The Slow-Burning Genocide of Myanmar's Rohingya
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DASHED HOPES the Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Myanmar WATCH
HUMAN RIGHTS DASHED HOPES The Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Myanmar WATCH Dashed Hopes The Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Myanmar Copyright © 2019 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-36970 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org FEBRUARY 2019 ISBN: 978-1-6231-36970 Dashed Hopes The Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Myanmar Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1 Methodology ...................................................................................................................... 5 I. Background ..................................................................................................................... 6 II. Section 66(d) -
Burma Briefing
Burma Burma’s 2015 Elections and the Briefing 2008 Constitution No. 41 October 2015 Introduction After the election, regardless of No. 1 Elections due on 8th November are obviously who wins: July 2010 significant, but they are unlikely to be the major turning point in a transition to democracy that • Military appoint Home Affairs Minister, many hope for or have talked them up to be. controlling police, security services and Rather, they will be another step in the military’s much of the justice system. So there could carefully planned transition from direct military rule still be political prisoners. and pariah status to a hybrid military and civilian government which is accepted by the international • Military are not under government or community and sections of Burmese society. Parliamentary control, so they could continue attacks in ethnic states, and use Burma’s 2008 Constitution is designed to present of rape as a weapon of war. the appearance of democracy, while maintaining ultimate military control. It is also specifically • 25% of seats in Parliament reserved for designed for the eventuality of the National League the military ensures a military veto over for Democracy (NLD) winning elections and forming constitutional democratic reforms. a government, without this being a threat to military control. They were not prepared, however, to risk • Military dominated National Defense having Aung San Suu Kyi, the most popular and and Security Council more powerful than influential politician in Burma, head that government. parliament or government. Clauses were put in the Constitution to prevent this. • Military have constitutional right to retake A government which is predominantly made up direct control of government. -
Election Monitor No.40
Euro-Burma Office 4 to 10 September 2010 Election Monitor ELECTION MONITOR NO. 40 SHAN STATE, PA-O SELF-ADMINISTERED ZONE ELECTORAL SUB-COMMISSIONS MEET A meeting between the Shan State Electoral Sub-commission and the Pa-O Self-Administered Zone Sub- commission was held at the meeting hall of Hopong Township Sub-commission on 27 August. The chairman of Shan State Sub-commission, U Pwint, addressed the meeting and sub-commission members. Township Law Officer, U Maung Maung, and Deputy Director of the Information and Public Relations Department, Daw May May Ni, explained the election laws, rules and the electoral process. U Thet Tun, the chairman of Pa-O Self- Administered Zone Sub-commission, discussed the electoral work this is to be jointly carried out by the Hopong, Hsihseng and Pinlaung Townships. U Than Win, the chairman of Hopong Township Sub-commission, also discussed conducting electoral training courses and issues related to the preparation of sites to be designated as polling stations with sub-commission members.1 ELECTORAL PROCESS COURSES OPENED IN MAUBIN TOWNSHIP On 2 September, a training course on the electoral process organized by the Maubin Township Election Sub- commission in Maubin District, Ayeyawady Region for returning officers, deputy returning officers and members of polling stations was opened at the Aungheit village-tract. Those present included Members of Maubin District Sub-commission Daw Ngwe Khin and U Myo Myint as well as trainees. Township election sub- commission members U Thaung Nyunt, U Htein Lin and U Myint Soe briefed those present on electoral laws and by-laws and gave lectures on the electoral process for returning officers and deputy returning officers. -
Dr.Aye-Maungs-English-Profile-1.Pdf
