe in it makes it a special object in its own right. Its uniqueness goes beyond its utility value as a source of water and fish. Indeed, it symbolizes the spirit of the Dangme as a group of people and is generally treated with a reverence not too different from that accorded a god hence it is called Nɔmo Jange

(Venerable Jange) Jange has been transformed, in the general life of things as far as the environment is concerned, from a mere item into a sacred object that is often appealed to. The Jange which is not a human being cannot bring water to someone who is in need of water. It has neither legs nor hands. It cannot speak or hear. How can it bring the water? What the singer is saying in the song is that he is in trouble and that

Jange should help him. His problem is that he has lost somebody who is dear to him and needs consolation in his grief.

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In this song, investing a lagoon with a human title (Venerable) not only reveals the special regard the singers have for it but, more importantly, it makes it possible for it to be addressed and appealed to. As the song is an appeal to Venerable Jange, the song therefore also qualifies to be an apostrophe.

Apostrophe is usually in the form of speech directed at an object which cannot respond or even hear what is said. It is a literary device because it creates an unreal speech situation so that the very act of speech is 'twisted' or 'turned' or taken out of its proper context within a communicative event. It can also be seen as a form of personification because it assumes, for the imaginative moment, that the subject addressed shares in our human ability to hear and respond to speech. Agyekum (2013) says an apostrophe is a figure of speech in which some abstract entity or a nonexistent entity is addressed to as if it is present. In the song, Nɔmo Jange is not a human being or present at where the person was calling.

Song 9 Klowεki Nako wε ya pa

LS 1. Klowεki Nako Klowεki Nako

2. Wa yε pa We do not go to fetch water from the river

3. Wa ngε dudɔ We have a water pot

Ch 4. Klowεki Nako Klowεki Nako

5. Wa yε pa We do not go tofetch water from the river

6. Wa ngε dudɔ We have a water pot

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The words of the song are simple and easy to be understood in ordinary terms.

It is an address to a deity. Klowεki Nako is a deity of one of the sub tribes of Dangme, the Krobo. It is a taboo for worshippers of this deity to drink water from the River

Volta. The song therefore is information to the deity that they still hold on with their belief and that they do not drink water from the Volta. This is found in lines 1and 2:

1. Klowεki Nako Klowεki Nako

2. Wa yε pa We do not go fetch water from the river

The song continues to say that they have a container in which they keep their water enough for them which may not get finished for them to be compelled to go for the water from the Volta River. The object or container in which they keep water for their use is the pot

Wa ngε dudɔ We have water pot

This, as said earlier on, is an address to a deity. A deity too is an unseen object.

Since the song is an address to a deity, I can say that the literary device used in the song is an apostrophe.

The song, when looked at from another angle, has a meaning different from the first one. The song is not only an apostrophe but also a proverb. Okpewho (1992) defines proverb as a piece of folk wisdom expressed with terseness and charm.

Agyekum (2013) sees proverb as a time tested, brief and witty saying, usually symbolic, that express a truth or recognized observation about practical lives which is based on traditional experiences and have been transmitted from generations to

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generations, and withstood the test of time. In the song, the singer says they do not fetch water from the River Volta. It is true because their deity taboos it. It is also true that they have a pot in which they store water so that they may not be tempted to fetch water from the Volta as such it qualifies to be a proverb.

As one of the characteristics of a proverb is that it has more than one meaning, another meaning of the song is that “one should be happy and satisfied with whatever he or she has; they need not to go after strange things or man should be satisfied with what he has.

Another song which is also a proverb is the one below.

Song 10 Tsaitε ke e be gidingongo

LS 1. Tsaitε ke e be gidingongo Tsaitε says he has no gidingongo

2. Nε e maa fia gidigɔgɔ That he will play gidigɔgɔ

Ch3. Tsaitε ke e be gidingongo Tsaitε says he has no gidingongo.

4. Nε e maa fia gidigɔgɔ That he will play gidigɔgɔ

LS 5. Tsaitε ke e be gidingongo Tsaitε says he has no gidingongo

6. Nε e maa fia gidigɔgɔ That he will play gidigɔgɔ

Ch7. Tsaitε ke e be gidingongo Tsaitε says he has no gidingongo

8. Nε e maa fia gidigɔgɔ That he will play gidigɔgɔ

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Gidingongo and gidigᴐgᴐ are types of gongs. The two gongs mentioned in the song are used in klama dance and any other dances. It assumed that if one knows how to play the gidingongo, which is only one, he will be able to play the gidigɔgɔ which has two holes. Tsaitε is therefore saying that how can he play gidigɔgɔ as he has not even posses gidingongo and does not know how it is played.

Meaning What the song is actually saying is quite different from what has been said above. Various meanings can be derived from the song. The first one is that

Tsaitε says he has no klama priestess that he will play klama drum. If klama is played at the deity sanctuaries the spirit of the deity descend on the priest so if there is no priest, you need not play the klama. This is exactly what the song is trying to say.

Another meaning is that because Tsaitɛ is not a klama priest he cannot unfold klama cult. Klama cult is unfolded by the klama priest only so Tsaite cannot unfold the cult as he is not a priest of the klama.

A third meaning from the above song is that Tsaitε says he is a poor man so he will not do what rich people do.

Finally, the moral of the proverb is that everybody should be content with what he or she has.

Song 11 E maa ku yo ᴐ ngmɔngmɔ

LS1 Naki lee! Naki lee!

Ch2. Yee yee , Yee yee ,

LS3. E maa ku yo ᴐ ngmɔngmɔ. It will break the hips of the girl.

