Les Carnets de l’ACoSt Association for Coroplastic Studies
19 | 2019 Varia
Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/acost/1696 DOI : 10.4000/acost.1696 ISSN : 2431-8574
Éditeur ACoSt
Référence électronique Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 [En ligne], mis en ligne le 11 juin 2019, consulté le 29 septembre 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/acost/1696 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/acost.1696
Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 29 septembre 2020.
Les Carnets de l'ACoSt est mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modifcation 4.0 International. 1
SOMMAIRE
The Study of Figurative Terracottas: A Cautionary Tale from a Personal Perspective Jaimee P. Uhlenbrock
Early Iron Age Terracottas from Southern Portugal: Towards the Definition of a Regional Coroplastic Tradition Francisco B. Gomes
Works in Progress
Archaic Votive Figurines from the Sanctuary of Demeter at Corinth Susan Langdon
News and notes
« Quand on a la terre sous l’ongle » : Le modelage dans le monde grec antiqueColloque international, 3-5 avril 2019, Aix-en-Provence. Hélène Aurigny et Laura ROHAUT
Terracottas in the News
Seizure: An Etruscan Hare Alabastron, circa 580-560 B.C.E. Reprinted from ARCA Blog, Friday, June 29, 2018.
At the Museums
Alt oder jung? Den Fälschungen im RPM auf der Spur Martina Prante
Recent Books
Simbolo e gesto. La determinazione di genere nelle statuette fittili del Mondo Greco Marina Albertocchi, Nicola Cucuzza et Bianca Maria Giannattasio
Terrakotten aus Akraiphia und ihr Fundkontext. Beiträge zur Chronologie der archaischen böotischen Koroplastik Angeliki K Andreiomenou
Bodies of Clay: On Prehistoric Humanised Pottery Heiner Schwarzberg and Valeska Becker (eds.)
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 2
A Wayside Shrine in Northern Moab. Excavations in the Wadi Ath-Thamad P. M. Michele Daviau et Margreet L. Steiner
Terrakotten aus Pergamon. Tonfiguren und -objekte aus der Wohnstadt am Südhang der Akropolis und von weiteren Fundorten Sven Kielau
The Tiny and the Fragmented. Miniature, Broken, or Otherwise Incomplete Objects in the Ancient World S. Rebecca Martin et Stephanie M. Langin-Hooper
Bibliography
Bibliography for 2018
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 3
The Study of Figurative Terracottas: A Cautionary Tale from a Personal Perspective
Jaimee P. Uhlenbrock
1 According to the Macmillan English Dictionary, a cautionary tale comprises a series of events during which something bad happens that then can be used as a warning for the prevention of unfortunate events in the future. A good example of such a tale comes from the German children’s book Struwwelpeter,1 whereby a boy nicknamed Hans-Guck- in-der-Luft, or Hans-Look-in-the-Air, appears oblivious to where he is going and as a result steps into a canal (Fig. 1). While the focus of this discussion is not intended to label as “unfortunate” some popular directions that have been taken over the course of the last century in the study of Greek figurative terracottas, it is hoped that it will provide some guidance in the avoidance of future misdirection when interpreting coroplastic material. Most important in this regard is an awareness that past scholarship and current interpretation must be used critically and not be taken at face value. The researcher must be willing to look beneath the veneer of an argument to its
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 4
core to determine its soundness. With each study that contributes to conclusions I would advise asking its author a simple question: “How do you know that?”2 Fig. 1. Die Geschichte von Hans Guck-in-die-Luft.
The Miriam and Ira D. Wallach Division of Art, Prints and Photographs: Picture Collection, The New York Public Library. (1876).
2 There are many assumptions evident in Greek coroplastic research that have evolved out of scholarly biases that are too firmly embedded in archaeological literature to ignore. Those of you who read Les Carnets de l’ACoSt will know that one of my areas of investigation concerns a particular and very deeply rooted research bias that identifies most archaic terracotta types found in Sicily with the goddess Demeter.3 I must emphasize that I am not opposed to that identification in the abstract. It may be that in the eyes of a Greek worshipper in Sicily in the Archaic period a terracotta votive left in one of the many sanctuaries there may, in fact, represent Demeter, or it could represent the worshipper, who makes a dedication to Demeter, or even a worshipper who wishes to assume aspects of Demeter for whatever purpose. It could also have been dedicated to a completely different deity altogether, such as Persephone, or even Hera. But I believe that, in the majority of the cases, we simply cannot say for certain. When asking the question of researchers who wish to see Demeter in most terracotta images “how do you know that?,” the answer usually is because such terracotta images are found in sanctuaries believed to have been dedicated to Demeter. Yet, when asking “how do you know that,”? that is, how do you know that these sanctuaries are dedicated to Demeter,? the answer usually is “because terracotta images of Demeter are found there.” Circular arguments such as these are of no benefit to archaeological research, since they continue to provide the unstable foundation for future investigations carried out by young researchers who accept these notions as fact. This has become more evident to me recently, since I am a reader for several dissertations that concern figurative terracottas, and several times a year I am sent manuscripts or
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 5
articles to review. It is always with considerable chagrin that I still read of sanctuaries identified as belonging to Demeter, when there is no direct evidence to support this view other than the terracotta typology.
3 It is very important that cultic and iconographic identifications that lack epigraphic confirmation should always be couched in a nuanced way that illustrates the uncertainty of the argument for the generations of researchers to come, who also must understand the nature of the uncertainty. In this regard I am reminded of the fourth of the ten research principles that were outlined by the Italian historian Arnaldo Momigliano in his seminal article “The Rules of the Game in the Study of Ancient History.” 4 He said, “The competence of the historian is manifest from his not ascribing certainty to the dubious and from not making generalizations from isolated examples. In some cases the historian should say: I don’t know. At other times, he might advance a hypothesis but with caution.”
4 Ascribing certainty to the dubious appears to have been a feature of early coroplastic research, particularly as it concerns Sicily that has left a weighty inheritance. At the risk of repeating myself, I ask your indulgence in allowing me to briefly review the issue of the Demeter identification once again, since it is an excellent illustration of the misuse of coroplastic evidence, for which a cautionary tale might be useful.
5 As is well known, over 30 archaic sites in Sicily have yielded coroplastic material, some in impressive quantities. A percentage of this material, whether imported or local, is related to the typology of the so-called Aphrodite group of figured vases, figurines, and protomai that was developed in the Greek East 5 and that arrived in Sicily, as elsewhere around the Mediterranean, in the earlier 6th century B.C.E. These then provided models for an extensive local production.6 Without exception, throughout the later 19 th and most of the 20th centuries these terracotta types found in Sicily were all identified with the worship of Demeter and/or Persephone because they were found in Sicilian sanctuaries believed to have been dedicated to these goddesses.
6 Let us take a brief look at this evidence. Initially, the arguments in favour of a Demeter identification that were developed in the mid- to later 19th century were based on the protomai of this group, which, because of their truncated form, were seen as representations of the anodos, or the emergence of Demeter from the earth.7 To this was added a second hypothesis concerning the protome as a figural type, which, to some, appeared to be mask like. Because of this the protome was equated with the ritual mask that was used in a ceremony of Demeter Kidaria in Arcadia that was described by Pausanias (8, 15, 3). During this ceremony a priest put on a mask of the goddess and smote the underground spirits with rods. Both of these assertions concerning the relevance of this type to the anodos and to Demeter Kidaria were further supported by a what was considered to be an authoritative statement of Cicero, who said that the Sicilians themselves believed that their entire island was dedicated to Ceres, or the Greek Demeter, and Libera, or the Greek Persephone.8 Finally, and most importantly, the occasional appearance of protomai in graves was believed to prove their use in a chthonic context, and therefore they must have represented Demeter and or Persephone, the chthonic goddesses.9
7 Early scholars argued that since all these factors indicated that the protomai represented Demeter, or more specifically Demeter Kidaria, therefore other associated Aphrodite-Group types, such as the standing kore alabastron,10 or the seated woman with or without a polos,11 must also represent that goddess. This notion became
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 6
ingrained in the archaeological literature of the first half of the 20th century and was the basis for a continuing evolution in the second half. Thus, in 1982 an archaic figurine of a seated woman of the Aphrodite group found in Palermo was interpreted by its excavator as a representation of Demeter Kidaria, which also “proved” to its excavator that Demeter Kidaria was worshipped in the same form in Punic Palermo as she was in the Greek cities of Sicily.12 In this instance, ascribing certainty to the dubious, as Momigliano would put it, or making generalizations from isolated examples, in his words, does not reveal the competence of this historian.
8 An excellent illustration of the necessity for caution in accepting the interpretation of others of archaeological evidence without examining its source can be found in the supposed discovery at the little theater of Epidauros of some 252 figurines of the 4th century inscribed by their dedicators. This was the topic of a notice that originally appeared in the Greek newspaper Eleftherotypia13 and that was picked up by Catherine Morgan for her report on archaeology in Greece for 2008 published in the “Chronique” section of the BCH, as well as in Archaeological Reports for 2008. This notice then was included in the Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum under the heading “SEG 59-374. Epidauros. Inscribed statuettes, 4th cent. B.C.” 14 Yet, when researching these 252 so- called figurines, or statuettes, from the little theater at Epidauros that were inscribed by their dedicators, it was found that they did not exist. The original notice that appeared in Greek in Eleftherotypia referred to inscriptions on the faces of the seats of the theater, or εδωλια, misunderstood to mean ειδωλια, the modern Greek word commonly used for figurines. That this misunderstanding was incorporated into the SEG that then potentially could further erroneous notions about dedicatory inscriptions on figurines is particularly unfortunate. In fact, very little actually is known about the dedicants at a sanctuary relative to their intentions behind the offering of a coroplastic object, because such objects very rarely carry text that could shed light on the motivation of the dedicant and/or particularly the identification of the divinity worshipped.
9 Let us take a look at what actually is “known,” or in Momigliano’s words, “what is certain,” about the identification of Greek terracotta figurines, that is, what is held to be indisputable, or absolute, in the archaeological record. We know, or we are certain, that in at least one instance a terracotta female protome of the later sixth century was dedicated to the goddess Hera in a small sanctuary on the island of Delos. We know this because the dedicant, a woman named Mnelaris, inscribed the inside face of neck of the protome, or had it inscribed for her, with her name and the name of the goddess to whom the protome was dedicated before it was left at the sanctuary.15 This is absolute knowledge and cannot be disputed. We also know, in the absolute sense of the word, that a terracotta figurine of the later 6th century that was found in Athens and that represents a seated woman wearing a high stephane and an elaborately decorated garment was dedicated by a man named Aigon to the goddess Hekate because it was so inscribed on the back “Aigon anetheken thekatei.”16 In spite of the unequivocal identification of the aforementioned protome with the realm of Hera, no one would ever presume to recognize all protomai found everywhere as images of Hera. Nor has anyone attempted to identify all late sixth-century terracotta images from Athens, the city of Athena, that represent a seated woman of this distinctive typology as Hekate. So, it then follows that in the Sicilian archaeological literature attempts to see Demeter in all sixth-century terracotta figurines appear to the outsider as fallible. Again, the question must be asked, how do you, the excavator of this material, or you, the
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 7
researcher of this material, know this, in the absolute sense of the phrase “to know.” The answer must be that you do not.
10 In the case of Sicilian sanctuaries within which terracotta images were found, what indeed is “known,” or what is certain, is that for two sites secure epigraphic documentation exists for the nature of the cult, but not in the absolute for the figurines found there. The first concerns the small, archaic sanctuary just outside of Gela on the Bitalemi hill, from where a pottery fragment was brought to light that mentions the Thesmophoros, an epithet of Demeter.17 The second is the more monumental archaic sanctuary of the Malophoros at Selinus. Outside of its propylaia a small pedestal was found that was inscribed with a dedication, or vow, to the Malophoros by a certain Theullos, son of Pyrrhias.18 The sanctuary was immediately identified as belonging to Demeter Malophoros,19 since Pausanias (1. 44.3) tells us that there was a sanctuary dedicated to Demeter Malophoros in Megara Nisaea, the mother city of Megara Hyblaia in Sicily that, in turn, had founded Selinus. Additionally, within the sanctuary itself a fragment of an olpe was brought to light that carries the very incomplete inscription ]νεθεκε ται μα[, interpreted to read “dedicated to the Malophoros.”20 11 The word Malophoros has been subject to discussion and interpretation for more than a century. Originally taken to mean holder of apples or, according to some, sheep- bringer,21 this was broadened by Ettore Gabrici, the excavator of the sanctuary, to mean holder or bringer of all fruits, in the generic sense.22 But he stressed that one of these fruits in particular, the pomegranate, was sacred to Demeter23 because several figurines of women holding pomegranates were found at the sanctuary,24 along with at least one terracotta model of a pomegranate.25 Yet, there are no ancient sources that associate the pomegranate with Demeter, but rather, as is well known, with her daughter Persephone, as we read, for example, in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter.26 The notion that the pomegranate was Demeter’s fruit has all but obscured the fact that, according to ancient sources, the pomegranate was sacred to Hera, as was the pomegranate tree.27 At the Heraion at Samos many pomegranate seeds were found,28 and terracotta models of pomegranates also were brought to light there. Moreover, Polykleitos’ chryselephantine statue of Hera at Argos had her holding a pomegranate in one hand and a sceptre topped by a cuckoo in the other.29
12 Nonetheless, Gabrici’s affirmation took root and was continuously fertilized by hyperbole in successive studies. Thus in the Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites of 1976 it is stated that “Demeter’s cult title of Malophoros is confirmed by inscriptions and several thousand terracotta statuettes of the goddess carrying the pomegranate.”30 At this point, the few terracotta figurines found by Gabrici in the early 20th century that represent women holding pomegranates had grown to become “several thousand.” The young researcher who consults this important reference work uncritically no doubt will continue to propagate this notion.