Political Prisoner Profile NAME: Dr. Aye Maung ETHNICITY- GENDER: Male Arakanese/Buddhist RELIGION: PARENTS NAME: U Maung Hla Sein+ Daw Thwin Nyo Phyu DATE OF BIRTH: 1 November 1957 (62 years) IDNTITY: Politician and Ex Member of the Pyithu Hluttaw OCCUPATION: for Ann Township EDUCATION: Graduated at the University of Veterinary Science, Yezin LAST ADDRESS: Sittwe, Arakan State PHOTO ARREST DATE: January 18, 2018 DATE: Section 122(1) of the Penal Code for high treason SECTION OF LAW: Section 505(b) of the Penal Code for incitement PLAINTIFF Second District Administrator of Sittwe District Khin Maung Oo Police Chief of Rathedaung Myoma Police Station Police Lieutenant Kyaw Nu LAWYER San Shwe Maung On March 19, 2019, he was sentenced to 20 years for high treason under Section SENTENCING HISTORY: 122(1) of the Penal Code and two years for incitement under Section 505(b) of the Penal Code. But the sentences will be served concurrently. COURT HEARING: Sittwe District Court, Arakan State NAME OF PRISON: Sittwe Prison RELEASE DATE: HEALTH CONCERNS: CURRENT STATUS SUMMARY: He is now serving his 20 years imprisonment in Sittwe Prison. CAREER BACKGROUND: Page 1 of 2 Dr. Aye Maung was born in Aung Seik Village in Rathedaung Township, Arakan State. In 1981, he graduated from the University of Veterinary Science, Yezin. He had worked at the Livestock Corporation from 1981 to 1984 and at the Livestock Breeding and Veterinary Department in 1984. He was an executive member of the Rakhine Literature and Culture Association and was the one of the founders of the Arakan Youth Sweeping Association. -
Emergence and Features of the Constitutional Review Bodies in Asia: a Comparative Analysis of Transitional Countries’ Development
Discussion Paper No.19 Emergence and Features of the Constitutional Review Bodies in Asia: A Comparative Analysis of Transitional Countries’ Development Edited by Aziz Ismatov and Emi Makino August, 2020 Nagoya University Center for Asian Legal Exchange Center for Asian Legal Exchange (CALE) Nagoya University, Japan Emergence and Features of the Constitutional Review Bodies in Asia: A Comparative Analysis of Transitional Countries’ Development Edited by Aziz Ismatov and Emi Makino FOREWORD This research discussion paper provides a study on theory and practices of constitutional review developments in five selected Asian jurisdictions, Myanmar, Singapore, Korea, including Russia and Uzbekistan, which in some scholarly works are also addressed as Eurasia. The objective is to create systematic narratives to document theoretical grounds and practical aspects of constitutional review, collect and present to a broader audience comparative, historical, analytical, and critical perspectives covering constitutional judiciary in Asia. We hope that this collection will be of high interest for scholars, practitioners, and students of comparative constitutional law, human rights, democracy, the rule of law, constitutional adjudication, and Asia’s legal systems. The general philosophy of constitutional review presupposes that constitutional courts are established to limit or balance executive and legislative branches’ activities. In such circumstances, scholars and practitioners expect that constitutional courts would work as neutral arbitrators among the two branches. Simultaneously, the vital role of the constitutional court which is a protection of fundamental rights is sometimes neglected within the broader context of political involvement. Contributors to this discussion paper were all invited to attend the workshop on Emergence and Features of the Constitutional Review Bodies in Asia held at the Department of Law, University of Yangon, on October 22, 2019, and present their draft papers for this workshop. -
Myanmar: Ethnic Politics and the 2020 General Election
MYANMAR POLICY BRIEFING | 23 | September 2020 Myanmar: Ethnic Politics and the 2020 General Election KEY POINTS • The 2020 general election is scheduled to take place at a critical moment in Myanmar’s transition from half a century under military rule. The advent of the National League for Democracy to government office in March 2016 was greeted by all the country’s peoples as the opportunity to bring about real change. But since this time, the ethnic peace process has faltered, constitutional reform has not started, and conflict has escalated in several parts of the country, becoming emergencies of grave international concern. • Covid-19 represents a new – and serious – challenge to the conduct of free and fair elections. Postponements cannot be ruled out. But the spread of the pandemic is not expected to have a significant impact on the election outcome as long as it goes ahead within constitutionally-appointed times. The NLD is still widely predicted to win, albeit on reduced scale. Questions, however, will remain about the credibility of the polls during a time of unprecedented restrictions and health crisis. • There are three main reasons to expect NLD victory. Under the country’s complex political system, the mainstream party among the ethnic Bamar majority always win the polls. In the population at large, a victory for the NLD is regarded as the most likely way to prevent a return to military government. The Covid-19 crisis and campaign restrictions hand all the political advantages to the NLD and incumbent authorities. ideas into movement • To improve election performance, ethnic nationality parties are introducing a number of new measures, including “party mergers” and “no-compete” agreements. -
Burma's 2015 Parliamentary Elections: Issues for Congress