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Ch 4. E maa ku yo ɔ ngmɔngmɔ. It will break the hips of the girl.

5. E maa ku yo ɔ ngmɔngmɔ. It will break the hips of the girl.

LS 6. Naki lee! Naki lee!

Ch7. Yee yee yee, Yee yee yee,

LS 8. E maa ku yo ɔ ngmɔngmɔ. It will break the hips of the girl.

Ch 9. E maa ku yo ɔ ngmɔngmɔ. It will break the hips of the girl.

8. E maa ku yo ɔ ngmɔngmɔ. It will break the hips of the girl.

The performance of the dipo rites is one occasion where some members of the community exhibit their wealth or show that they are hardworking couples or individuals. A lazy person can also be seen. This is known through the dressing of their dipo girls during the rite. Heavy gorgeous clothes and jewels are worn. Costly strings of beads are also tied around the neck, arms, wrists, waist and legs of the girls.

The beads and the jewels look very beautiful. When the girls are dressed in this way, they look very beautiful and attractive. In expressing their likening for the adorning of the girls, they sing this song. The line 1:

Naki lee!

the songstress is calling Naki. Naki could be any family member of the girl or anybody who, to the singer, is a lazy person to come and look at the girl. If the person is a member of the family, then it is just a call on the person to come and see how beautifully the girl has been adorned. If Naki is even a member of the family or not but

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a lazy person, then the call to come and see the girl is an insinuation. The songstress wants Naki to come and see the cloths and jewelry that have been bought through hard work.

Line 2: E maa ku yo ɔ ngmɔngmɔ. It will break the hips of the girl,

is an exaggeration. Though the strings of beads around the girls waist may be heavy, how can it break the hips of the girl? The song is exaggerating the weight of the strings of beads around the girl’s waist.

The moral lesson to be learnt from this song is that everybody should be hard working. If you are hard working, you may have money and buy whatever you want to buy. If you are a lazy person, you will not have money as such you cannot buy anything you want.

Song 12 Yo du e he

Another song which also qualifies to be a hyperbole is this:

LS 1. Yo du e he A lady has bathed

2. Nε e ngε kpεe And she is shining

3. Pe sika hiᴐ Than silver

Ch. 4. Yo du e he A lady has bathed

5. Nε e ngε kpεe And she is shining

6. Pe sika hiᴐ Than silver

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LS 7. Yo du e he A lady has bathed

8. Nε e ngε kpεe And she is shining

9. Pe sika hiᴐ More than silver

Ch. 10 Yo du e he A lady has bathed

11. Nε e ngε kpεe And she is shining

12. Pe sika hiᴐ More than silver

A hyperbole is the use of excessive exaggerated statements to produce and effect and not to be taken literally. In line 1

Yo du e he A lady has bathed

is referring to the undergoing the dipo rites which is termed as cleansing ceremony.

Line 2 Nε e ngε kpεe And she is shinning

is describing how clean and pure the girl has become after ‘bathing’. This means that any Dangme girl who has gone through this ceremony is clean, neat and pure without any dirt or blemishes both culturally and spiritually.

Line 3 Pe sika hiɔ po more than silver

is a continuation of the line two. We found in this line how cleaner or purer the girl has become. The song therefore compared the neatness to silver and says it is shinning more than silver. The full sentence is,

Nε e ngε kpεe pe sika hiɔ po And she is shinning even more than silver

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It is in these two lines that we found the hyperbole. How can a human being shine more than silver?

Satire - Some of the songs may not be a completely satiric yet they possess the characteristics of satire. Agkyekum (1999) quoting Chapman (1996:88) wrote, “satire is a literary attack through ridicule, irony and parody in verse or prose, and intended to arouse amused contempt for its target”.

In some klama songs, similar things are said about people’s behaviour to reform as well as to discredit the wrong behaviour. The following are examples of such songs:

Song 13 O li ha domi nɛ o fᴐ biyo

LS 1. O li ha domi You do not know how to dance ha

2. Nε o fɔ bi yo. And you have given birth to a girl.

Ch3. O li ha domi You do not know how to dance ha

4. Nε o fɔ bi yo. And you have given birth to a girl.

5. O li ha domi You do not know how to dance ha

6. Nε o fɔ bi yo. And you have given birth to a girl.

7. O li ha domi You do not know how to dance ha

8. Nε o fɔ bi yo. And you have given birth to a girl.

LS 9. O li ha domi You do not know how to dance ha

10. Nε o fɔ bi yo And you have given birth to a girl.

Ch11. O li ha domi You do not know how to dance ha

12. Nε o fɔ bi yo And you have given birth to a girl

In this song, the mothers of the dipo girls are mocked at when they act awkwardly during the ceremonies or cannot dance appropriately to the ha tune during

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the ceremony. It expected that any woman in Dangme land should be able to dance the ha type of the klama dance. When the ha is played, it expected that every woman there should dance and dance well. If it happens that any of the dipo girls’ mothers do not know how to dance well, this song is sung to ridicule her. This song is mostly sung after the girls have passed the principal test of the dipo ceremony. After being kept over night in the ‘dipo room’, or sat on the sacred dipo stone, in the case of the Krobo, they are brought out amidst gunshots provided none is found to pregnant or have ever caused an abortion. Family members, both men and women rush to meet them and carry them on their backs. The exited parents and family members sing and dance to the ha tune to signify the exultation of their victoriously passed test. In their excitement, they sing this song when they found out that some of them cannot dance well.