13 There is no question that the combined hundreds, if not thousands, of figurines of differing typologies deposited at the Malophoros sanctuary in Selinus and at the Bitalemi Thesmophorion, among many other sites in Sicily, over the course of nearly two centuries embodied innumerable acts of devotion, and it could very well be that these acts sometimes, or even most often, were relative to Demeter or her realm. But, it must be stressed that the presence of such figurines in sanctuaries with firm epigraphic identification cannot be used as the basis for the identification of similar figurines found in sanctuaries lacking epigraphic identification. Nor am I personally convinced
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 8
that even when there is epigraphic confirmation can it be said with confidence that every image from that sanctuary represents the deity mentioned in the epigraphic source.
14 This is where the consequences of such identifications can become unfortunate. Once these identifications become embedded in the archaeological literature without being challenged, they are exaggerated and embellished in successive publications until they are fused into an impenetrable and monolith case for the seeming exclusivity of Demeter’s worship in Sicily. Thus, in an informative paper on the Sicilian grain economy we read that “…in addition to agriculture being important to Sicily, the cult of Demeter and Persephone was widely distributed throughout the island in all periods of classical antiquity and in all kinds of topographic setting–urban, suburban, and rural.”31 I would ask this researcher how does he know that? What is the evidence in support of this pan-Demeter notion, a notion that also was repeatedly reiterated at the international congress “Demetra; La divinità, i santuari, il culto, la leggenda,” that was held in Enna in 2004, at which eight papers focused on the cult of Demeter in Sicily. In a review of the proceedings of this conference it was noted that “the enormous quantities of terracotta offerings found in the sacred areas--statuettes, vases and lamps--point towards the practice of Thesmophoric rituals.”32 I would ask this reviewer, how do you know that? How do you know that the combination of statuettes, vases, and lamps points to Thesmophoric rituals? Enormous quantities of statuettes, vases, and lamps, to use the reviewers exact words, also have been found at the sanctuary of Athena at Lindos33 that has epigraphic confirmation for its attribution, yet it is difficult to see Thesmophoric rites practiced there. Moreover, terracotta figurines of standing and seated women holding pomegranates, as well as terracotta models of pomegranates, were uncovered among the votives at the Lindian Athenaion34 that call to mind female statues from the Athenian acropolis that portray the same theme.35 How does anyone really know that statues and figurines of women holding pomegranates represent the chthonic goddesses exclusively? The answer is that we really do not.
15 What can be surmised from the existing coroplastic evidence relative to Sicily and the typological homogeneity that is evident among the figurative terracottas across all of its sanctuaries in the Archaic period, and especially in the earlier 6th century, I believe, may not reflect a need to represent a specific divinity. Rather, it could be seen simply as indicative of what was available on the market. There is no evidence to suggest that a worshipper singled out a specific type of image for purchase from among a range of different images for sale because that specific one chosen was generally accepted within the larger community of worshippers to represent a given goddess. In the late 7th and first half of the sixth century, all that appears to have been available for purchase by a worshipper for any ritual purpose whatsoever relative to any divinity at all were East-Greek figurines, East-Greek plastic vases, and East-Greek protomai, along with a relatively few Corinthian figurines, and after ca. 540 B.C.E., their eventual local imitations and versions. Effectively, there was nothing else available at that time. Once these figurines became established in the market and were replicated and even reinterpreted, they could have been used for any purpose, even if, as some may believe, they may have had a particular resonance for purported chthonic cults. Yet, we do not actually know this, and therefore cannot actually know this as a fact.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 9
16 So, what are we left with and why is this a cautionary tale. As I have already mentioned, I am not opposed to the suggestion that figurative terracottas of the Archaic period in Sicily may indeed have been used in the worship of Demeter or Persephone or both, although probably not exclusively. My goal in this discussion is not to throw out the baby with the bathwater. However, for those engaged in discussions of religious practices that involve coroplastic iconography, especially for the Archaic period in Sicily, it may be prudent to articulate ideas regarding chthonic associations for certain coroplastic types in less absolute terms, so that future researchers will know that there is an element of uncertainty in such a position. This can be accomplished by the judicious use of statements such as, “in the opinion of the excavator…” or “interpreted by so-and-so as…,” that place the onus for faulty or uncertain interpretations on others. Such uncertainty is illustrated well by a recent reassessment of the finds from the Predio Sola sanctuary of Gela, identified by both of its former excavators as one of several Thesmophoria for Gela, in part because of its coroplastic typology.36 This reassessment has resulted in a possible reattribution to a goddess of marriage.37 So, just as the boy in the cautionary tale at the beginning of this presentation who does not look where he is going and as a result steps into a canal, in the same way the researcher who does not see the lack of certainty for most discussions of coroplastic evidence, or who does not look critically at the evidence, may also risk getting wet.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Blinkenberg, Chr. and K.F. Kinch, Lindos. Fouilles et recherches 1902–1914. I. Les petits objets. Berlin: DeGruyter.
de Angelis, F. 2006. “Going against the Grain in Sicilian Greek Economics.” Greece & Rome 53-1: 29– 47.
Fränkel, M. 1882. “Archaische Thronbilder sitzender Frauen,” Archäologische Zeitung XL, 266–268.
Gasparri, L. 2016. “Korai from the Malophoros Sanctuary at Selinus. Ionian Imports and Local Imitations.” In Figurines de terre cuite en Mediterranean grecque et romaine, 1. Production, diffusion, etude, edited by A. Muller and E. Lafli , 127–134. BCH Supplement 54.
Gerhard, E. 1857. “Teofania nuziale di Dioniso e Cora,” Annali dell’Istituto 29, 211–219.
Gabrici, E. 1927. "Il santuario della Malophoros a Selinunte.” MonAnt 32, 1–419.
Heuzey, L. 1891. Catalogue des figurines antiques de terre cuite du Musée du Louvre. Paris: Librairies-Imprimeries reunites.
Higgins, R.A. 1967. Greek Terracottas. London: Methuen.
Ismaelli, T. 2011. Archeologia del culto a Gela. Il santuario del Predio Sola. Bari: Edipuglia.
Kučan, D. 2000. “Rapport synthétique sur les recherches archéobotaniques dans le sanctuaire d'Héra de l'île de Samos,” in Paysage et alimentation dans le monde grec, Les innovations du premier millénaire av. J.C. (Pallas 52), 99–108.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 10
Kyrieleis, H. 1988. “Offerings of the ‘Common Man’ in the Heraion at Samos,” in Early Greek Cult Practice, proceedings of the fifth international symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 26-29, June, 1986, edited edited by R. Hägg, N. Marinatos, and G. Nordquist, 215–221. Stockholm: Svenska Institutet i Athen.
Laumonier, A. 1956. Exploration Archéologique de Délos. XXIII: Les Figurines de terre cuite. Paris: Boccard.
Mantzoulinou-Richards, E. 1986. “Demeter Malophoros: The Divine Sheep-Bringer.” Ancient World 13, 15–21.
Melfi, M. 2009. Bryn Mawr Classical Review 10.34.
Momigliano, A. 2016. “The Rules of the Game in the Study of Ancient History,” translated by K. Yu, History and Theory 55, 39–45, that originally appeared in “Le regole del giuoco nello studio della storia antica,” Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, Cl. Lett. e Fil., Serie III, vol. 4, 1974: 1183–1192
Superiore di Pisa, Cl. Lett. e Fil., Serie III, vol. 4, 1974: 1183–1192.
Orlandini, P. 1963. “Gela. La stipe votive arcaica del Predio Sola.” MonAnt 46:1–78.
Orlandini P. 1966. “Lo scavo del Thesmophorion di Bitalemi e il culto delle divinità ctonie a Gela. Kokalos XII: 8–35.
Orsi, P. 1891. “Megara Hyblaea. Storia-Topografia-Necropoli e Anathemata,” MonAnt 1891, col. 689–950.
Richter, G. 1968. Korai: Archaic Greek Maidens. New York: Phaidon.
Robertson, N. 2010. Religion and Reconciliation in Greek Cities: The Sacred Laws of Selinus and Cyrene. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press.
Salinas, A. 1894. “XIII. Selinunte—Relazione sommaria intorno agli scavi eseguiti dal 1887 al 1892.” NSc, 202–220.
Stillwell, R. et al. 1976. The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites. Princeton, N.J. Princeton University Press.
Tamburello, I. 1982. “Magica e religiosità a Palermo punica,” SicArch 49–50: 45–56.
Uhlenbrock, J.P. 2016. “Research Perspectives in Greek Coroplastic Studies: The Demeter Paradigm and the Goddess Bias,” Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [Online], 14. Online since 15 April 2016. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/acost/866 ; DOI : 10.4000/acost.866.
ENDNOTES
1. Originally published by Heinrich Hoffmann in 1845 in Frankfort as Lustige Geschichten und drollige Bilder mit 15 schön kolorierten Tafeln für Kinder von 3–6 Jahren. 2. This is a slightly expanded version of the talk that was given at the conference “Terracottas in the Mediterranean Across Time II” that was held at the University of Haifa from March 12 to March 15, 2018. I am grateful to Adi Erlich for the invitation to present my thoughts at this venue. I also would like to thank Ioanna Patera, who read a draft of this paper and made helpful comments. 3. Uhlenbrock 2016. 4. Momigliano 2016, 41–42. 5. Higgins 1967, 32–37.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 11
6. For example, see Gasparri 2016. 7. Gerhard 1857, 212, n. 5 8. Cic. Ver. 4. 48. 106. But see the discussion in de Angelis 2006, 33–36 that sees another side to this position. 9. Heuzey 1891, 233; Orsi 1891, col. 935. 10. Higgins 1970, pl. 13:57. 11. Higgins 1970, pl. 14:63, 69. 12. Tamburello 1982, 51. 13. Eleftherotypia 23, 4, 2008. 14. Chaniotis, A., Corsten, T., Papazarkadas, N. and Tybout, R.A., “SEG 59-374. Epidauros. Inscribed statuettes, 4th cent. B.C.”, Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum, Current editors: A. T. N. R.A. Chaniotis Corsten Papazarkadas Tybout.
ABSTRACTS
In the study of Greek figurative terracottas there are many pitfalls that have resulted from out- dated notions that continue to influence coroplastic scholarship. The young researcher, in particular, must be attentive to the sources of an argument and employ critical judgement in order to avoid misdirection when interpreting coroplastic material.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 12
INDEX
Keywords: Figurative terracottas, coroplastic interpretation, Sicilian terracottas, Demeter Kidaria, Demeter worship.
AUTHOR
JAIMEE P. UHLENBROCK Department of Art History, State University of New York, New Paltz [email protected]
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 13
Early Iron Age Terracottas from Southern Portugal: Towards the Definition of a Regional Coroplastic Tradition
Francisco B. Gomes
“Religion decays, the icon remains; a narrative is forgotten, yet its representation still magnetizes (the ignorant eye triumphs – how galling for the informed eye).” (J. Barnes, A History of the World in 10 1/2 Chapters, p. 133. Vintage, 2016 [1989].)
1. Changing times, changing images
1 In southern Portugal, as in the remainder of the southwestern Iberian Peninsula, the transition from the Late Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age entailed a deep social, political, and cultural transformation. The arrival of the first Phoenician merchants and colonists to the Iberian Far West1 seems to have had an overarching effect on the regional socio-political networks, throwing off the delicate balances on which their workings depended.2 The ensuing restructuration gave rise to a complex and diversified cultural panorama, in which different communities developed specific identity and representation formulas based on changing combinations of local/regional elements with others drawn from the oriental and/or the “Orientalizing” cultural repertoire.3 Those formulas were structured, articulated and deployed to cope with each group’s (real or perceived) position in the new overall geopolitical network.4
2 Within this context of rapid and intense change, the iconographic production of southern Portuguese communities also underwent a clear and rather drastic transformation. The Late Bronze Age iconographic output, in fact, had been very limited, consisting mostly of some representations connected to the tradition of the so-
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 14
called “warrior stelae,” most of which have been found further inland, in an area roughly centered around the Middle Guadiana valley.5
3 The southern Portuguese stelae related to that tradition – those of Figueira (Lagos)6 and Ervidel II (Aljustrel)7 – show an emphasis on anthropomorphic representations, albeit schematic, accompanied by weaponry and other elements pertaining to the Late Bronze Age power and status apparatus, being altogether representative of the more characteristic iconographic features of these “warrior stelae.”