Burma’s 2015 Parliamentary Elections: Issues for Congress Michael F. Martin Specialist in Asian Affairs March 28, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R44436 Burma’s 2015 Parliamentary Elections: Issues for Congress Summary The landslide victory of Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) in Burma’s November 2015 parliamentary elections may prove to be a major step in the nation’s potential transition to a more democratic government. Having won nearly 80% of the contested seats in the election, the NLD has a majority in both chambers of the Union Parliament, which gave it the ability to select the President-elect, as well as control of most of the nation’s Regional and State Parliaments. Burma’s 2008 constitution, however, grants the Burmese military, or Tatmadaw, widespread powers in the governance of the nation, and nearly complete autonomy from civilian control. One quarter of the seats in each chamber of the Union Parliament are reserved for military officers appointed by the Tatmadaw’s Commander-in-Chief, giving them the ability to block any constitutional amendments. Military officers constitute a majority of the National Defence and Security Council, an 11-member body with some oversight authority over the President. The constitution also grants the Tatmadaw “the right to independently administer and adjudicate all affairs of the armed services,” and designates the Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services as “the ‘Supreme Commander’ of all armed forces,” which could have serious implications for efforts to end the nation’s six-decade-long, low-grade civil war. -
RAKHINE STATE Drivers of a Regional Crisis
DISENFRANCHISEMENT AND DESPERATION IN MYANMAR’S RAKHINE STATE Drivers of a Regional Crisis OCTOBER 2015 DISENFRANCHISEMENT AND DESPERATION IN MYANMAR’S RAKHINE STATE Drivers of a Regional Crisis A Report By OCTOBER 2015 Cover Phtoto: Rohingya in an internally displaced persons (IDP) camp in Sittwe, Rakhine State, Myanmar, August 2015. © APHR 2015 CONTENTS ABOUT ASEAN PARLIAMENTARIANS FOR HUMAN RIGHTS ............................................ 2 MAP OF RAKHINE STATE ................................................................................................... 3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ........................................................................................................ 4 METHODOLOGY.....................................................................................................................6 INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................................... 7 KEY FINDINGS ......................................................................................................................9 Rights abuses stife the ability to survive .......................................................... 9 Exclusionary policies imply no positive future ................................................11 Appalling living conditions drive Rohingya to fee .........................................14 Disenfranchisement compounds a sense of hopelessness ..........................16 The cycle of persecution and fight has continued for decades .................18 Fleeing -
Arakan (Rakhine State) a Land in Conflict on Myanmar’S Western Frontier AUTHOR: Martin Smith
Arakan (Rakhine State) A Land in Conflict on Myanmar’s Western Frontier AUTHOR: Martin Smith DESIGN: Guido Jelsma PHOTO CREDITS: Tom Kramer (TK) Martin Smith (MS) The Irrawaddy (IR) Agence France-Presse (AFP) European Pressphoto Agency (EPA) Mizzima (MZ) Reuters (RS) COVER PHOTO: Displaced Rakhine woman fetching water in IDP camp near Sittwe (TK) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: This publication was made possible through the financial support of Sweden. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of TNI and can under no circumstances be regarded as reflecting the position of the donor. PUBLICATION DETAILS: Contents of the report may be quoted or reproduced for non-commercial purposes, provided that the source of information is properly cited. ISBN 978-90-70563-69-1 TRANSNATIONAL INSTITUTE (TNI) De Wittenstraat 25, 1052 AK Amsterdam, The Netherlands Tel: +31-20-6626608, Fax: +31-20-6757176 e-mail: [email protected] www.tni.org/en/myanmar-in-focus Amsterdam, December 2019 2 | Arakan (Rakhine State): A Land in Conflict on Myanmar’s Western Frontier transnationalinstitute Table of Contents Myanmar Map 3 Arakan Political Timeline 4 Abbreviations 6 1. Introduction 8 Arakan Map 11 2. The Forgotten Kingdom of Arakan 12 A Legacy of Conflict and Colonisation 12 Rakhine State: A Contemporary Snapshot 15 British Rule and the Development of Nationalist Movements 17 Japanese Invasion and Inter-communal Violence 19 The Marginalisation of Arakan and Rush to Independence 21 Rakhine, Rohingya and the “Politics of Labelling” 25 3. The Parliamentary Era (1948-62) 28 A Country Goes Underground 28 Electoral Movements Revive 29 “Arms for Democracy”: Peace Breakthroughs and Political Failures 31 The Mayu Frontier Administration and Ne Win’s Seizure of Power 34 4. -
The Gender Gap and Women's Political Power in Myanmar/Burma