Song 14 Dipo yi a nyεmε

LS 1. Dipo yi a nyεmε Mothers of dipo girls

2. A hyε we pu They did not watch the sun

Ch 3. Dipo yi a nyεmε Mothers of dipo girls

4. A hyε we pu They did not watch the sun

LS 5. Dipo yi a nyεmε Mothers of dipo girls

6. A hyε we pu They did not watch the sun

Ch7. Dipo yi a nyεmε Mothers of dipo girls

8. A hyε we pu. They did not watch the sun.

Among the Dangme, the sun is used as a means of measuring time. The position of the of the sun is used in telling whether it is midday, about 6oclock a.m or p.m, whether it about

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3oclock in the after and so on. It is also used to determine the time to start preparing lunch or supper. It is therefore improper for somebody like a woman whose daughter is undergoing such a ceremony not to be able to read the time and would be late to a ceremonial gathering of that kind.

This song is sung to mock the mothers of the dipo girls for not coming to the ceremonial ground in time for the ceremony to begin at the appropriate time scheduled. This means the ceremony will be delayed which should not be so.

Song 15 Mεni lo nyε hoo?

LS1. Mεni lo nyε hoo? What meat did you cook?

Ch2. Okpoku lo.? Is it a vulture meat?

3. Mεni lo nyε hoo? What meat did you cook?

4. Okpoku lo.? Is it a vulture meat?

5. Mεni lo nyε hoo? What meat did you cook?

6. Okpoku lo? Is it a vulture meat?

LS7. Mεni lo nyε hoo? What meat did you cook?

Ch 8. Okpoku lo? Is it a vulture meat?

9. Mεni lo nyε hoo? What meat did you cook?

10. Okpoku lo? Is it a vulture meat?

In line 1, the songstress is asking the mothers of the dipo girls the sort of meat they were cooking before they delayed in coming to the play ground. It says:

Mεni lo nyε hoo? What meat did you cook?

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The line 2 is another question inquiring whether it is a vulture meat that they are cooking.

In Dangme land, nobody eats vulture meat. It is therefore to tease or ridicule the mothers of the dipo girls that they are cooking a tough and very hard meat of a vulture, hence their delay or lateness to the ceremonial ground.

Meaning/Moral lesson The song is telling its singers to be time conscious and that time is money or time and tide wait for no man. Again, it is saying that delaying in doing things is a bad practice which should be encouraged.

Idiophone- It is a vivid representation of an idea in sound, words that employ sound symbolism to express aspects of events that can be experienced by the sense like smell, colour, shape, sound action or movement. They are linguistically expressions whose linguistic forms and sounds correlate with their semantic meanings and therefore debunk certain aspects of the arbitrariness of language. It is a situation where the signified event and linguistic signifier coincide perfectly well for easier interpretation (Agyekum, 2013). In the following klama song, an idiophone is used to describe the work of the blacksmith:

Song 16 Mεεdoku Ayε

LS1. Mεεdoku Ayε Mεεdoku Ayε

2. E ba sɔ kue mi He has come to the workshop

Ch3. Kingai kingai ngε sɔ kue mi Kingai-kingai smiting in the

workshop.

LS 4. Mεεdoku Ayε Mεεdoku Ayε

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5. E ba sɔ kue mi He has come to the workshop

Ch 6. Kingai kingai ngε sɔ kue mi Kingai-kingai smiting in the

workshop.

The line 1 is the name of the worker, that Mεεdoku Ayε, who has come to his workshop to work. The line3 which is the focus of the song here is the sound made while smiting in the workshop. That is:

Kingai kingai ngε sɔ kue mi Smiting kingai kingai in the workshop.

Kingai kingai is the sound made when a hammer strikes a piece of metal on the anvil.

Symbolism Another literary device in the Klama songs is symbolism.

A symbol is a figure in which something represents another thing by virtue of an analogical correspondence. As a literary device, the symbol combines a literal and a sensuous quality with an abstract or suggestive aspect. As an image, it evokes an objective concrete reality and usually goes beyond that to suggest another level of meaning. Again, a symbol has the quality of being either universal where its intended meaning is more or less generally available, or private, where its effectiveness derives not from anything inherent in itself but from the way it is employed in a given work.

Symbol is a concrete or familiar object that is used in reference to or as an explanation of abstract ideas or a less familiar object or event. Agyekum (1999) says symbolism is a modern literary movement begun in reaction to realism, replacing the objectivity of directness of the realists’ method with new techniques that attempted to present a true reality beyond objective reality.

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In Dangme, and almost among all ethnic groups in Ghana, the old lady is used as a symbol of wisdom.

In the following song, the old lady is used as a symbol of wisdom, while the grass bowing down represents the girls who listen to advice:

Song 17 Yomo ɔ da nga nɔ

LS1. Yomo ɔ The old lady

2. Da nga nɔ Stands on the grass field

Ch 3 ,Nε nga hwɔ si And the grass bows down

4. Yomo ɔ The old lady

5. Da nga nɔ Stands on the grass field

6. Nε nga hwɔ si And the grass bows down

The old lady standing on the grass made the grass to bow down. In Dangme, bowing down before an elderly person indicates respect and reverence. The song therefore qualified to be a symbolism because the old lady is a symbol of wisdom whilst bowing down is a sign of respect. The song can also be regarded as a proverb.

What this song simply means is that, some young girls respectfully listened to the old lady’s advice and were able to go through the dipo rite successfully. What the song is telling the young girls is that if they listen to advice they can stay up to the time the dipo rites will be performed for them without becoming pregnant. Again if the young ones will listen to advice from elderly persons in their community, there will be no trouble for them.