4 The arrival of oriental groups to the Iberian Peninsula and the establishment of close and interdependent relationships between these newcomers and the regional indigenous groups had a profound impact on this general panorama, with the limited Late Bronze Age iconographic models all but disappearing and a new and complex imagery coming into being. In fact, the western Phoenician colonies seem to have acted as hubs from which craftspeople possessing a rich and complex Near Eastern iconographic repertoire began producing prestige goods that – at least in part – fuelled trade relationships with local elites and created the general social and political background for the development of the so-called “Orientalizing” horizon.8
5 In the Atlantic Far West, this oriental and “Orientalizing” imagery was represented and diffused through different media, including bronze casting,9 gold10 and ivory working,11 stone sculpture,12 and pottery painting. 13 Curiously, terracottas, which played a significant role in the iconographic production of other areas of the Mediterranean touched by the Phoenician presence,14 were not a particularly popular medium for the western Phoenician communities, nor, for that matter, for their indigenous counterparts. In fact, even if terracottas are not completely unknown in Phoenician and “Orientalizing” contexts,15 and a probable Late Archaic workshop has tentatively been located in the Phoenician colony of Gadir,16 the coroplastic output remained comparatively limited when compared to that of other media, such as works in bronze, 17 or even ivory.18
6 Southern Portugal, however, constitutes a clear exception to this situation. Coroplasty is, in fact, the most frequent medium for local iconographic production, especially among the communities of the interior of the Lower Alentejo region19 (Fig. 1; Table 1). This trend is further emphasized if we set aside the possible production of Phoenician
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 15
and/or “Orientalizing” workshops located elsewhere20 and consider only those elements that were clearly produced locally/regionally (see below). Fig. 1. Distribution of Early Iron Age terracottas in southern Portugal. A. “Beja Group.” 1, Palhais; 2, Cinco Réis 8; 3, Carlota. B. “Ourique-Aljustrel Group.” 4, Fonte Santa; 5, Chada; 6, Cerro do Ouro; 7, Corte Margarida. C. “Neves-Corvo Group.” 8, Corvo 1. D. “Alcácer do Sal Group.” 9, Olival do Senhor dos Mártires
Table 1. Early Iron Age terracottas from southern Portugal: basic data.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 16
7 Despite being known for some time now,21 this significant coroplastic production has not been addressed in recent analyses of Iron Age terracottas in the Iberian Peninsula. 22 On the other hand, the available panorama has recently been enriched by new finds23 and the presentation of unpublished material from older excavations.24 Both these facts justify a new integrated analysis of the corpus of southern Portuguese Early Iron Age terracottas and an attempt to systematize it from an iconographic, functional, and cultural point of view.
2. The corpus: groups and materials
8 Although there are valid reasons to consider the terracottas produced by the Early Iron Age communities of southern Portugal as part of a wide, shared iconographic and coroplastic tradition (see below), the study and interpretation of these elements cannot be dissociated from the diversity of the archaeological record of these communities, which has further been emphasized by recent discoveries and research.25
9 As far as our current knowledge goes, it seems clear that despite being closely linked and interdependent, the southern Portuguese communities followed somewhat different socio-political and cultural paths during the Early Iron Age. Material culture, architecture, and especially funerary practices, in fact, seem to indicate the existence of different local/sub-regional entities which, despite many shared features, also show unmistakable specificities reflecting different positions in regional networks as well as different socio-political and identity strategies developed in the framework of those networks.26
10 Despite their shared medium and technical commonalities, the coroplastic materials studied in this contribution also reflect this internal diversity: some distinctive productions can be associated with specific sub-regional archaeological groups, a fact that should be considered when analysing the regional iconographic tradition. Therefore, in the following pages these terracottas will be divided into four distinct groups, the specificities of which will be analyzed before the discussion of those aspects that can be said to unify these materials in a significant regional coroplastic tradition.
2.1. The “Beja Group” (Fig. 1, A)
11 The terracottas attributed to the “Beja Group” are among the most recently discovered and studied Early Iron Age coroplastic finds from southern Portugal, having significantly enlarged the regional repertoire while raising interesting questions regarding its internal diversity and stylistic seriation.27 This material was unearthed from three necropoleis of the sixth century B.C.E., Palhais,28 Carlota, and Cinco Réis 8,29 that were uncovered during construction of the Alqueva irrigation system in the interior of Lower Alentejo, and form part of a larger group of funerary sites also identified during this construction activity. These necropoleis share very similar characteristics, including the nearly exclusive inhumation of the dead in individual (or, more rarely, double) rock-cut tombs, some of which are surrounded by quadrangular enclosures defined by rock-cut ditches, and the richness and diversity of funerary offerings and trappings accompanying the dead.30
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 17
12 The individuality and discreet nature of this funerary group within the regional Early Iron Age horizon also extends to the associated coroplastic production. This includes distinctive hand-made, high-stemmed cups with plastic decoration in the form of small birds applied along the rim oriented inward (Fig. 2).31 This use of applied coroplastic elements to decorate vessels appears to be exclusive to this area and to this particular archaeological horizon, with no known parallels in the regional Early Iron Age. In fact, the use of coroplastic decorations applied to different types of vessels only becomes somewhat more common in Late Iron Age Iberia,32 but even then, examples strictly comparable to these objects from Beja are rare (see below). Fig. 2. “Beja Group.” Cups/burners with coroplastic decoration: nos. 1–3, Palhais (after Santos et al., 2017); n. 4, Cinco Réis 8 (after Salvador Mateos & Pereira, 2017).
13 In the necropolis of Palhais (Beringel, Beja), three such cups have been brought to light. One of these (Fig. 2, n. 1) was found in a primary context in a small niche connecting to the ditch that delimited the only funerary enclosure excavated in the site, which also contained several other offering vessels.33 This cup comprises a hemispherical bowl with a hollow, apparently cylindrical or slightly conical stem, and also appears to have had a set of nine terracotta birds applied over the rim; only one was still attached to the cup at the time of the excavation, but three others that had broken off also were found.34 The surviving examples show a bird with a well-modeled body, a relatively long beak, a thin neck, stylized wings, and a tapering tail, with features that are fairly schematic.35 The cup also had been painted, as its interior is fully coated by a red slip, while the exterior shows a painted radial decoration which leaves the areas underneath the terracotta birds in reserve.36
14 Unfortunately, the remaining two cups from Palhais were not recovered from their primary contexts, although they also may have originally been deposited in the aforementioned niche.37 The better preserved of the two (Fig. 2, n. 2) has a
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 18
hemispherical bowl, a massive stem, and a hollow, hemispherical, bowl-like foot. It preserves a single bird with a more schematic head and body than those of the example described above, although the latter is decorated with incised lines meant to represent the wing feathers; the tail of the bird is missing.38A third example (Fig. 2, n. 3), a cup with a conical bowl whose stem has not been preserved, has an applied coroplastic decoration representing the head and body of a bird, like those of the first cup mentioned above, but this bird also has more detailed features, such as small holes for eyes and incised lines representing feathered wings.39
15 Two additional examples of this type of cup with coroplastic decoration have been found in the necropolis of Cinco Réis 8 (Santiago Maior, Beja) (Fig. 2, n. 4) in the northern and eastern corners of a ditch that delimited the only funerary enclosure excavated in the site.40 Both cups are very similar, comprising roughly conical bowls, massive stems, and flaring bases.41 Each of them was decorated with eight terracotta birds applied over the rim that have well-modeled bodies, but somewhat more schematic heads and features.42 The surfaces of these cups also show traces of red painted decoration.43
16 The necropolis of Carlota (São Brissos, Beja) has also yielded one of these cups, once again retrieved within one of the ditches that delimited the funerary enclosures of that necropolis.44 This cup was decorated with two terracotta birds applied over the rim, although in this case the poor preservation of the vessel and its decoration severely hinders any stylistic considerations.45 Additional coroplastic material also was retrieved within the ditch of the aforementioned enclosure, although its poor state of preservation does not allow for any in-depth analysis; the exception is a single elongated bird figurine, very schematic, that could correspond to a vessel decoration itself.46
17 Finally, mention must be made of yet another high-stemmed cup with conical bowl, massive stem, and flaring base, recovered in the necropolis of Vinha das Caliças 4 (Trigaches, Beja).47 This cup presents the traces of four decorative elements applied over the rim, in all likelihood also terracotta birds; unfortunately, however, none of these has survived and the terracotta elements themselves have not been located during the excavation.48
18 As mentioned earlier, these cups with plastic decorations are a very specific feature of the material culture of the newly-identified necropoleis of the Beja region. This type of vessel does not have any precedents in the pottery repertoire of the regional Late Bronze Age, while close Early Iron Age parallels are also very scarce,49 making these cups a particularly characteristic element of the local pottery repertoire. It already has been pointed out that the application of bird figurines over the rims of different types of vessels is well documented in other Mediterranean contexts, including several Early Cypriot examples.50 Other, more recent, decorated cups are seen in some Late Geometric miniature cauldrons from the Athens 894 Workshop retrieved in Athenian tombs,51 or an equally Late Geometric bowl from Tomb X of the necropolis of Fortetsa in Crete.52
19 That said, it is difficult to trace a direct line between these much older examples and the material from southern Portugal discussed above. Nonetheless, the Mediterranean origin of the concept of applying plastic, figurative elements to the rims of vessels remains a viable hypothesis, and perhaps the missing links in the chain could be found in other media, such as bronze casting.53 On the other hand, this type of cup with
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 19
coroplastic decoration practically disappeared from the southwestern Iberian archaeological record after these enclosure necropoleis of inner Alentejo ceased to be used. Only a few cups/burners comparable to these are known in Late Iron Age contexts, such as a cup from Alhonoz (Seville) with two terracotta birds decorating its stem,54 and a possible perfume burner with ornitomorphic terracotta handles applied to the rim that was found in the votive deposit of Garvão (Ourique) and mentioned in passing in a preliminary report of its excavation.55
20 A final note must be made regarding the function of these cups both in general and in the particular context of these necropoleis. It has been proposed that they may, in fact, have been used as perfume burners/ thymiatheria,56 an interpretation that seems to be confirmed by the presence of burn marks on the interior of the example from Vinha das Caliças 4.57 Their position within the funerary landscape, systematically placed inside the ditches that delimit the funerary enclosures or, in the case of Palhais, in a niche connected to one such ditch,58 seems to suggest that these cups/burners played an essentially ritual role during the consecration of the funerary space and/or during the burial, as duly noted by other researchers.59 The iconography of their coroplastic decoration further emphasizes their religious role, as will be discussed below.
21 Apart from the plastic decorations of these characteristic cups/burners, the assemblage of terracottas of the “Beja Group” also includes an exquisite bull figure brought to light in the necropolis of Cinco Réis 860 (Fig. 3). There are indications that a second bull figure was retrieved from this same necropolis during an earlier excavation conducted by a different team, but nothing is known about that terracotta.61 Fig. 3. “Beja Group.” Bull figure from Cinco Réis 8 (n. 1 after Salvador Mateos and Pereira, 2017; n. 2 after Arruda, 2016b, drawing by C. Pereira).
22 This terracotta figure stands out within the Early Iron Age coroplastic assemblage of southern Portugal both by its size and by the quality of its execution. The large, hollow
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 20
figure, some 45cm in length, represents a recumbent bull in an overall linear composition, despite some slight tilting of the animal’s hindquarters resulting in the omission of one of the legs, which would have been hidden beneath the body.62 Both the modeling of the body and the representation of the features are careful and comparatively life-like. Particular attention seems to have been given to the head and muzzle, where the mouth was indicated by a thin, incised line, and the nostrils by two small holes; the eyes were represented through the application of clay pastilles, a common technique in the Iron Age coroplasty of southern Portugal (see below), but in this case they were marked by deep, concentric incisions.63 The area between the horns also has been highlighted by incised lines, representing either hair or, as has been suggested, some kind of harness.64 Apart from the overall muscular volume of the bull, other areas that reflect the attempt made to render a naturalistic representation of the animal are the tail, curled up and ending in a flaring hair tuft represented by a rough palmette incised on the hindquarters of the figure,65 and the bent legs, with well- defined joints and hoofs.66
23 As has been shown,67 and despite some original technical solutions, the stylistic features of this bull are very close to those of other “Orientalizing” bull figures from southwestern Iberia in bronze,68 good examples of which have been found in southern Portugal.69 However, the Cinco Réis 8 terracotta presents some iconographic specificities that set it aside from the model shared by most of those bronze figures. While these generally present the bull with the head turned to the side and with an open, bellowing mouth, in this case the animal is represented in a linear stance, facing forward, with somewhat less forceful facial features. Nevertheless, clear parallels can be drawn between this representational scheme and that found in several other examples pertaining to the “Orientalizing” plastic tradition, such as a bronze bull figure from the collection of the National Library of Portugal,70 a bull figure, also in bronze, from Cerro del Prado (Cádiz),71 and a series of stone sculptures from southern Iberia, previously considered Iberian, but recently reinterpreted as part of an “Orientalizing” sculptural tradition.72
24 In a recent study of Phoenician and “Orientalizing” sculpture in the Iberian Peninsula, M. Almagro Gorbea and M. Torres Ortiz argued that this model of representation stems from a theoretical Phoenician prototype, Prototype A-1, which would make the Cinco Réis 8 terracotta iconographically parallel to their Type B bull sculptures.73 The bull terracotta of Cinco Réis 8 can therefore be directly linked to a distinctive and well- established oriental model, locally adapted to an unusual medium and to the available technical and artistic skill set of the local community.
