A Two-Dimensional Model of Utilitarian Psychology

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A Two-Dimensional Model of Utilitarian Psychology Psychological Review © 2017 American Psychological Association 2017, Vol. 0, No. 999, 000 0033-295X/17/$12.00 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/rev0000093 Beyond Sacrificial Harm: A Two-Dimensional Model of Utilitarian Psychology Guy Kahane, Jim A. C. Everett, Brian D. Earp, Lucius Caviola, Nadira S. Faber, Molly J. Crockett, and Julian Savulescu University of Oxford Recent research has relied on trolley-type sacrificial moral dilemmas to study utilitarian versus nonutili- tarian modes of moral decision-making. This research has generated important insights into people’s attitudes toward instrumental harm—that is, the sacrifice of an individual to save a greater number. But this approach also has serious limitations. Most notably, it ignores the positive, altruistic core of utilitarianism, which is characterized by impartial concern for the well-being of everyone, whether near or far. Here, we develop, refine, and validate a new scale—the Oxford Utilitarianism Scale—to dissociate individual differences in the ‘negative’ (permissive attitude toward instrumental harm) and ‘positive’ (impartial concern for the greater good) dimensions of utilitarian thinking as manifested in the general population. We show that these are two independent dimensions of proto-utilitarian tendencies in the lay population, each exhibiting a distinct psychological profile. Empathic concern, identification with the whole of humanity, and concern for future generations were positively associated with impartial beneficence but negatively associated with instrumental harm; and although instrumental harm was associated with subclinical psychopathy, impartial beneficence was associated with higher religiosity. Importantly, although these two dimensions were independent in the lay population, they were closely associated in a sample of moral philosophers. Acknowledging this dissociation between the instrumental harm and impartial beneficence components of utilitarian thinking in ordinary people can clarify existing debates about the nature of moral psychology and its relation to moral philosophy as well as generate fruitful avenues for further research. Keywords: empathy, impartiality, moral dilemmas, moral psychology, utilitarianism Supplemental materials: http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/rev0000093.supp According to classical utilitarianism, we should always act in causes more generally. They have been leading figures in the the way that would maximize aggregate well-being. Since its fights against sexism, racism, and ‘speciesism;’ influential sup- introduction in the 18th century by the philosopher Jeremy porters of political and sexual liberty; and key actors in attempts Bentham, this simple idea has been massively influential—and to eradicate poverty in developing countries as well as to massively controversial. Modern-day secular morality can be encourage more permissive attitudes to prenatal screening, seen as the gradual expansion of our circle of moral concern abortion, and euthanasia within our own societies (Bentham, from those who are emotionally close, physically near, or 1789/1983; Mill, 1863; Singer, 2011). Yet utilitarians have similar to us, to cover the whole of humanity, and even all never constituted more than a tiny minority, and utilitarianism sentient life (Singer, 1981; see also Pinker, 2011). Utilitarians has always faced fierce resistance. Pope John Paul II famously like Bentham, John Stuart Mill, and, in our time, Peter Singer, wrote: “Utilitarianism is a civilization of production and of use, have played a pivotal role in this process, and in progressive acivilizationof‘things’andnotof‘persons,’acivilizationin Editor’s Note. Guy Kahane and Jim A. C. Everett contributed equally and Savulescu, Uehiro Centre for Practical Ethics, University of Ox- share first authorship. ford. This research was supported by research grants from the Uehiro Foun- dation on Ethics and Education, the Wellcome Trust Institutional Strategic Support Fund, and the Wellcome Centre for Ethics and Humanities Guy Kahane, Uehiro Centre for Practical Ethics, University of Ox- (WT203132/Z/16/Z). The authors gratefully acknowledge the assistance of ford; Jim A. C. Everett, Uehiro Centre for Practical Ethics and Depart- an expert panel of philosophers who helped review items, and the assis- ment of Experimental Psychology, University of Oxford; Brian D. Earp, tance of Simon Lolliot for his statistical advice in the initial stages of the Uehiro Centre for Practical Ethics, University of Oxford; Lucius Cavi- scale development. ola, Department of Experimental Psychology, University of Oxford; Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Jim A. C. Nadira S. Faber, Uehiro Centre