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The moral of this song is that to obedience is very important or like the Biblical saying “ to obey is better than sacrifice”

Irony Among the Dangme, there are various ways of expressing their views. They either say it in plain language, proverbially, metaphorically or through any other medium. In whatever way they choose, the message maintains its weight and goes to serve the intended purpose. Among the devices used is irony. Irony in every use is a situation that is unusual or amusing because something strange happens, or the opposite of what is expected happens or is true or when one uses words that are opposite of what he really mean, often in order to be amusing. Agyekum (2013) says is ‘a statement in which the actual intended meaning is the opposite of the literal meaning of the expressions given. Contradiction, discrepancy or contrast between what in implied and what is real.

In the following song the intended meaning is not what the words are trying to portray:

Song 18 Otu, mo kɔ nɔ

LS1. Otu, mo kɔ nɔ Otu, go ahead!

2. Ngmɔli ma The farmers are coming.

Ch3. Otu, mo kɔ nɔ Otu, go ahead

2. Ngmɔli ma The farmers are coming

LS3. O pua da You distilled drink

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4. Nε o nu ngε ngmɔli a yi And you drank in the absence of the

farmers.

5. O hoo ni, o ye You cooked and ate

6. Ngε ngmɔli a yi In the absence of the farmers

Ch7. Otu, mo kɔ nɔ Otu, go ahead

8. O nɔ ji sina Thanks be unto you

In the song, Otu was doing something which is not good but instead of saying that he should stop the songstress rather said he should continue by saying;

Otu, mo kɔ nɔ Otu go ahead

The lines 3 to 7 tell of the bad things that Otu has been doing. Otu distilled drink and drank it alone. He cooked and ate it alone without giving anybody.

O pua da You distilled drink

Nε o nu ngε ngmɔli a yi And you drank in the absence of the farmers

O hoo ni, o ye You cooked and ate

Ngε ngmɔli a yi In the absence of the farmers

Meanwhile the other farmers were around. After doing these things to them, the songstress was thanking him by saying

O nɔ ji sina Thanks be unto you

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Thanking Otu for doing what he is not expected to do therefore meant something unusual. Lines 1 and 8 carry the unusual messages. This song therefore is an irony.

Imagery: Generally speaking, the forms of images in klama songs reveal certain inter relationship between the people and the images. They reveal the people as being one with their environment. There are frequent references to their occupation, for instance. A good number of the songs also deal with objects associated with the livelihood pursuits of the singers. There are also objects of worship and reverence as well as references to the earth, the sky and the sea. These homely images not only represent the world as the singers know it; they also constitute the matrix of references for their beliefs, ideas and thoughts. The images are sometimes self defining. The images in the songs also define the people they sing about in their threat, boasts, insinuations, taunts and abuse.

Imagery is the attempt to produce clear, concrete mental pictures of something by the use of comparative devices like simile, metaphor, personification, symbolism etc. The following song makes an image in the singer’s mind.

Song 19 Gbɔ nɔ kε nylεwu nɔ I hia ye nane ngɔ ma

Gbɔ nɔ kε nylεwu nɔ It is on gbɔ and nylεwu

I hia ye nane ngɔ ma That I stepped

Gbɔ nɔ kε nylεwu nɔ It is on gbɔ and on nylεwu

I hia ye nane ngɔ ma That I stepped

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In the songs gbɔ and nylεwu are medicinal herbs. They are regard, in Dangme land, as herbs that posses spiritual power. It is believed that anybody who steps on those leaves is protected from all evil powers and protected from the machination of the enemy. If the song is looked at as a proverb it means that, I have set my foot in my own house. It also means that I have been blessed or fully protected from all evil things that someone has planned for me.

Alliteration is another literary device that can be found in klama songs.

Alliteration is the repetition of like consonant sounds, usually at the beginning of words in a line of poetry or prose. In the following song are examples:

Song 20 Je he lalaalᴐ

LS 1. Je he lalaalᴐ The tempter of the world,

2. Mo ko ba laalaa mi si Do not tempt me.

Ch 3. Je he lalaalᴐ The tempter of the world,

4. Mo ko ba laalaa mi si Do not tempt me.

In the song, the sound [ l ] has been repeated in all the lines.

4.2 Themes

Although the focus of this work is not on themes it is necessary to talk about it. A close study of the twenty songs selected for this study reveals that they can suitably be placed under some categories along the lines of the dominant themes they carry.

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There is theme of origin of its singers and related themes of struggle, praise, ridicule, appeals to deity, customs or religion. As already indicated, klama song is basically a social dance. It is therefore not surprising that the majority of the songs are about custom and tradition. Practically, each of the songs in this category is either directly or indirectly concerned with performance of the dipo rites. The songs that deal with praise as a central theme are mostly about the girls being able to stay up to the time of performing the rites for them without getting pregnant and to their parents for taking good care and their ability to control their daughters to stay up to the time of their initiation. There are others to in praise of important personalities, people who have sacrificed for the society,warriors and many others.

As a social dance, members have to at one point or the other confront life activities as a reality. References to work in the songs reveal the singers' attitude towards work not only as a means of becoming rich but as a way of life. There are songs about marriage which indicate the singers’ responsibility for procreation and continuous existence of their lineage. In songs where a god or some other spirit being is appealed to, we see a practical demonstration of a people's faith in a belief system that has enabled them to order their lives as members of the same culture. Another category, ridicule, includes songs that do not merely ridicule the unwanted behaviour.

It also includes songs that deal with boasts, taunts and satire. The song may also be about the success or failure, disgrace or some other kind of embarrassment.