25 Finally, a brief comment must be made here regarding the context of this bull figure. Like the cups/burners from Cinco Réis 8 analyzed above, it was situated within the rock-cut ditch that delimited the only funerary enclosure identified in that necropolis. 74 Once again, this fact strongly suggests that this figure was imbued with a religious significance, having been deployed within the context of burial ritual and having taken part in the consecration of this particular funerary space. It has also been noted that the likely existence of a second bull figure, mirroring the presence of two cups/burners with plastic decorations, seems to point towards the existence of an elaborate symbolic system in which these elements – possibly of a sacrificial nature – were fully articulated as part of a religious and funerary narrative.75
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 21
2.2. The “Ourique – Aljustrel Group” (Fig. 1, B)
26 Unlike the terracottas of the “Beja Group,” which are recent additions to the corpus presented here, the coroplastic objects from the Ourique region are among the first to have been identified and studied.76 All these early finds were recovered in the funerary necropoleis of Fonte Santa, Chada, and Cerro do Ouro, all in Ourique, that were identified and studied by C. de Mello Beirão and his colleagues between the 1970s and the 1980s.77 These necropoleis are part of a much larger funerary group documented throughout this western part of the Lower Alentejo region, the most prominent features of which are the stone tumuli covering and signaling the tombs that housed both inhumation and cremation burials.78 These tumuli were built adjoining one another, forming a very characteristic funerary landscape79 reminiscent of older, Middle Bronze Age funerary traditions.80
27 It must be said that the main characteristic of the terracottas recovered from these three necropoleis is their heterogeneity. The assemblage includes a work usually interpreted as a plastic vase, along with a protome, two figurines, and an element that could either be interpreted as a free-standing figure, or as the lid of an unknown element,81 all of which show relatively different technical and stylistic features.
28 The first two of these objects were excavated from the necropolis of Fonte Santa.82 The purported plastic vase, an unicum within the Early Iron Age repertoire of southwestern Iberia, represents a well-modeled bull’s head with fairly life-like features (Fig. 4, nos. 1-2).83 Unfortunately, this head is very incomplete and only some fragments of the left side have survived (Fig. 4, n. 1). Nonetheless, some relevant features are preserved, including the left eye, represented with an uncommon degree of naturalism that includes a differentiation between the protuberant cornea and the eye lids defined by a pronounced ridge with a clearly drawn tear duct. A fragment corresponding to the left nostril has also survived, which once again shows a relatively successful attempt at a naturalistic depiction of the animal’s muzzle. The prominent nostrils were apparently positioned on top of a wide elliptical opening corresponding to the bull’s mouth and to the lower opening of the vase. Fig. 4. “Ourique-Aljustrel Group.” Nos. 1–4, Fonte Santa (nos. 1 and 3 after Beirão and Gomes, 1984); n. 5, Chada (after Beirão, 1986); n. 6, Cerro do Ouro (after Beirão and Gomes, 1984); n. 7, Corte Margarida (after Deus & Correia, 2005).
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 22
29 The features of the animal represented in this “vessel” also included the representation of the horns, unfortunately lost, which stemmed from a pronounced ridge marking what has usually been considered the top opening of the vase. A round fracture signals the position of one of the animal’s ears, which would have been represented underneath the horns, but which have not been preserved either.
30 As mentioned above, this very incomplete bull’s head has generally been interpreted as a plastic vase, having been specifically compared to several Mediterranean rhyta, such as examples from the eastern Mediterranean Bronze Age.84 However, a close examination of this terracotta leaves this interpretation doubtful. First of all, the lower opening, corresponding to the animal’s mouth, is far too wide to allow a use as a rhyton in any strict sense of the word, that is to say, as a drinking or even a pouring vessel. On the other hand, the preserved portion of what has usually been considered the top opening of this vase, corresponding to the animal’s neck, is currently obscured by conservation work (Fig. 4, n. 2), but some of the exposed areas are irregular and seem to correspond to fracture surfaces rather than to a regular or finished rim, which again could suggest this piece was part of a larger whole.
31 In light of these observations, it is perhaps prudent to consider the identification of this terracotta as a plastic vase, and especially as a rhyton, as uncertain. Given the fragmentary state of this work, the available data seems insufficient to correctly reconstruct its original configuration, size, and even its function, but the possibility that the preserved fragments were part of an altogether larger and more complex element cannot be entirely ruled out. Unfortunately, the context of these fragments also does not shed particular light on this discussion, as they were found in an open area outside of the necropolis close, to Tomb 8 and on the exterior of an area enclosed by a low wall located to the southeast of the necropolis.85
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 23
32 The excavations of the Fonte Santa necropolis have also yielded a second terracotta, much smaller in scale, that preserves the anterior body of a solid-modeled carnivore, in all likelihood a feline (Fig. 4, nos. 3-4). 86 Preserved are the head, an unusually elongated neck, and the beginning of the body; the front legs seem to have also been represented, although they are currently lost.87 A hole in the back suggests it was originally fixed to some larger element by a fitting peg, serving either as a handle or merely as a decorative fixture.
33 The feline’s features have been depicted with some degree of detail. The head has a roughly geometric configuration, with a schematic representation of the ears, marked by two protuberances on the top of the head, and the eyes, which are indicated by two clay pastilles.88 The most prominent features of this figure, however, are the short, robust muzzle, with nostrils schematically represented by two uneven holes, and especially the open, snarling mouth with clearly visible sharp teeth (Fig. 4, n. 4). 89
34 Although somewhat ambiguous, the features represented in this figurine and its overall conception can be compared to those of the bronze feline protomes of Azougada (Moura)90 and Alcácer do Sal,91 both of which seem to have been part of composite furniture elements. These similarities, added to the frequent presence of felines in the Early Iron Age iconography of southwestern Iberia,92 as opposed to other carnivores, such as the carnassier figures of later Iberian art,93 seem to support the identification of this terracotta as a feline representation, possibly a lioness.
35 Little else can be said about the original setting or function of this figure, although its find context suggests a use in the local community’s funerary rituals. This feline figure, in fact, was found on the ground level of the enclosed area mentioned above, possibly a small temenos for which a ritual function can easily be envisaged.94
36 Two figurines retrieved in the necropolis of Chada95 are virtually similar to each other. Both correspond to small, solid, and very schematic bird representations, usually identified as a dove. (Fig. 4, n. 5). 96 These very stylized figurines are roughly triangular in shape, with a pointed head lacking discernible features, but for very small holes corresponding to the eyes, triangular wings, and tail; the feet are represented schematically as a vertical protrusion cylindrical in form attached to the lower portion of the body.97 Both these figurines were recovered from Sector B of the necropolis, specifically in Tomb 2, which also contained a painted-ware plate and two glass beads with occulated decorations.98
37 The necropolis of Chada has also yielded two additional fragments that, despite their comparatively small size, can be attributed to yet another coroplastic object, whose nature and iconography cannot be ascertained.99 Both fragments were found on the ground level of a small, enclosed area, possibly a temenos, delimited by a low wall surrounding Tomb 2 in Sector A of the necropolis.100
38 Finally, the inventory of the coroplastic material retrieved by C. de Mello Beirão and his team within the framework of his intensive research on the Ourique region is completed by a hollow figurine brought to light in the otherwise poorly known necropolis of Cerro do Ouro.101 This corresponds to a full body representation of some type of long-necked waterfowl, having usually been identified as a swan,102 whose hindquarters and tail have not been preserved (Fig. 4, n. 6). The body of the bird, that does not have its belly or legs indicated, is rendered in a schematic, but volumetrically life-like, way, as is the long, tilted-back neck; the head also shows naturalistic
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 24
proportions, with a long beak, but no other distinguishable features.103 Since the part of this figurine representing the body is hollow, and its lower edge seems to be flat and regular, it has been interpreted as a lid for some other unidentified object.104 This may be the reason that the lower body and legs of the bird are not represented.
39 Not much is known about the find context of this terracotta, as little data has been published regarding the necropolis of Cerro do Ouro in general. The only notice available in the works of C. de Mello Beirão and his colleagues refers to a single urn burial containing glass beads and a silver earring/ nose ring;105 the association of the terracotta with this burial also has been suggested.106
40 More recently, two more terracotta figurines have been documented in the necropolis of Corte Margarida in Aljustrel.107 This necropolis pertains to a somewhat different funerary tradition than documented at the Ourique sites mentioned above, as the two structures so far excavated in Corte Margarida are both cist tombs housing inhumation burials and show no evidence of any complex superstructures.108 This funerary model sets this necropolis apart from the characteristic tumular architecture of the necropoleis of the Ourique region, while closely aligning it with a number of other cist necropoleis of this period documented in coastal Alentejo109 and especially in the Algarve region.110 However, none of those cist necropoleis has so far yielded any coroplastic material; this fact, together with the close geographic proximity between Corte Margarida and the Ourique region, suggests that the terracottas found in this site should be related preferably to the aforementioned coroplastic tradition described above. Their integration in a heterogeneous, but more or less unitary, “Ourique- Aljustrel Group” can therefore be proposed.
41 As for the terracottas themselves, they correspond to two free-standing representations of some type of waterfowl, possibly ducks (Fig. 4, n. 7). The more complex of the two shows the bird in a standing position. The head is comparatively small, with a disproportionate large beak, but no other discernable features, while the body is represented in a schematic way, as are the feet and the tapering tail.111 The brief discussion of this figurine in the archaeological literature mentions two perforations, one in the area corresponding to the bird’s chest and another in its tail.112 It is not specified whether the figurine is solid or hollow, but if the latter were the case this could mean that this figurine is actually a type of plastic vase or zoomorphic askos.
42 The second figurine is even more schematic, representing the bird in a resting position, which allowed the coroplast to omit its feet. The head is rounded and featureless, with an undistinguished rounded beak, while the tapered tail is once again represented in a simple, schematic way. The bottom of the figurine presents a quadrangular opening, as well as three perforations in unspecified positions, which could indicate that it was originally fitted into some composite element.113
43 Both figurines were recovered from Tomb 2 of the Corte Margarida necropolis, in association with a considerably rich funerary assemblage comprising an Egyptian steatite scarab, numerous glass and amber beads, and a fragment of a silver object.114 They seem to have been deposited as offerings, possibly of a sacrificial nature, although a ritual and/or apotropaic function cannot be ruled out.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 25
2.3. The “Neves-Corvo Group” (Fig. 1, C)
44 The Early Iron Age sites of the Neves-Corvo mining area were identified and excavated in the 1980s by Mª. and M. Maia, and were the object of several preliminary presentations shortly thereafter.115 Partly as a result of the preliminary character of these reports, the nature and function of the “architectural complexes” of Neves I, Neves II, and Corvo I and their chronological and historical setting have been the object of discussion ever since.116 Currently, an interpretation of these sites as complex, multi- functional rural settlements with strong religious overtones seems to be the most consensual hypothesis.117
45 In any case, one of the reports published by the excavators of these sites mentioned the existence of an assemblage of coroplastic materials, interpreted as offerings, brought to light at the site of Corvo I;118 an illustration of some of that material was published more recently by Mª. Maia.119 Several of the objects presented in this latter work seem to correspond to small, unclassifiable fragments, with the exception of two solid, free- standing figurines that clearly can be identified as quadrupeds, despite their poor preservation.
46 The features of both these terracottas are so eroded that the identification of the species of animal is difficult. One of these terracottas (Fig. 5, n. 1) does however present an identifying feature in the legs of a rider that clearly can be seen on either side of the animal’s flanks. Consequently, it seems clear that this figurine represented a horse and rider, as has been suggested previously. 120 Fig. 5. “Neves-Corvo Group.” Nos. 1–2, Corvo I (after Maia, 2008).
47 The representation of horses is extremely rare in Phoenician or “Orientalizing” contexts, with a single figurine of a horse identified in the Phoenician colony of Cerro del Villar (Málaga).121 In fact, the horse only seems to gain greater significance in the Iberian iconographic repertoire in later contexts, from the 5th century B.C.E. onwards, 122 possibly as a result of the rise of heroic, equestrian aristocratic groups throughout the southern Iberian communities.123
48 Consequently, the representation of a horse, an unicum in the coroplastic tradition discussed here, could be related to the relatively late chronology of the Corvo I complex
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 26
in general, and of this coroplastic assemblage in particular. The Corvo I terracottas are, in fact, said to have been found in an open area just outside a building with three aligned compartments interpreted as a cult space, in close association with a significant number of Attic Cástulo cups dated to the second half of the 5th century B.C.E. and to fragments of core-formed glass vessels that can also be dated to the same period.124 The particularities of the Corvo I terracotta assemblage should be considered in the light of its setting in a very late stage of the regional Early Iron Age, an historical context often compared and associated with the so-called “Post-Orientalizing” horizon defined for the neighboring Spanish Extremadura.125
49 The most significant representation of a horse so-far documented in southwestern Iberia for this period does indeed come from one of the key sites of that horizon, the “palace-sanctuary” of Cancho Roano (Badajoz), where an elaborate bronze figure of a horse equipped with its harness and saddle has been brought to light.126 Yet, even if horse and horse-rider representations become fairly common in later, Late Iron Age contexts,127 it seems clear that the figurine of Corvo I should be associated to this earlier historical and iconographical context in which horses and horse-riding first became part of an articulated iconography of power and status.