May 2013 The Gender Gap and Women’s Political Power in Myanmar/Burma Advances in international law have changed the face of democracy and promoted the rights of women worldwide. Unfortunately, these advances have not yet helped or improved the lives of women in Burma. Women’s rights have expanded to include rights to gender parity in all areas of governance: ceasefire discussions, peace treaty negotiations, constitution drafting committees, political parties, and equal representation in the executive, legislative and judicial branches. In Burma, over sixty years of military rule has reinforced and perpetuated discrimination against women by preventing them from achieving positions of political power. Because women are not admitted to the Defense Services (Tatmadaw), women have been ineligible for the employment, education, business, joint venture and travel opportunities created by military status. Moreover, the 2008 Constitution requires that the Defense Services appoint 25% of parliamentarians and guarantees that the Defense Forces will remain the integral and dominant political force of Burma. Therefore, the Constitution is the main obstacle preventing true equality and political power for women in Burma going forward. The timeline below illustrates the absence of women in formal power positions in Burma. Beginning in the 1980s, global advances in women’s rights helped secure increased political participation for women in many countries; unfortunately, this progress has not been felt in Burma. It is crucial for more women to be represented in the formal governing structures so that the voices of all Burmese women can be heard. Women activists staged the first strike against sex discrimination, protesting British 1927 regulations that prevented women from holding legislative positions. -
“No One Can Protect Us” War Crimes and Abuses in Myanmar’S Rakhine State
“NO ONE CAN PROTECT US” WAR CRIMES AND ABUSES IN MYANMAR’S RAKHINE STATE Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2019 Except where otherwise noteD, content in this document is licenseD unDer a Creative Commons Cover photo: A Myanmar border guard police officer mans his station at the Goke Pi police outpost, in (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. Buthidaung Township, northern Rakhine State, 07 January 2019. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nD/4.0/legalcoDe © Hein Htet/EPA-EFE/REX/Shutterstock For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributeD to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First publisheD in 2019 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street LonDon WC1X 0DW, UK Index: ASA 16/0417/2019 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS MAPS 4 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 7 METHODOLOGY 10 1. BACKGROUND 11 2. VIOLATIONS BY THE MYANMAR ARMY 14 2.1 UNLAWFUL ATTACKS 14 2.2 ARBITRARY ARRESTS, TORTURE AND OTHER ILL-TREATMENT 23 2.3 ENFORCED DISAPPEARANCES AND EXTRAJUDICIAL EXECUTIONS 25 2.4 LOOTING AND CONFISCATION OF PROPERTY 28 2.5 FORCED LABOUR AND MILITARY USE OF SCHOOLS 29 2.6 RESTRICTIONS ON HUMANITARIAN ACCESS AND FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT 31 3. -
Political Monitor No.25
Euro-Burma Office 21 August to 2 September 2011 Political Monitor POLITICAL MONITOR NO. 25 OFFICIAL MEDIA PYITHU HLUTTAW SECOND REGULAR SESSION: 22 August to 2 September The first Pyithu Hluttaw (People’s Parliament/ Lower House) began its second regular session in the Hluttaw Building in Nay Pyi Taw on the morning of 22nd August 2011. The opening parliamentary session was attended by Pyithu Hluttaw Speaker, Thura U Shwe Mann and 389 representatives. During the hluttaw sessions, questions on the transport, agriculture, education, energy, immigration and finance sectors were raised. Amnesty for prisoners, peace-building efforts and the 1990 election results were among the most-debated topics. Amnesty for prisoners and 1990 elections On the 25th August, Thein Nyunt, from the Thingangyun Constituency, proposed that “parliament request the president to issue general amnesty orders, requested that the Emergency Act of 1950 be revoked and introduced a bill for a Prisons Act which is in keeping with 21st century prison standards and guarantees human dignity.” The request for general amnesty received support from two delegations of military MPs, which give the matter a significant chance of being raised at the level of the National Defense and Security Council. However, the proposal to revoke the Emergency Act of 1950, which is used to imprison democracy activists, was rejected by the house. Similarly on the 29th August, U Thein Nyunt asked “if the Union government still recognizes the 120 public representatives who had stood as Pyithu Hluttaw members for about 20 years according to the results of the 1990 multiparty democracy general election.” In responding to the question, U Myint Naing, a member of the Union Election Commission answered that according to the documents of the commission (up to 7 March 2010), there were only 107 representatives-elect from the 1990 elections.