In addition, there are songs that are purely recreational. There are also songs for various other occasions. The songs could be a means of stirring people into action.

For example, there are songs that emphasis bravery and courage and the need to prove

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one's mettle when the occasion calls for it. These songs are mostly found in the Tεgblε songs. Such songs will at the same time castigate cowardice and reprimand laziness, among others. However, no matter the theme and the occasion, these songs have embedded in their texts bits and pieces of the history, culture and indeed the worldview of the people whose songs they are. The song texts constitute a veritable treasure which this work will attempt to showcase.

Summary

This chapter looked at the literary analysis of the imaginative quality of klama song texts with reference to the songs selected for this study. An attempt was made to pinpoint the key tropes individually and severally in terms of their effectiveness as vehicles of meaning.

It was realized that the basic form of the klama song is structured with a lead singer or cantor's part and a chorus part. The klama cantor's art together with the resources available to him - repetitions, variations of the tune, elicits his response and varies his statement for another response. The call and response pattern not only affirms the collective voice of the singers but also confirms the shared membership of the community

It was evident that literary studies impose on us an obligation to pay close attention to language. The assumption here is that the closer one looks at language, the fuller it will come into its force. Interpretation and meaning depends to a great extent on figures of speech or tropes such as metaphors, similes, metonymy, personification, symbol and apostrophe, among others. These ultimately carry the meaning of the text.

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It is important to appreciate how these tropes work to bring out the meaning of the text. Indeed, an understanding of how this operates often enables us to produce various levels of meaning. The figurative process is not and cannot be limited to interpretation and meaning alone. It takes us beyond these boundaries into a theory of language and culture. It also demonstrated that these tropes constitute a system of thought, rather than a mere reflection of reality. It also saw proper meaning as against figurative meaning and shows also that often times, texts that appear to be starkly literal and devoid of figures of speech have embedded in them suggestions that point to a figurative way of looking at the world. In addition, these tropes reveal about the people whose songs these are.

The texts themselves are not cultural simply because of their references to the world beyond themselves. They derive their culturalness from the social values and contexts they themselves have absorbed. In other words, the klama song texts under study are not merely cultural because of what they contain by way of message and style of delivery. They are, in a sense, a society communicating with itself, drawing upon its matrix of beliefs and practices that define its own cultural boundaries.

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CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS AND

RECCOMMENDATIONS

5. 1 Summary

This study set out to examine closely the verbal texts of Dangme klama songs from the Shai Traditional area of the Greater Accra Region of Ghana. The focus on verbal texts was adopted because of this researcher’s conviction that among the

Dangme, song text is arguably the most important factor in the determination of the emotional effect of a person. People are less interested in the klama songs than to other musical sound whether it is a dirge, a recreational song, or a contemporary highlife song, despite its importance. The song text is more cherished since people are affected first and foremost by the text of the song before anything else. Again, the song texts reflect the culture of which they are a part. They are a storehouse of myths, legends, religion and history of the people. The texts also are a reflection of the harmonies and the tensions within the society. Within the text, it can be found also proverbs and other gnomic forms such as repetition, metaphors, satire, idiophones, personifications, which reflect the wisdom and indeed the world view of the people.

However, the focus of the study has been narrowed down to the literal devices that, more than anything else, carry the meanings and the rich suggestiveness of the texts.

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The study started off on the assumption that a close study of klama song texts will reveal a richness of language that will qualify them as pieces of oral poetry. To be able to prosecute such a study, it was necessary to begin by gathering background information on the klama songs and the people who sing the songs. From there, different types of songs, uses of songs, history of songs and the advantages and disadvantages of songs were looked at. It also looked at what some authors and authorities have said about songs. Various occasions on which songs are played were also looked at. It was found out that klama songs can be played on all occasions and the songs carry more than one meaning.

The next stage was to get the individuals and the different groups for recording purposes. People with in-depth knowledge of klama songs and klama dance groups were consulted at Kordiabe and Agomeda, both in the Shai Traditional Area. The recorded material on audio tape was transcribed and translated into English. Having thus abstracted and isolated the texts from their musical accompaniments, it was easier and more convenient to deal with the texts as written texts. The song texts were examined with respect to style, origin, type of device, meaning, and the moral lesson they carry.

Chapter 4 examined the content of the texts selected for the study. In so doing, a pragmatic approach – content analysis – was employed. This involve selecting items in a sampling of klama song texts with the basic assumption that such an investigation would provide insights into the lives of the people whose artistic creations these songs are. Specifically, the songs selected for the study were those identified to contain repetition, metaphor, parallelism, symbolism, etc. The items identified constitute

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patterns and frequencies that connote values and attitudes. For instance, the song number 17 about ‘the old lady standing on the grass,’ shows wisdom and respect for the elderly. All of these appear to demonstrate how this particular verbal art form relates to the culture from which it originates and about which it speaks. In addition, the analysis of the contents also revealed the way song texts help the culture to nurture, propagate and consolidate its values, and cement its membership with a shared consensus. Content analysis as a tool, therefore, enabled this researcher to see the values embedded in the songs.

5. 2 Findings

Meaning in klama songs, it was found, could be arrived at through history, through objects used and through context. An attempt was made to show how the message of the songs affected both the performers and the audience. This study found out that apart from their uses and gratifications standpoint as songs for mostly the dipo rite, the songs also provide an escape from the constraints of routine and the tediousness of daily living while at the same time offering opportunities for excitement and emotional release. In addition, the verbal texts helped to identity and define the people while at the same time providing a means for value reinforcement.