50 As for the second terracotta figurine of Corvo I, all of its significant features have been completely eroded, despite being slightly better preserved than the horse and rider figurine just analyzed (Fig. 5, n. 2).128 Because of this the identification of the animal is difficult. It could be that its association with the first horse and rider figurine could suggest that this too represented a horse. However, given the character of the body, the upper limbs, the beginning of an arched tail, and a now rather shapeless head, an identification as a bovine, or even some other quadruped, cannot be entirely excluded.
51 The lean body of this figurine could, to some extent, be used in support of an identification as a horse, since the “Orientalizing” bull figures mentioned above are usually bulkier. Nonetheless, some roughly contemporary bronze bull figures, such as the example recovered in the Arade river close to Portimão,129 or even slightly later examples, as is possibly the case of the dedications at the Castle of Alcácer do Sal,130 also show leaner bodies, whose proportions can easily be compared with that of the Corvo I figure. The specific identification of this second terracotta figurine therefore remains problematic.
2.4. The “Alcácer do Sal Group” (Fig. 1, D)
52 The site of Alcácer do Sal occupies a somewhat peripheral position in the overall distribution map of the Early Iron Age terracottas of southern Portugal. Although technically part of the Lower Alentejo region, as all the other sites mentioned above, its proximity to the Sado estuary, a privileged natural port allowing easy access to the interior of Alentejo, had a profound impact on the historical process of the local communities. The presence of Phoenician merchants and colonists in the Lower Sado valley and the direct relations they established with the indigenous groups131 meant that, unlike its counterparts in inner Alentejo, the community of Alcácer do Sal became directly embedded in the interregional network mediated by the Phoenicians and developed social, political, and cultural traits closely aligned to those of other coastal “Orientalizing” communities.132
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 27
53 That said, it should be noted that the Sado river was likely one of the primary routes, together with the Mira, for the penetration of Mediterranean materials and ideas towards the Ourique region, located in the Upper Sado and Upper Mira valleys.133 It therefore is likely that both regions maintained more or less systematic contacts throughout the Early Iron Age.
54 The presence of terracotta figurines in the necropolis of Olival do Senhor dos Mártires (Alcácer do Sal)134 could be interpreted as a result of such contacts, representing an irradiation of the coroplastic tradition of inner Alentejo towards this more coastal region. The chronology of the terracottas of Alcácer do Sal (see below) supports this idea, as these figurines fall on the lower bracket of the time span covered by the “Ourique-Aljustrel Group” discussed above.135
55 The two known examples represent bulls, although they show very different technical characteristics (Fig. 6). Both were excavated in the 1920s by V. Correia from in situ cremation burials,136 where they seem to have been laid directly on the burning pyre, as is indicated by traces of burning. Fig. 6. “Alcácer do Sal Group.” Nos. 1–2, Olival do Senhor dos Mártires (after Gomes, 2018, photos by B. Barros).
56 The better preserved of these terracottas (Fig. 6, n. 1) is missing the right hind leg and the top portion of the head, including the horns, but the overall stance and configuration of the animal can easily be grasped: it represents a standing, frontward- gazing bull, roughly modeled, but naturalistic in its proportions.
57 The block-like head has a somewhat schematic representation of the animal’s features, with the eyes indicated by two pastilles, the nostrils by two small holes, and the mouth by a simple incised line. Although equally schematic, the massive body shows approximately naturalistic proportions and even some detailed features, such as the animal’s dewlap, which clearly indicates an attempt at a more life-like rendering of its
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 28
physiognomy. The legs, on the other hand, received less attention, being modeled as simple, arched, cylindrical appendages without joints, and the hoofs indicated by a discoid flattening of the distal extremity of each leg.
58 Unfortunately, the second terracotta figurine retrieved by V. Correia in the Olival do Senhor dos Mártires is very incomplete. Only a fragment, corresponding to the animal’s left front leg and part of its chest has been preserved (Fig. 6, n. 2), severely hindering any iconographic or technical analysis. However, the characteristics of this fragment do suggest that this terracotta also represented a standing or walking bull, although this second example is technically very different from the example already discussed. First of all, the dimensions of the remaining limb suggest that this figurine would have been significantly larger than its better-preserved counterpart. The body of this second figure was hollow, having likely been modeled by fashioning a flat clay plaque into a cylindrical base, the exterior of which was then worked into the desired shape. This technique, more complex than the direct modeling of a solid clay block, is best suited for such a large figure and can be compared to the technique used to produce the bull of Cinco Réis 8.137 The modeling of the preserved leg of this figurine also shows more care and skill. Unlike the rough cylindrical legs of the previous example, the limbs of this larger bull show a clearly articulated knee and carefully rendered hoofs.
59 As mentioned earlier, both these figurines were found in situ in cremation burials lodged in simple, rock-cut ditches, or busta, corresponding to the 3rd Type of the tomb typology established by V. Correia for the Olival do Senhor dos Mártires necropolis.138 They were deposited directly on the funerary pyre and can therefore be said to have had a sacrificial function. Despite the many issues regarding the sequence of this site, these tombs can safely be attributed to the Early Iron Age. A recent reappraisal has indeed shown that this type of tomb is attested in this necropolis from the late 7th century B.C.E., becoming predominant in the second quarter of the 6th century, before being replaced by urn burials at the turn to the Late Iron Age, in the mid-5th century B.C.E.139
60 However, the upright stance of these bull figurines clearly sets them apart from the “Orientalizing” models described above. Even though at least one terracotta possibly representing a standing bull has been uncovered in the Phoenician colony of Morro de Mezquitilla (Málaga),140 the predominant iconographic models during the Early Iron Age of southwestern Iberia show the animal in a recumbent posture. As such, the posture of the bulls from Alcácer do Sal seems more closely aligned with that found in a series of bronze bull figurines documented throughout the southern Portuguese territory and generally attributed to the Late Iron Age, including the examples from Portimão141 and Corte Pereiro (Alcácer do Sal),142 and the votives found in the area of the Castle of Alcácer do Sal itself.143 Since their general context precludes an attribution of the bull terracottas of the Olival do Senhor dos Mártires necropolis to that later period, they tentatively have been dated to a late stage of the local Early Iron Age, in the early 5th century B.C.E., and can be interpreted as a missing link between the iconographic production of that period and that of the Late Iron Age.144
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 29
3. Diversity and Unity: towards the definition of a regional coroplastic tradition
61 As we have seen, considerable emphasis has been put on the diversity and heterogeneity of the coroplastic production of the southern Portuguese Early Iron Age communities. At this point, however, it is important to review a number of commonalities that strongly suggest that these materials, or at least, the vast majority of them, pertain to a common coroplastic tradition. The most basic feature is, of course, the medium for iconographic expression itself. It has already been mentioned that clay was not, in any sense, the preferred artistic medium of the archaic western Phoenician craftspeople nor, for that matter, of the “Orientalizing” communities of southern Iberian.145
62 In this sense, southern Portugal, and especially the inner Lower Alentejo, appear as an anomaly, since terracottas clearly outnumber other sculptural objects, such as bronze figurines, by nearly three to one, being the clearly preferred iconographic medium. This tendency is even more marked if we consider that several of the aforementioned bronze figurines could have been produced in specialized workshops outside the Portuguese territory, further emphasizing the role of coroplasty as the preferred medium for the local iconographic output.
63 The specific ways that the clay medium was worked also give a certain degree of coherence to this assemblage, as all of the works catalogued above seem to be hand- made. Despite showing a certain range of different modeling techniques, from figurines directly sculpted out of solid pieces of clay to others with hollow bodies that were produced using a more sophisticated approach, not to mention specific techniques for the rendering of details, among which the most characteristic is the use of clay pastilles for eyes and other features, there is no evidence whatsoever for the use of moulds for the production of any of the terracottas described above.
64 Apart from the clay medium, however, these terracottas also share a relatively coherent spatial and even chronological setting. From a geographic point of view, all the examples listed above were found in the inner Alentejo region, or in sites directly connected to that region, such as Alcácer do Sal. Meanwhile, no Early Iron Age terracottas have been documented so far in other neighboring regions, such as Algarve, Central Alentejo, or Estremadura, further emphasizing the specificity of this particular coroplastic tradition.
65 As for their chronological setting, the terracottas discussed can all be dated to a time span that ranges from the early to mid-6th century to the 5th century B.C.E. The latter date can perhaps be fine-tuned to a degree, as the data from Corvo I clearly show some changes taking place during the second half of the 5th century, both in the iconographic focus of the coroplastic production and in its context of use and display. The “Neves- Corvo Group” therefore could be considered a sui generis offshoot of this coroplastic tradition, incorporating new cultural inputs and iconographic models suited to a changing socio-political landscape. The lower date for the bulk of this coroplastic tradition could therefore be tentatively set around the mid-5th century B.C.E.
66 Yet another aspect that emphasizes the shared background of these terracottas is their use, reflected in their find contexts. Except for the Corvo I material, which, once again, should be considered as part of a connected, but somewhat lateral, tradition, all the
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 30
terracottas discussed above were recovered from funerary contexts. Naturally, this does not mean they all fulfilled the exact same function within the framework of funerary practices. The terracottas from the “Beja Group,” for instance, seem to have a primarily cultic and ritual function related to the consecration of the funerary space, although an associated sacrificial function cannot be excluded.
67 Some of the figurines from the “Ourique-Aljustrel Group,” such as those from Fonte Santa, seem to have played a similar role. It was previously suggested that these could have been used to decorate lost earthen superstructures that were built on top of the stone tumuli of this necropolis,146 but the more recent finds of Palhais, Carlota, and Cinco Réis 8 seem to shed a new light on the function of these figurines and their association with the temenos of Fonte Santa.
68 In the case of Chada, of Corte Margarida, and of Olival do Senhor dos Mártires, the situation seems reversed, as the terracottas from those sites appear to have had a predominantly sacrificial function, although once again a previous use in religious and consecration rituals cannot be entirely excluded. As for the particular case of Corvo I, the coroplastic finds from this site seem to be associated with a religious space, forming part of a larger assemblage that comprised a number of prestigious imports, such as Attic pottery and core-formed glass vessels.147 All these objects could have been part of ritual paraphernalia, but an interpretation as offerings is more consistent with their apparent position outside of the cult building. In this sense, and once again, the terracottas from Corvo I seem to anticipate a usage that will become common for their later, Late Iron Age counterparts, often found in sanctuaries and favissae across the southern and eastern Iberian Peninsula.148
69 Some further comments must be made regarding the iconographic repertoire of this assemblage, in which some clear trends can be identified. First of all, it should be noted that despite some stylistic and technical diversity, the Early Iron Age terracottas of southern Portugal represent a very limited number of iconographic subjects.
70 A comparison with the roughly contemporary iconographic output of Phoenician and “Orientalizing” communities of southwestern Iberia clearly shows that many common motifs, such as cervids, bucks, and rams, and mythical animals, such as griffons, sphinxes, and sirens149are entirely absent. Particularly conspicuous, however, is the absence of anthropomorphic figures, either human or divine, a staple feature of both the Late Bronze Age150 and the Phoenician/”Orientalizing” iconographic traditions.151
71 The local iconographic output, therefore, seems to be based on the very selective adoption of a small number of iconographic motifs borrowed from the Near Eastern repertoire brought to the Peninsula by the Phoenicians. Zoomorphic representations were clearly preferred over anthropomorphic ones, and two broad iconographic motifs seem to have particularly resonated with local groups: birds152 and bulls.153
72 Birds are very well documented in the western Phoenician and “Orientalizing” iconography of southwestern Iberian.154 They are the most common motif among the few known terracottas from those cultural contexts, being represented in two examples from Cabezo de San Pedro (Huelva)155 and El Carambolo (Seville), 156 as well as in two others from the Phoenician colony of Morro de Mezquitilla.157 Additional representations can be found in bronze, such as the so-called Carriazo Bronze, found at an unspecified location in the Seville province158 or, further east, in the thymiaterion of La Quéjola (Albacete).159 Both of these objects are particularly expressive, as the birds, ducks in the first case and a possible dove in the second, have been associated with
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 31
female figures, in all likelihood divine representations of the goddess Astarté.160 This association strongly suggests that isolated representations of birds could correspond to iconic, metaphoric representations of the goddess herself. Birds can also be found in carved ivories and in painted pottery,161 as well as in graffiti etched into pottery vessels and sherds,162 clearly showing the relevance of this motif during the period analyzed here.
73 Bulls, on the other hand, have long been associated in Near Eastern mythology and iconography with male divinities, and particularly with celestial gods such as Adad and Ba’al.163 This motif, and, in all likelihood, its divine connotations, also traveled to the Far West, as representations of bulls are often found in the western Phoenician and “Orientalizing” iconography of southern Iberia. In fact, and despite the rarity of terracotta representations of bulls – only two examples from Morro de Mezquitilla are known164 –bulls are often represented in bronze,165 in stone,166 in carved ivories, and in painted pottery.167
74 One carved ivory plaque from the necropolis of Medellín (Badajoz), in particular, represents a fight scene between a divine figure, interpreted as Melqart, and a bull, which clearly can be connected to a very long line of Near Eastern mythical narratives, including Gilgamesh’s fight with the Celestial Bull, showing that those narratives and, by extension, the associated iconic and mythological significance of the bull, were known in the Iberian Far West.168
75 On the other hand, the adoption and adaptation of this motif by local communities may have been facilitated by, or even boosted by, the local economic and symbolic significance of bovines. Although we know very little about the economic structures of most of the communities that produced the coroplastic material discussed above, it is safe to say that most were essentially rural, and cattle must have played a significant practical, but also symbolic, role in their lives, as suggested, for example, by the study of the faunal remains from the necropolis of Alcácer do Sal.169
76 In any case, as has been pointed out in a recent study, the joint deployment of a bull figure (or possibly two) and cups/burners decorated with birds in the ditched enclosure of the necropolis of Cinco Réis 8 suggests that these two motifs may have been appropriated due to their close identification with a divine couple associated with fertility, fecundity, and the regeneration of nature.170 The combined deployment of these representations in these ritual and funerary contexts shows the complementarity of both motifs, and their incorporation into a fully articulated religious narrative that, despite its clear oriental overtones, became embedded in local beliefs and practices.