for Practical Ethics and Department of Everett, Department of Experimental Psychology, University of Oxford, Experimental Psychology, University of Oxford; Molly J. Crockett, South Parks Road, Oxford, United Kingdom, OX1 3UD. E-mail: Department of Experimental Psychology, University of Oxford; Julian [email protected] 1 2 KAHANE ET AL. which persons are used in the same way as things are used” gressive and antisocial tendencies including reduced concern (John Paul II, 1995). But it is not only defenders of traditional about harm to others (Bartels & Pizarro, 2011; Glenn, Koleva, morality who reject utilitarianism; prominent progressive think- Iyer, Graham, & Ditto, 2010; Kahane, Everett, Earp, Farias, & ers have criticized utilitarianism in similar terms (Rawls, 1971; Savulescu, 2015; Wiech et al., 2013). These findings are puz- Williams, 1973), and many continue to angrily protest the views zling. Utilitarians are supposed to care about the good of all of utilitarians such as Singer (Schaler, 2009). Clearly, utilitar- sentient beings; psychopaths notoriously care only about their ianism is a distinctive, influential, and controversial ethical own good. So why is psychopathy one of the traits most view. consistently associated with what are supposed to be paradigm Given the influential but controversial reach of utilitarianism cases of utilitarian judgment? in ethics and society, questions about the psychological basis of The answer to this puzzle may be found by way of illustra- utilitarian moral thinking—and why some people are so at- tion. In March 2017, disability activists outraged by Peter tracted to it while others are so repelled—have been of con- Singer’s support for the infanticide of severely disabled babies siderable interest to philosophers and psychologists alike. Util- prevented him from speaking (via an Internet link) at an event itarians have often answered such questions by appealing to a organized by the Effective Altruism Club of Victoria University contrast between cool logic and misguided intuitions and emo- in Canada—a club whose founding, in turn, was inspired by tions. They argue that common moral views have their source in Singer’s advocacy of self-sacrifice in the name of charity gut reactions and intuitions shaped by discredited religious views or (Singer, 2015). This incident—and the two ‘sides’ of Singer’s evolutionary pressures, and that careful reflection should lead us to views attracting both censure and praise—offers the beginnings abandon these views and endorse utilitarianism, a more logical view of an answer to our question by showing two distinct ways in based in rational reflection (Singer, 2005). Recognizing that this which utilitarianism radically departs from commonsense mo- notion is, in part, a testable hypothesis about human moral psychol- rality. ogy, some advocates of utilitarianism have generated an influential The first way utilitarianism departs from such commonsense body of empirical research that has by and large seemed to confirm it. morality is that it places no constraints whatsoever on the maxi- The main approach in this research has been to study re- mization of aggregate well-being. If killing a severely disabled sponses to ‘sacrificial’ moral dilemmas (such as the famous child would lead to more good overall—as Singer believes is at ‘trolley’ scenario and its various permutations; see Foot, 1967) least sometimes the case—then utilitarianism, in stark contrast to which present a choice between sacrificing one innocent person commonsense morality, requires that the child be killed. This to save a greater number of people, or doing nothing and letting explains the angry protests at Singer’s talk. But this requirement is them die. In analyzing these responses and relating them to just one aspect of utilitarianism: specifically, it is the negative other variables, such as individual difference scores on person- dimension according to which we are permitted (and even re- ality measures or patterns of brain activity, researchers have quired) to instrumentally use, severely harm, or even kill innocent tried to uncover the psychological and even neural underpin- people to promote the greater good. We call this dimension ‘in- nings of the dispute between utilitarians and their opponents— strumental harm.’ such as defenders of deontological, rights-based views of the There is also a positive dimension to utilitarianism, and this kind associated with Immanuel Kant. dimension, too, departs from commonsense morality. Recall In keeping with the ‘cool logic’ versus ‘misguided emotions’ that utilitarianism requires us to maximize, not our own pref- framework, these researchers have made heavy use of a dual- erences or well-being—not even that of those near or dear to us, process approach to understanding human cognition. Dual pro- or of our
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