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the community. And, as songs with messages, the call and response structure enables a single idea or event to be isolated and intensified so that it does not merely catch our attention but also seize our imagination and compel us to give it thought. It was also found out that the songs can be used to encourage good behaviour and to admonish bad ones. The messages or the moral in the songs cut across all the human sphere of life. As folk songs, they constitute a veritable source of material for piecing together the cultural history of the people. They also reveal important aspects of language behaviour as well as the users' manipulation of language for one purpose or the other.

Again, the texts have revealed the effect of language in contact with the society innovative ability of the people. Therefore, disregarding the language use in the songs is just like disregarding the importance of language. While it is true that language shapes our perceptions, it is equally true that our perceptions are also shaped by language. This is where the culture of the people comes into play.

All told, this study has revealed that the language of the klama song text is rich by virtue of a profusion of literary devices. Again, apart from investing the songs with various possibilities as far as meaning is concerned, also enables the language to soar to poetic heights while at the same time pointing to the Dangme cultural way of looking at the world.

The findings, it is hoped, will provoke further investigation into the subject.

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5.3 Conclusion

The great extent and richness of the oral poetry of the world is almost totally unknown to many lovers of poetry. It is often wholly unrecognized that oral poetry can offer much that, at its best, can parallel the written poetic forms.

The work discusses the style and literary devices in Dangme klama songs. It was found out that the songs contain various figures of speech which are hither to in the domain of written literature. The songs contain devices such as metaphors, parallelisms, repetitions, irony, and so on. It further observed that repetition is the most common device which can be found in the songs. The study further observed that the repetition of the songs was not for lack of and ideas but also make them a bit longer, interesting, enjoyable and easy to learn. The repetition in the song also carries with it some degree of newness (Avorgbedor 1990)

The study found that klama songs can be sang by two groups. The first group being the lead singer or cantor and the second is the chorus. It was also found that some of the songs texts contain words whose meanings are not intelligible; however, meanings of those words are implied.

This study of the imaginative quality of klama song texts drawn from Dangme folklore is therefore intended as a contribution to the position held by renowned

Ghanaian and other African literary scholars.

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5.4 Recommendation

Many young people, especially those who have had the benefit of formal education, appear to have no interest in klama songs. They see klama dance as fetish.

They therefore would not like to do anything with it. For this reason, klama is gradually losing its prominence and pride of place. The practice of klama singing, drumming and dancing in the Shai area is now more or less restricted to the fetish sanctuaries, dipo rites and the older generations only. Klama songs therefore are in danger of being ignored by the majority of the people - whose heritage it is - and eventually dying out. This study, then, is in part an attempt to rekindle interest in

Klama songs and to unearth the literary possibilities of the song texts. To rekindle the spirit of klama among the Shai or throughout the Dangme land, klama should be played at festivals so that the youth may see the beauty of the dance. Also its lyrics should be used in playing the gospels songs that we hear on our radios and televisions and in the churches just as has been done to agbadza and other dances in the country.

Another way of rekindling the klama spirit is by teachers of Dangme to use the songs as a source for poetry appreciation. Through this, the pupils will see the language used in the songs. Finally, I will suggest that students of Languages should research into any dance song of the Dangme people to bring out their aesthetic values.

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REFERENCES

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as a Genre for Shaping the Dangme People, (M. A. Thesis),

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Winneba. (Unpublished).

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Agyekum, K.(1999). Introduction to Literature Accra: Adwinsa Publications

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Agyekum, K. (2013). Introduction to Literature, (3rd edition). Accra: Adwinsa

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Amuah, K. , Adum-Attah, K. & Arthu,r K, (200) Music and Dance for

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Annang, J. C. (1986). Sociolinguistics, Tema: Koransa Book Foundation

Avorgbedor, D (1979). "Preservation, Transmission and Realisation of song

Texts: A Psycho-musical approach" in Okpewho (ed) The Oral

Performance in Africa. (lbadan: Spectrum 1990 : 223).

Blackings, J. (1987). A Commonsense View of All Music. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press.

Buah, F. K. (1967). New History for Schools – West Africa and Europe.

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Caesar, R. O. (2013). Address Forms in Dangme. Journal of African Cultures

and Languages. Volume 2,(01); pp. 53-60.

Dakubu, M. E. (1987). The DangmeLanguage. Accra: Unimax Publishers.

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Research – A Tool for Human Services. Belmont: Brooks/Cole.

Darwin, C. (1859). On the Origin of Species. London: John Murray Limited.

Fage, J. D. (1966). Ghana – A Historical Interpretation. London: Wisconsin

Press.

Frith, S. (1987) Towards an Aesthetic of Music. Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press.

Gyampo, A. (2009). Understanding Core Literature In English. Mampong:

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African People. Fribourg: St Paul’s Press.

Marlow, C. R. and Boone, S (2005), Research Methods for Generalist Social

Work. Belmont: Brooks / Thomson Learning.

Merker, B.(1999). The Origin of Music. Massachusetts: MIT Press.

Millbower, L (2000) Training with a Beat, the Teaching Power of Music.

London: Kogan Page Limited.

Murphy, T. (1992). Music and Song. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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Nketia, J. H. K. (1955). Funeral Dirges of the Akan People. Exeter: J.

Townsend Ltd.

Nketia, J. H. (1962). The Music of Africa. New York: W.W. Norton and Co.

Odorkorteila.C. D. (2014) Adaa Klama La Komɛ Kɛ Asilɛ Suhi Nɛ A Hɛɛ.

(Long Essay), Department of Ga-Dangme Education, University of

Education, Winniba. (Unpublished)

Okpewho, I. (1990). The Oral Performance in Africa. Ibadan: Spectrum Ltd.