77 Representations of felines – lions, or, more likely lionesses – such as that of Fonte Santa are much less often encountered in the coroplastic assemblage discussed here, but they are very common in the oriental and “Orientalizing” iconography of southern Iberia.171 Besides examples in bronze from the Portuguese territory and beyond that are discussed above,172 several other examples are known in bronze,173 stone,174 ivory, and painted pottery.175 Terracotta versions, on the other hand, are almost unknown for this period, but for a single paw fragment, possibly from a tripod bowl, from the Phoenician colony of Toscanos (Vélez-Málaga).176
78 In Near Eastern mythology and iconography, felines are often associated with female deities, especially with Inanna/Ishtar/Astarté,177 an association that seems to have traveled to the Far West with the Phoenician colonists and craftspeople.178 As such, it could be suggested that the association between a feline and a bull representation in
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 32
the necropolis of Fonte Santa could be equivalent to that between bull and bird figures in contexts such as Cinco Réis 8,179 standing once again for a male/female, god/goddess dualism deeply imbued with a significance related to fertility, fecundity, and rebirth.
79 For the social, political, and iconographic context of the motif of the horse/horse-rider, this has already been discussed above, and little can be added at this point.
80 In conclusion it can be said that the motifs represented in the Early Iron Age terracottas of southern Portugal can be said to stem from a vast and readily available iconographic repertoire with deep Near Eastern roots introduced in the West by Phoenician colonists and craftspeople. However, those motifs represent only a small part of those available in that repertoire, denoting a clear and conscious selection by local communities. The criteria for such a selection cannot be entirely reconstructed, but it is likely that the few motifs that were locally assimilated and reproduced were the ones that more closely fitted local ritual and cosmological constructs. A process of syncretism and even partial interpretation may have mediated the translation of these symbols into local religious systems, but it is interesting to note that only the symbols, and never the actual representations of the divinities, fairly common in western Phoenician contexts,180 made their way into the iconographic production of these communities, where indirect and iconic symbolism was preferred over the direct display of anthropomorphic divinities.181
81 Once again, it is difficult to fully reconstruct the chain of transmission through which these exogenous iconographic motifs were made available to the local communities of southern Portugal, and particularly of the inner Alentejo region. Apart from direct contact with the Phoenician colonial and commercial interface, other ways of diffusion also can be envisaged, such as through direct contact with other indigenous, “Orientalizing” groups occupying nearby areas. Iconographic motifs, their meanings, and their translation also may have been dependent on, and mediated by, local/ regional sociopolitical networks encompassing not just colonial groups, but also local groups from other areas of southwestern Iberia.
82 These iconographic motifs were locally adapted to an unusual medium (for the time) that was readily available and easy to work with a limited specialized know-how. In fact, the relative ease with which clay could be worked and modeled using the comparatively expedient techniques documented by the figurines presented above must be considered when discussing the polymorphic nature of this coroplastic tradition.
83 The heterogeneous nature of the terracottas discussed in this contribution can, in fact, be explained by the socio-political framework in which their production took place. Except for Alcácer do Sal, which can likely be considered a “secondary center” within the coroplastic tradition discussed here, the communities that produced these terracottas were essentially part of rural, heterarchical settlement networks with no apparent centralized power structures.182 Given this particular socio-political structure, it is likely that the coroplastic production of these communities was equally decentralized, taking place at a local level with the available raw materials, workforce, and technical skillset. Apart from nature itself, inspiration was surely drawn from other iconographic materials circulating at the regional and supra-regional level, but such models seem to have been translated differently depending on local taste and skill, with no discernible degree of standardization.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 33
84 These terracottas can be said to be not only an effective way to study the impact of foreign, Near Eastern iconography and imagery in the artistic production of local communities, but also can be open windows into the socio-political structure of these communities and the fluid ways in which their artisans adopted and adapted that imagery to their own discourses and practices, in conscious, articulated, and meaningful ways that deserve an ever more meticulous exploration.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Almagro-Gorbea, M. 1977. El Bronce Final y el Período Orientalizante en Extremadura, Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia.
Almagro-Gorbea, M. 1996. Ideología y Poder en Tartessos y el mundo Ibérico. Madrid: Real Academia de Historia.
Almagro-Gorbea, M. 2002. “Melkart-Heracles matando al toro celeste en una placa ebúrnea de Medellín.” Archivo Español de Arqueología 75: 59–73.
Almagro-Gorbea, M. and Torres Ortiz, M. 2010. La escultura fenicia en Hispania. Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia.
Almagro Gorbea, Mª. J. 1986. Orfebrería fenicio-púnica del Museo Arqueológico Nacional. Madrid: Museo Arqueológico Nacional.
Arruda, A. M. 1999-2000. Los Fenicios en Portugal. Fenicios y mundo indígena en el centro y sur de Portugal (siglos VIII-VI a.C.). Barcelona: Universidad Pompeu Fabra.
Arruda, A. M. 2001. “A Idade do Ferro pós-orientalizante no Baixo Alentejo.” Revista Portuguesa de Arqueologia 4-2: 207–291.
Arruda, A. M. 2014. “A Oeste tudo de novo. Novos dados e outros modelos interpretativos para a orientalização do território português.” In Arruda, A. M. (ed.), Fenícios e Púnicos, por Terra e Mar (2). Actas do VI Congresso Internacional de Estudos Fenícios e Púnicos, 513–535. Lisbon: UNIARQ.
Arruda, A. M. 2016a. “O touro da necrópole de Cinco Reis 8 (Beja, Portugal).” Rivista di Studi Fenici 44: 371–380.
Arruda, A. M. 2016b. “À vol d’oiseau. Pássaros, passarinhos e passarocos na Idade do Ferro do Sul de Portugal.” In Sousa, A. C., Carvalho, A. and Viegas, C. (eds.), Terra e água. Escolher sementes, invocar a Deusa. Estudos em Homenagem a Victor S. Gonçalves, 403–424. Lisbon: UNIARQ.
Arruda, A. M., Barbosa, R., Gomes, F. B., Sousa, E. de 2017. “A necrópole da Vinha das Caliças (Beja, Portugal).” In Jiménez Ávila, J. (ed.), Sidereum Ana III. El río Guadiana y Tartessos, 187–225. Mérida: Consorcio Ciudad de Mérida.
Aubet, M.ª E. 1984. “La aristocracia tartésica durante el período orientalizante.” Opus 3:2: 445–468.
Aubet, M.ª E., Carmona, P., Curià E., Delgado, A., Fernández Cantos, A. and Párraga, M. 1999. Cerro del Villar. I: El Asentamiento fenicio en la desembocadura del Rio Guadalhorce y su interacción con el hinterland. Seville: Junta de Andalucía.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 34
Beirão, C. de M. 1986. Une Civilisation Protohistorique du Sud du Portugal (Ier Âge du Fer). Paris: Éditions du Boccard.
Beirão, C. de M. and Gomes, M. V. 1984. “Coroplastia da I Idade do Ferro do Sul de Portugal.” In Volume d’hommage au géologue Georges Zbyszewski, 450–482. Paris: Éditions Recherches sur les Civilizations.
Beirão, C. de M., Silva, C. T. da, Soares, J., Gomes, M. V. and Gomes, R.V. 1985. “Depósito votivo da II Idade do Ferro de Garvão. Notícia da primeira campanha de escavações.” O Arqueólogo Português IV:3: 45–135.
Belén, M. ª and Escacena, J. L. 1997. “Testimonios religiosos de la presencia fenicia en Andalucía Occidental.” SPAL 6: 103–131.
Belén, M.ª, García Morillo, M.ª C., Bobillo, A. R. and Román, J. M. 2004. “Imaginería orientalizante en cerámica de Carmona (Sevilla).” Huelva Arqueológica 20, 149–170.
Belén, M.ª and Marín Ceballos, M. C. 2002. “Diosas y leones en el Período Orientalizante de la Península Ibérica.” SPAL 11: 169–195.
Blánquez, J. and Belén, M.ª 2003. “Cerámicas orientalizantes del Museo de Cabra (Córdoba).” In Blánquez, J. (dir.), Cerámicas orientalizantes del Museo de Cabra, 78–145. Cabra: Ayuntamiento de Cabra.
Blázquez Martínez, J. M.ª 2005. “Evolución del concepto orientalizante en los 50 últimos años en la investigación hispana.” In Celestino Pérez, S. and Jiménez Ávila, J. (eds.), El Período Orientalizante, 129–148. Madrid: CSIC.
Brock, J. K. 1951. Fortetsa. Early Greek Tombs near Knossos. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Cardoso, J. L. and Arruda, A. M. 2016. “Faunas domésticas e rituais funerários em Alcácer do Sal (Idade do Ferro).” In Vilaça, R. and Serra, M. (eds.), Matar a fome, alimentar a alma, criar sociabilidades: Alimentação e comensalidade nas sociedades pré e proto-históricas, 193–218. Coimbra: Instituto de Arqueologia/CEPBA/Palimpsesto.
Celestino Pérez, S. 2001. Estelas de guerrero y estelas diademadas: la precolonización y formación del mundo tartésico. Barcelona: Bellaterra.
Celestino Pérez, S. and Blanco Fernández, J. L. 2006. La joyería en los orígenes de Extremadura: el espejo de los dioses. Mérida: Instituto de Arqueología de Mérida.
Celestino Pérez, S. and Julián Rodríguez, J. M. 1991. “El caballo de bronce de Cancho Roano.” CuPAUAM 18: 179–188.
Chapa Brunet, T. and González Alcalde, J. 1993. “"Meterse en la boca del lobo". Una aproximación a la figura del "carnassier" en la religión ibérica.” Complutum 4: 169–174.
Chapa Brunet, T. and Vallejo Delgado, L. E. 2012. “El toro orientalizante de Porcuna (Jaén).” Complutum 23-1: 121–143.
Ciasca, A. 1995. “L’art. Céramique et coroplastie.” In Krings, V. (ed.), La civilisation phénicienne et punique. Manuel de recherche, 440–447. Leiden: E. J. Brill.
Coldstream, J. N. 2003. Geometric Greece. 900–700 BC. London: Routledge.
Correia, V. 1928. “Escavações realizadas na Necrópole Pré-Romana de Alcácer do Sal em 1926 e 1927.” In Obras. IV, Estudos Arqueológicos, 169–179. Coimbra: Universidade de Coimbra.
Correia, V. H. 1986. “Um bronze tartéssico inédito: o touro de Mourão.” Trabalhos de Arqueologia do Sul 1: 291–309.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 35
Correia, V. H. 1990–1992. “Notas sobre a torêutica orientalizante em Portugal.” O Arqueólogo Português IV:8–10: 247–258.
Correia, V. H. 1993. “As necrópoles da Idade do Ferro do Sul de Portugal: arquitectura e rituais.” Trabalhos de Antropologia e Etnologia 33:3-4: 351–370.
Delfino, D., Cruz, A. and Sousa, J. de 2016. “Bos Taurus – uma estatueta encontrada nas águas do Rio Arade (Portimão-Portugal).” In Coimbra, F. A. (coord.), The Horse and the Bull in Prehistory and in History, 176-185. Genoa: Cordero Editore.
Deus, M. De and Correia, J. 2005. “Corte Margarida. Mais uma necrópole orientalizante no Baixo Alentejo.” In Celestino Pérez, S. and Jiménez Ávila, J. (coords.), El Período Orientalizante, 615–618. Madrid: CSIC.
Dias, Mª. M. A., Beirão, C. de M. and Coelho, L. 1971. “Duas necrópoles da Idade do Ferro no Baixo- Alentejo: Ourique. (Notícia preliminar).” O Arqueólogo Português III:4: 175–219.
Díaz-Guardamino Uribe, M. 2010. “Las estelas decoradas en la prehistoria de la Península Ibérica.” PhD Thesis presented to the Complutense University of Madrid. Unpublished. van Dommelen, P. 2006. “The Orientalizing Phenomenon: Hybridity and Material Culture in the Western Mediterranean.” In Riva, C. and Vella, N. (eds.), Debating Orientalization: Multidisciplinary Approaches to Processes of Change in the Ancient Mediterranean, 135–152. Sheffield: Equinox.
Ferrer Albelda, E. 1995–1996. “Anotaciones sobre el taller cerámico de Gadir.” Boletín del Museo de Cádiz VII: 63–76.
García-Gelabert Pérez, M. ª P. and Blázquez, J. M.ª 1997. “Carácter sacro y funerario del toro en el mundo ibérico.” Quaderns de Prehistoria i Arqueología de Castelló 18: 417-442.