Palmer, K. (1965). Teach Youself Music.Liverpool: University Press.

Puplampu, D. A. (1953). Adangme Manner of Speech. London: Macmillan and

Co Limited.

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Harper Collins Publishers Inc.

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Wellosz, E. (1959). .Ancient and Oriental Music. London: Oxford University

Press.

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APPENDIX

The songs under various themes

Theme of worship /praise to God or gods/appeal to deities

Song 1. Ke pi bᴐkuu he ᴐ, I ko na Mawu ngɛ hiᴐwe

LS. 1. Ke pi bɔkuu he ɔ, Had it not been the cloud,

2. I ko na Mawu ngε hiɔwe. I would have seen God in heaven.

Ch .3. Ke pi bᴐkuu he , ᴐ Had it not been the cloud,

4. I ko na Mawu ngε hiɔwe. I would have seen God in heaven.

LS. 5. Ke pi bɔkuu he ɔ, Had it not been the cloud,

6. I ko na Mawu ngε hiɔwe. I would have seen God in heaven.

Ch. 7. Ke pi bᴐkuu he ɔ, Had it not been the cloud,

8. I ko na Mawu ngε hiɔwe. I would have seen God in heaven.

LS. 9. I ko na Mawu ngε hiɔwe. I would have seen God in heaven.

10. I ko na Mawu ngε hiɔwe I would have seen God in heaven.

Ch.11. Ke pi bᴐkuu he ɔ, Had it not been the cloud,

12. I ko na Mawu ngε hiɔwe. I would have seen God in heaven.

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Song 8 Nɔmo Jange lee

LS 1. Ayoo Ayoo Ayoo Ayoo Ayoo Ayoo

2. Nɔmo Jange lee Venerable Jange

3. Ba to ye nya he nyu Give me water to drink

Ch 4. Nɔmo Jange lee Venerable Jange

5. Ba to ye nya he nyu Give me water to drink

LS 6. Ayoo Ayoo Ayoo Ayoo Ayoo Ayoo

7. Nɔmo Jange lee Venerable Jange

8. Ba to ye nya he nyu Give me water to drink

Ch 9. Nɔmo Jange lee Venerable Jange

10. Ba to ye nya he nyu Give me water to drink

Theme of ridicule / satire/unwanted behaviour

Song 2 Nyε ba hyε yaka biyo ɔ wami

LS 1. Nyε ba hyε! Come and see! 2. Yaka biyo ɔ wami. How the scandalous girl has grown.

Ch 3. Yaka nɔ hyεli ɔmε You, who are out to see scandals

4. Yaka nɔ deli ɔmε You, who are out to talk about scandals

5. Yaka nɔ nuli ɔmε You, who are out to hear about scandals

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6. .Nyε ba hyε Come and see

7. Yaka biyo ɔ wami How the scandalous girl has grown

LS 8. Nyε ba hyε Come and see

9. Yaka biyo ɔ wami How the scandalous girl has grown

Ch10. Yaka nɔ hyεli ɔmε You, who are out to see scandals

11. Yaka nɔ deli ɔmε You, who are out to talk about scandals

12. Yaka nɔ nuli ɔmε You, who are out to hear about scandals

13. Nyε ba hyε Come and see

14. Yaka biyo ɔ wami How the scandalous girl has grown

Song 18 Otu, moo kɔ nɔ

LS1. Otu, moo kɔ nɔ Otu, go ahead

2. Ngmɔli ma Farmers are coming

LS 3. Otu, moo kɔ nɔ Otu, go ahead

Ch4. Ngmɔli ma Farmers are coming

5. O pua da You distilled drink

6. Nε o nu ngε ngmɔli a yi And you drank in the absence of the farmers

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7. O hoo ni, o ye You cooked and ate

8. Ngε ngmɔli a yi In the absence of the farmers

LS9. Otu, mo kɔ nɔ Otu, go ahead

10. O nɔ ji sina Thanks be unto you

Theme of peace / unity/ love

Song 3 Anikaka, waa ka wa hyε

LS1. Anikaka, waa ka wa hyε Anikaka, let us try and see

2. Kaa suɔ nya ma ma oo Whether the elephant will bow its mouth

Ch3. Anikaka, waa ka wa hyε Anikaka, let us try and see

4. Kaa suɔ nya ma ma oo Whether the elephant will bow its mouth

LS5. Anikaka, waa ka wa hyε Anikaka, let us try and see

6. Kaa suɔ nya ma ma oo Whether the elephant will bow its mouth

Ch7. Anikaka, waa ka wa hyε Anikaka, let us try and see

8. Kaa suɔ nya ma ma oo Wether the elephant will bow its mouth

Song 17 Yomo ɔ da nga nɔ

Yomo ɔ The old lady

Da nga nɔ Stands on the grass field

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Nε nga hwɔ si And the grass bows down

Yomo ɔ The old lady

Da nga nɔ Stands on the grass field

Nε nga hwɔ si And the grass bows down

Theme of love for children/ need for procreation/good marriage

Song 4 Adamo fu ngε bɔ he

LS1. Adamo fu ngε bɔ he Adamo is ripe in the groove

2. Adamo hlali ɔmε nyε ba Adamo pluckers come

Ch3. Adamo tsutusuutsu Very red adamo

4. Adamo pɔpɔɔpɔ Very red adamo

LS5. Adamo fu ngε bɔ he Adamo is ripe in the groove

6. Adamo hlali nyε ba Adamo pluckers come

7. Adamo fu ngε bɔ he Adamo is ripe in the groove

8. Adamo hlali ɔmε nyε ba Adamo pluckers come

Ch 9. Adamo tsutsuutsu Very red adamo

10. Adamo pɔpɔɔpɔ Very red adamo

LS11. Adamo fu ngε bɔ he Adamo is ripe in the groove.