García-Gelabert Pérez, M.ª P. and Blázquez, J. M.ª 2006. “Dioses y caballos en la Iberia prerromana.” Lucentum XXV: 77–123.
Gomes, E. 2008. “Os ex-votos proto-históricos do Castelo de Alcácer do Sal.” Master Thesis presented to the University of Lisbon. Unpublished.
Gomes, F. B. 2012 Aspectos do Sagrado na Colonização Fenícia. Lisbon: UNIARQ.
Gomes, F. B. 2014-2015. “O mundo funerário da I Idade do Ferro no Sul do actual território português: notas para uma síntese.” ArqueologiaandHistória 66-67: 47–62.
Gomes, F. B. 2015. “The West Writes Back: Cultural Contact and Identity Discourses in the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age of Southern Portugal.” In Babbi, A., Bubenheimer-Erhart, F., Marin-Aguilera, B. and Mühl, S. (eds.), The Mediterranean Mirror. Cultural Contacts in the Mediterranean Sea between 1200 and 750 B.C., 305–317. Mainz: RGZM.
Gomes, F. B. 2016. “Contactos culturais e discursos identitários na I Idade do Ferro do Sul de Portugal (sécs. VIII–V a.n.e.): os dados do registo funerário.” PhD Thesis presented to the University of Lisbon. Unpublished.
Gomes, F. B. 2018. “Duas terracotas da I Idade do Ferro da necrópole do Olival do Senhor dos Mártires (Alcácer do Sal).” Revista Portuguesa de Arqueologia 21: 83–97.
Gomes, M. V. 1983. “El "Smiting god" de Azougada (Moura).” Trabajos de Prehistoria 40-1: 199–220.
Gomes, M. V. 1986. “O touro da Herdade de Corte Pereiro (Alcácer do Sal).” Trabalhos de Arqueologia do Sul 1: 59–73.
Gomes, M. V. and Monteiro, J. P. 1977. “Las estelas decoradas do Pomar (Beja-Portugal). Estudio comparado.” Trabajos de Prehistoria 34-1: 165–214.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 36
Graells i Fabregat, R. 2006. “Los prótomos de caldero de tipo oriental en la Península Ibérica: aproximación al problema y valoración.” Revista d’Arqueologia de Ponent 16–17: 292–299.
Horn, F. 2005. “Les terres cuites d'origine orientale de la peninsule Ibérique (VIIIe-VIe s. av. J.- C.).” In Celestino Pérez, S. and Jiménez Ávila, J. (eds.), El Período Orientalizante, 1405–1416. Madrid: CSIC.
Horn, F. 2011. Ibères, Grecs et Puniques en Extrême Occident. Les terres cuites de l’espace Ibèrique du VIIIe au IIe siècle av. J.-C. Madrid: Casa de Velázquez.
Jiménez Ávila, J. 1998. “El lecho funerario de época orientalizante de "El Torrejón de Abajo" (Cáceres).” Madrider Mitteilungen 39: 67–98.
Jiménez Ávila, J. 2001. “La necrópolis de «El Jardal» (Herrera del Duque, Badajoz). Elementos para el estudio del ritual funerario del suroeste peninsular a finales de la Iª Edad del Hierro.” Complutum 12: 113–122.
Jiménez Ávila, J. 2002. La toréutica orientalizante en la Península Ibérica. Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia.
Jiménez Ávila, J. 2016. “El Post-orientalizante, entre España y Portugal; entre lo Tartésico y lo Turdetano.” In Atas da Mesa Redonda Turdetânea e Turdetanos, 37–60. Castro Verde: Museu da Lucerna.
Jiménez Ávila, J. (ed.) 2017a. Sidereum Ana III. El río Guadiana y Tartessos. Mérida: Consorcio Ciudad de Mérida.
Jiménez Ávila, J. 2017b. “Figuras fenicias del Mediterráneo: caracterización y novedades,” in Jiménez Ávila, J. (ed.), Phoenician Bronzes in Mediterranean, 197–230. Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia.
Jiménez Flores, A. M.ª 2007. “Las imágenes al servicio del culto: acerca del “supuesto” timiaterio de Punta del Nao.” Habis 38: 61–78.
Kurtz, D. and Boardman, J. 1971. Greek Burial Customs. London: Thames and Hudson.
López Palomo, L. A. 1981. “Alhonoz (Excavaciones de 1973 a 1978).” Noticiario Arqueológico Hispánico XIII: 33–188.
Maia, M.ª 1987. “Dois larnakes da Idade do Ferro do Sul de Portugal.” Veleia 2–3: 223–242.
Maia, M. ª 1988. “Neves II e a facies cultural de Neves Corvo.” Arquivo de Beja S. 2-3: 23–42.
Maia, M.ª 2008. “Reflexões sobre os Complexos Arquitectónicos de Neves-Corvo, na região central do Baixo Alentejo, em Portugal.” In Jiménez Ávila, J. (coord.), Sidereum Ana I: El río Guadiana en Época Post-Orientalizante, 353–364. Madrid: CSIC.
Maia, M.ª and Correa, J. A. 1985. “Inscripción en escritura tartéssica (o del SO) hallada en Neves (Castro Verde, Baixo Alentejo) y su contexto arqueológico.” Habis 16: 243–274.
Maia, M. ª and Maia, M. 1986. Arqueologia da área mineira de Neves Corvo. Trabalhos realizados no triénio 1982–84. Castro Verde: Somincor.
Maia, M.ª and Maia, M. 1996. “Arqueologia do couto mineiro de Neves Corvo,” in Rego, M. (ed.), Mineração do Baixo Alentejo, 83–93. Castro Verde: Câmara Municipal de Castro Verde.
Mayet, F. and Silva, C. T. da. 2000. L’établissement phénicien d’Abul. Portugal. Paris: Diffusion du Boccard.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 37
Moneo, T. 2003. Religio iberica: santuarios, ritos y divinidades (siglos VII-I A.C.). Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia.
Le Meaux, H. 2011. L’iconographie orientalisante de la Péninsule Ibérique. Questions de styles et d’échanges (VIIIe – Vie siècles av. J.-C.). Madrid: Casa de Velázquez.
Murillo Redondo, J. F. 1989. “Cerámicas tartésicas con decoración orientalizante.” CuPAUAM 16: 149-167.
Nicolini, G. 1991. Techniques des ors antiques. La bijouterie ibérique du VIIe au IVe siècle. Paris: Picard.
Olmos, R. and Fernández-Miranda, M. 1987. “El timiaterio de Albacete.” Archivo Español de Arqueología 155–156: 211–220.
Ornan, T. 2001: “The bull and its two masters: moon and storm deities in relation to the bull in Ancient Near Eastern art.” Israel Exploration Journal 51: 1–26.
Prados Torreira, L. 2004. “Un viaje seguro las representaciones de pies y aves en la iconografía de época ibérica.” CuPAUAM 30: 91–104.
Ramírez, J. R. and Mateos, V. 1992. “Terracota negroide de la Punta del Nao (Cádiz).” Boletín del Museo de Cádiz V: 31–36.
Ramírez, J. R. and Mateos, V. 1993–1994. “Terracota orientalizante de la Punta del Nao.” Boletín del Museo de Cádiz VI: 93–102.
Salvador Mateos, R. and Pereira, J. A. 2012. “A “Necrópole” da Carlota (São Brissos, Beja) no contexto cultural da Iª Idade do Ferro no Baixo Alentejo: dados preliminares.” In Actas do V Encontro de Arqueologia do Sudoeste, 317–330. Almodôvar: Câmara Municipal de Almodôvar.
Salvador Mateos, R. and Pereira, J. A. 2017. “A paisagem funerária a Oeste de Beja no Período Orientalizante: as necrópoles de Carlota (São Brissos) e Cinco Réis 8 (Santiago Maior).” In Jiménez Ávila, J. (ed.), Sidereum Ana III. El río Guadiana y Tartessos, 333–352. Mérida: Consorcio Ciudad de Mérida.
Santos, F., Antunes, A. S., Grilo, C. and Deus, M. de 2009. “A necrópole da I Idade do Ferro de Palhais (Beringel, Beja). Resultados preliminares de uma intervenção de emergência no Baixo- Alentejo.” In IV Encuentro de Arqueología del Suroeste Peninsular, 746–804. Huelva: Universidad de Huelva.
Santos, F., Antunes, A. S., Deus, M. de and Grilo, C. 2017. “A necrópole de Palhais (Beringel, Beja).” In Jiménez Ávila, J. (ed.), Sidereum Ana III. El río Guadiana y Tartessos, 227–261. Mérida: Consorcio Ciudad de Mérida.
Schubart, H. 1975. Die Kultur der Bronzezeit im Sudwesten der Iberischen Halbinsel. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter and Co.
Silva, C. T. da 2005. “A presença fenícia e o processo de Orientalização nos Estuários do Tejo e do Sado.” In Celestino Pérez, S. and Jiménez Ávila, J. (eds.), El Período Orientalizante, 749–766. Madrid: CSIC.
Tortajada Rubio, M. and Quesada Sanz, F. 1999. “Caballos en arcilla de la segunda Edad del Hierro en la Península Ibérica.” CuPAUAM 25-2: 9–54.
Viana, A., Formosinho, J. and Ferreira, O. da V. 1953. “De lo prerromano a lo árabe en el museo regional de Lagos.” Archivo Español de Arqueología 26: 113–138.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 38
NOTES
1. Arruda 1999–2000, 2014. 2. Gomes 2015. 3. In this paper, the term “Orientalizing” will be used in a broad sense to refer to the predominantly local cultural horizon which came to being in southern Iberia in the wake of the arrival of the first Phoenician merchants and colonists. The selective and creative adoption and interpretation of Near Eastern cultural traits seems in fact to have been one of the distinctive traits of local communities during the earliest stages of the Iron Age, and played a significant part in their adaptive strategies in the face of a new and dynamic geopolitical situation. The term will however be used within quotation marks, as a recognition of the problematic nature of this concept and its conventional use (both cultural and chronological) (e.g., Blázquez Martínez 2005). It is hoped that, throughout this contribution, it will become clear to readers that the “Orientalizing” horizon is a complex, diverse and dynamic entity and that local, indigenous agencies and strategies were as important in this process as the exogenous inputs (see van Dommelen 2006). 4. Gomes 2015; 2016. 5. Celestino Pérez 2001; Díaz-Guardamino Uribe 2010. 6. Viana et al. 1953, 133. 7. Gomes and Monteiro 1977. 8. Aubet 1984. 9. Jiménez Ávila 2002; 2017a. 10. Almagro Gorbea, 1986; Nicolini 1991; Celestino Pérez and Blanco Fernández 2006. 11. Le Meaux 2010. 12. Almagro Gorbea and Torres Ortiz 2010. 13. Murillo Redondo 1989; Blánquez and Belén 2003; Belén et al. 2004; Le Meaux 2010. 14. Ciasca 1995. 15. Horn 2005; 2011. 16. Ramírez and Mateos 1992; 1993–1994; Ferrer Albelda 1995–1996; Jiménez Flores 2007. 17. Jiménez Ávila 2002. 18. Le Meaux 2010. 19. Beirão and Gomes 1984; Beirão 1986; Deus and Correia 2005; Arruda 2016a; 2016b; Gomes 2018. 20. Correia 1986; 1990–1992; Jiménez Ávila 2002. 21. Beirão and Gomes 1984; Beirão 1986. 22. Horn 2011. 23. Arruda 2016a; 2016b. 24. Maia 2008; Gomes 2018. 25. See Jiménez Ávila 2017a. 26. Gomes 2016. 27. Arruda 2016a; 2016b; Salvador Mateos and Pereira 2017; Santos et al. 2017. 28. Santos et al. 2017. 29. Salvador Mateos and Pereira 2017. 30. See Jiménez Ávila 2017a. 31. Arruda 2016a. 32. Horn 2011, 66; for a regional perspective, see Beirão et al. 1985. 33. Santos et al. 2017, 242–249. 34. Santos et al. 2017, fig. 15; see also Arruda, 2016ª, figs. 5–7. 35. Santos et al. 2017, fig. 15. 36. Santos et al. 2017, fig. 15
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 39
37. Santos et al. 2017, 247. 38. Santos et al. 2017, fig. 16, n. 3. 39. Santos et al. 2017fig. 16, n. 2. 40. Arruda 2016a, fig. 11; Salvador Mateos and Pereira 2017, 344–345. 41. Salvador Mateos and Pereira 2017, fig. 10. 42. Salvador Mateos and Pereira 2017, fig. 10. 43. Salvador Mateos and Pereira 2017, 344. 44. Salvador Mateos and Pereira 2012, 321 and fig. 12. 45. Salvador Mateos and Pereira 2012, 321 and fig. 12. 46. Salvador Mateos and Pereira 2017, fig. 4. 47. Arruda et al. 2017. 48. Arruda 2016a, fig. 13; Arruda et al. 2017, Fig. 11, no. 160. 49. See Dias et al. 1971, 204. 50. Arruda 2016a, figs. 15–17. 51. Kurtz and Boardman 1971, fig. 9; Coldstream 2003, fig. 37, d. 52. Brock 1951, n. 551. 53. Jiménez Ávila 2002; Graells i Fabregat 2006. 54. López Palomo 1981, fig. 23. 55. Beirão et al. 1985, 115. 56. Santos et al. 2009, 73. 57. Arruda et al. 2017, 197. 58. Arruda 2016a. 59. Arruda 2016a. 60. Arruda 2016b; Salvador Mateos and Pereira 2017, fig. 11. 61. Arruda 2016b, 355. 62. Arruda 2016b, 373. 63. Arruda 2016b, 373–374, figs. 6, 9. 64. Arruda 2016b, 374, fig. 9. 65. Arruda 2016b, 373, fig. 8. 66. Arruda 2016b, 373, figs. 4, 5. 67. Arruda 2016b. 68. Jiménez Ávila 2002, 341–343. 69. Almagro Gorbea 1977, 245–250; Correia 1986. 70. Correia 1990–1992; Gomes 2008. 71. Jiménez Ávila 2002, 416, lám. LII. 72. Almagro Gorbe and Torres Ortiz 2010, 379–384; Chapa Brunet and Vallejo 2012. 73. Almagro Gorbea and Torres Ortiz 2010, 379. 74. Arruda 2016b, 374; Salvador Mateos and Pereira 2017, 345 and fig. 9. 75. Arruda 2016b. 76. Beirão and Gomes 1984; Beirão 1986. 77. Ibidem; see also Arruda 2001. 78. Beirão 1986; Correia 1993; Arruda 2001. 79. Beirão 1986; Correia 1993; Arruda 2001. 80. Schubart 1975. 81. Beirão and Gomes 1984. 82. Beirão 1986, 64–78. 83. Beirão 1986, 74 and figs. 16–17. 84. Beirão and Gomes 1984, 448; Beirão 1986, 74. 85. Beirão 1986, 74. 86. Beirão 1986, 74–75.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 40