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12. Adamo hlali nyε ba Adamo pluckers come.

Theme of ridicule/ unwanted behaviour

Song13 O li ha domi nɛ o fᴐ biyo

LS 1. O li ha domi You do not know how to dance ha

2. Nε o fɔ bi yo. And you have given birth to a girl.

Ch3. O li ha domi You do not know how to dance ha

4. Nε o fɔ bi yo. And you have given birth to a girl.

5. O li ha domi You do not know how to dance ha

6. Nε o fɔ bi yo. And you have given birth to a girl.

7. O li ha domi You do not know how to dance ha

8. Nε o fɔ bi yo. And you have given birth to a girl.

LS 9. O li ha domi You do not know how to dance ha

10. Nε o fɔ bi yo And you have given birth to a girl.

Ch11. O li ha domi You do not know how to dance ha

12. Nε o fɔ bi yo And you have given birth t

Song 14 Dipo yi a nyεmε

LS 1. Dipo yi a nyεmε Mothers of dipo girls

2. A hyε we pu They did not watch the sun

Ch 3. Dipo yi a nyεmε Mothers of dipo girls

4. A hyε we pu They did not watch the sun

LS 5. Dipo yi a nyεmε Mothers of dipo girls

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6. A hyε we pu They did not watch the sun

Ch7. Dipo yi a nyεmε Mothers of dipo girls

8. A hyε we pu. They did not watch the sun.

Song 15 Mεni lo nyε hoo?

LS 1. Mεni lo nyε hoo? What meat did you cook?

Ch2. Okpoku lo.? Is it a vulture meat?

3. Mεni lo nyε hoo? What meat did you cook?

4. Okpoku lo.? Is it a vulture meat?

5. Mεni lo nyε hoo? What meat did you cook?

6. Okpoku lo? Is it a vulture meat?

LS7. Mεni lo nyε hoo? What meat did you cook?

Ch8. Okpoku lo.? Is it a vulture meat?

9. Mεni lo nyε hoo? What meat did you cook

10. Okpoku lo.? Is it a vulture meat?

11. Mεni lo nyε hoo? What meat did you cook

12. Okpoku lo? Is it a vulture meat?

Theme of neatness/ cleanliness

Song 12 Yo du e he

Another song which also qualifies to be a hyperbole is this:

LS1. Yo du e he A lady has bathed

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2. Nε e ngε kpεe And she is shining

3. Pe sika hiɔ Than silver

Ch4. Yo du e he A lady has bathed

5. Nε e ngε kpεe And she is shining

6. Pe sika hiɔ Than silver

Ch7. Yo du e he A lady has bathed

8. Nε e ngε kpεe And she is shining

9. Pe sika hiɔ Than silver

Theme of need for work/ reprimand of laziness

Song 11 E maa ku yo ngmɔngmɔ

LS1. Naki lee Naki lee

Ch2. E maa ku yo ɔ ngmɔngmɔ It will break the girl’s hips

LS3. E maa ku yo ɔ ngmɔngmɔ It will break the girl’s hips

Ch4. E maa ku yo ɔ ngmɔngmɔ It will break the girl’s hips

LS5. Naki lee Naki lee

Ch6. E maa ku yo ɔ ngmɔngmɔ It will break the girl’s hips

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7. E maa ku yo ɔ ngmɔngmɔ It will break the girl’s hips

8. E maa ku yo 3 ngmɔngmɔ It will break the girl’s hips

Song 16 Mεεdoku Ayε

1Mεεdoku Ayε Mεεdoku Ayε

2 E ba sɔ kue mi He has come to the workshop

3 Kingai kingai ngε sɔ kue mi Kingai-kingai smiting in the

workshop.

4 Mεεdoku Ayε Mεεdoku Ayε

5 E ba sɔ kue mi He has come to the workshop

6 Kingai kingai ngε sɔ kue mi Kingai-kingai smiting in the

workshop.

Respect for authority

Song 7 Ke I de ja I jε we nɔ ko

LS1. Eee eee eee Eee eee eee

2. Ma bi nyε ba nu oo People come and listen

Ch3. Ke I de ja I jε we nɔ ko If I say so, I do not insult anybody.

LS4. Ke I de ja I jε we nɔ ko If I say so, I do not insult anybody.

Ch5. Tsate Ahua ke wa ko su huɔtsε Tsate Ahua says we should not befriend

an enlarged scrotum person.

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6. Tsate Ahua ke wa ko gba huɔtε Tsate Ahua says we should not marry an

enlarged scrotum person

Ch7. Ke o gba huɔtsε o ma fɔ huɔbi If you marry a large scrotum person

you will give birth to an enlarged scrotum

child

LS8. Ke o fɔ huɔ bi o nyaake o maa hue If you give birth to that child you

will carry it in your hands alone

9 .Ke o fɔ huɔ bi o nyaake o maa kpa If you give birth to that child you will

carry it at your back alone

LS/Ch10. Kai lalaala kai lalaala Kai lalaala kai lalaala

11 .Kai lalaal o lee Kai lalaala o lee

12. Kai lalaal o lee kai lalaala o lee

13. Kai lalaala o lee kai lalaala Ongmo. Kai laalaala o lee kai lalaala

Ongmo.

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