87. Beirão and Gomes 1984, 432. 88. Beirão and Gomes 1984, 432. 89. Beirão and Gomes 1984, 432. 90. Gomes 1983, lám. IV, B. 91. Arruda 2014, fig. 11. 92. Belén Deamos and Marín Ceballos 2002; Le Meaux 2010, 49–53. 93. Chapa Brunet and González Alcalde 1993. 94. Beirão 1986, 74; Correia 1993, 359. 95. Beirão 1986, 79-102. 96. Beirão 1986, 98 and fig. 32; see also Beirão and Gomes 1984, 433. 97. Beirão 1986, 98 and fig. 32; see also Beirão and Gomes 1984, 433. 98. Beirão 1986, figs. 29–30. 99. Beirão and Gomes 1984, 433; Beirão 1986, fig. 33. 100. Beirão and Gomes 1984, 433; Beirão 1986, 98. 101. Beirão and Gomes 1984, 436; Beirão 1986, 49-50; Arruda 2001, 249 102. Beirão and Gomes 1984, 436 and fig. 9. 103. Beirão and Gomes 1984, 436 and fig. 9. 104. Beirão and Gomes 1984, 436 and fig. 9. 105. Beirão and Gomes 1984, 440–442. 106. See Arruda 2001, 249. 107. Deus and Correia 2005. 108. Deus and Correia 2005. 109. Costa 1967; 1972. 110. See Gomes 2014–2015, 51–54. 111. Deus and Correia 2005, 617. 112. Deus and Correia 2005, 617. 113. Deus and Correia 2005, 617. 114. Deus and Correia 2005, 616-617. 115. Maia and Correa 1985; Maia and Maia 1986; 1996; Maia 1986; 1987. 116. Arruda 2001, 273–282; Gomes 2012, 67–83. 117. Gomes 2012, 67–83. 118. Maia and Maia 1996, 88–89. 119. Maia 2008, fig. 4. 120. Maia and Maia 1996, 88–89. 121. Aubet et al. 1999, fig. 200. 122. García-Gelabert Pérez and Blázquez Martínez 2006. 123. Almagro Gorbea 1996. 124. Maia and Maia 1986. 125. Jiménez Ávila 2016. 126. Celestino Pérez and Julián Rodríguez 1991. 127. Tortajada Rubio and Quesada Sanz 1999; Horn 2011, 73–75; for the Portuguese territory, see Beirão et al. 1985, fig. 29, nos.61–62; Gomes 2008. 128. Maia 2008, fig. 4. 129. Delfino et al. 2016. 130. Gomes 2008. 131. Arruda 1999–2000; Mayet and Silva 2000; Silva 2005. 132. Arruda 1999–2000; Silva 2005; Gomes 2016. 133. Beirão 1986; Arruda 2001. 134. Gomes 2016; 2018. 135. Gomes 2018, 92.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 41
136. Correia 1928, 176. 137. Arruda 2016b. 138. Correia 1928, 176. 139. Gomes 2016, 329-332. 140. Horn 2005, fig. 8; 2011, 333. 141. Delfino et al. 2016. 142. Gomes 1986. 143. Gomes 2008. 144. Gomes 2018. 145. Horn 2005; 2011, 111–116. 146. Jiménez Ávila 2001, 119. 147. Maia and Maia 1986. 148. Moneo 2003, 364–368; Horn 2011; for southern Portugal, see Beirão et al. 1985. 149. Jiménez Ávila 2002; Murillo Redondo 1989; Blánquez and Belén 2003; Belén et al. 2004; Almagro-Gorbea and Torres Ortiz 2010; Le Meaux 2010; Horn 2011. 150. Celestino Pérez 2001; Díaz-Guardamino Uribe 2010. 151. Ferrer Albelda 1995-1996; Jiménez Ávila 2017b. 152. Arruda 2016a. 153. Arruda 2016b. 154. Prados Torreira 2004; Arruda 2016a. 155. Horn 2005, fig. 5. 156. Belén and Escacena 1997, fig. 8. 157. Schubart 1985, 165. 158. Jiménez Ávila 2002, lám. 45, no. 125. 159. Olmos and Fernández-Miranda 1987. 160. Arruda 2016a, 419. 161. Le Meaux 2010, 32–35. 162. Almagro Gorbea 2008; Santos et al. 2017, fig. 16, no. 1. 163. García-Gelabert Pérez and Blázquez Martínez 1997; Ornan 2001. 164. Schubart 1985, 165. 165. Jiménez Ávila 2002. 166. Almagro-Gorbea and Torres Ortiz 2010, 379–384. 167. Le Meaux 2010, 43–47. 168. Almagro-Gorbea 2002. 169. Cardoso and Arruda 2016. 170. Arruda 2016b. 171. Belén Deamos and Marín Ceballos 2002. 172. Gomes 1983; Arruda 2014. 173. Jiménez Ávila 1998; 2002. 174. Almagro-Gorbea and Torres Ortiz 2010, 375–379. 175. Le Meaux 2010, 49–53. 176. Horn 2011, n. 410. 177. Belén Deamos and Marín Ceballos 2002, 170–175. 178. Idem, 175–182. 179. Arruda 2016b. 180. Ferrer Albelda 1995–1996; Jiménez Ávila 2017b. 181. See, however, Gomes 1983. 182. Arruda 2001; Jiménez Ávila 2017a.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 42
ABSTRACTS
At the beginning of the Iron Age, the iconographic output of the communities of southwestern Iberia was radically changed by the introduction of a rich and diverse imagery with Near Eastern roots brought to the Far West by the Phoenician diaspora. Coroplasty, however, does not seem to have been a popular medium for iconographic expression within Phoenician and “Orientalizing” groups. In this regard, the communities of the inner Alentejo region of southern Portugal constitute an exception, as they developed an expressive coroplastic production that clearly outweighs other artistic media. This tradition was based on the selective adoption and adaptation of specific oriental motifs, essentially zoomorphic representations, among which representations of bulls and birds are predominant. The rural and heterarchical nature of these communities meant that coroplastic production was decentralized and heterogeneous, but a number of common features can be glimpsed that unify this production in a coherent coroplastic production.
INDEX
Keywords: coroplasty; Near Eastern iconography; Phoenician and “Orientalizing” iconography; zoomorphic representations; Early Iron Age Iberia.
AUTHOR
FRANCISCO B. GOMES UNIARQ – Centre for Archaeology of the University of Lisbon; School of Arts and Humanities of the University of Lisbon; Foundation for Science and Technology. [email protected]
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 43
Works in Progress Travaux en cours
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 44
Archaic Votive Figurines from the Sanctuary of Demeter at Corinth
Susan Langdon
1 The Corinthian sanctuary of Demeter and Kore was excavated in the 1960s and 1970s by Ron Stroud and Nancy Bookidis under the auspices of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens. The site lies on the north slope of Acrocorinth rising above the Corinthian plain and is organized around an expanse of distinctive dining rooms on three terraces. The abundant finds include some 24,000 terracotta figurines offered to the goddesses from the seventh century B.C.E. to the fourth century C.E. Gloria Merker undertook the massive task of publishing the Classical through Roman material (the majority of the figurines) in Corinth XVIII.4.1 My study investigates the archaic figurines, lingering archaic types, and all handmade figurines. While the number of archaic figurines and fragments from the seventh and sixth centuries stands at about 1800, my study focuses on the 550 best preserved specimens. These include “Daedalic” plaques, hand-made figurines with mold-made heads, fully hand-made, and fully mold- made figures. The broadly varied assemblage documents the introduction of figurines into Corinthian votive practice and the development of cult iconography.
2 Most of my study focuses on the hybrid figures: mold-made heads placed on hand-made bodies and ornamented with applied poloi, jewelry, hair, and clothing. Developed from a variety of sources in the seventh century, the molded heads were used interchangeably for perfume vases and plastic figure vases, as well as for figurines. By the sixth century, the repetitive use of familiar molds created a network of representations linking figurines and ritual kalathoi across the sanctuary (fig. 1). Fig. 1. Female head on kalathos rim (C-62-826)
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 45
Photo by author
3 An early sixth-century head from the sanctuary fits perfectly into a mold found in the Potters’ Quarter (fig. 2). Like the kalathos figure with its spectacle fibulae, the applied hair and necklace of this female figurine demonstrate the creative post-molding elaboration of appearance and identity that characterizes Corinthian archaic work. From their beginnings in the later seventh century, fully hand-made figurines show a close dependence on the iconography and appearance of combination figures, while new types continue to be introduced as late as the fifth and fourth centuries. Starting late in the sixth century the fully mold-made figurines include familiar Corinthian types that were widely distributed throughout the Greek-speaking world: seated and standing korai, jointed “dolls,” a range of plaques, and protomes. Fig. 2. Female head with applied hair MF-11241 fitted into mold KH8 from the Potters’ Quarter
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 46
Photo by author
4 One of the goals of my study is to isolate the first stages of iconographic development and ritual practice in order to view the early cult as a complete ritual entity in itself, and not as an incomplete precursor to the better-known historical Demeter cults. In the eighth to sixth centuries the sanctuary fulfilled the needs of a developing community within an increasingly complex social and political setting. Evidence from the Potters’ Quarter, where most of the figurines were made, provides a unique opportunity to study the material from the perspectives of both production and use within the larger context of a community, its cults, and its choices. The results will contribute to longstanding debates on the relationship of Corinth to Perachora and terracotta production in the larger north-east Peloponnese. Beyond the Demeter cult itself, my study expands our knowledge of the social life of archaic Corinth, from local clothing styles, issues of gender construction, and daily concerns addressed to the gods, to imports and other signs of external contact, leading to a fuller picture of the conjoined pottery and coroplastic industry, which was a cornerstone of Corinthian economy and identity.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bookidis, N. and R. S. Stroud, 1997. The Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore: Topography and Architecture (Corinth XVIII, 3) Princeton.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 47
Langdon, S. Forthcoming. The Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore: Archaic Terracotta Figurines and Figurines of Handmade and Lingering Archaic Styles (Corinth XVIII). Princeton.
Merker, G. S., 2000. The Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore: Terracotta Figurines of the Classical, Hellenistic, and Roman Periods (Corinth XVIII, 4) Princeton.
Stillwell, A. N. 1948. The Potters’ Quarter (Corinth XV, 1) Princeton.
ENDNOTES
1. Merker, G. 2000.
ABSTRACTS
This work-in-progress focuses on the archaic figurines from the Corinthian sanctuary of Demeter and Kore on Acrocorinth. These include “Daedalic” plaques, handmade figurines with mold-made heads, fully handmade, and fully mold-made figures. The broadly varied assemblage documents the introduction of figurines into Corinthian votive practice and the development of cult iconography.
INDEX
Keywords: Corinthian terracottas, Demeter and Kore, Acrocorinth, Daedalic, hand-made figurines, Archaic, lingering Archaic, Corinthian votive practice.
AUTHOR
SUSAN LANGDON Department of Ancient Mediterranean Studies, University of Missouri [email protected]
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 48
News and notes Chroniques
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 49
« Quand on a la terre sous l’ongle » : Le modelage dans le monde grec antique Colloque international, 3-5 avril 2019, Aix-en-Provence.
Hélène Aurigny et Laura ROHAUT
1 Hélène Aurigny (AMU, Centre Camille Jullian) et Laura Rohaut (LabEx Archimède, Université de Montpellier)1 ont organisé les 3, 4 et 5 avril 2019 un colloque international sur le modelage de figurines dans le monde grec antique, qui s’est déroulé salle Duby à la Maison Méditerranéenne des Sciences de l’Homme, 5 rue du Château de l’Horloge, 13090 Aix-en-Provence, France. Il a réuni 27 intervenants, venant de 9 pays différents, qui ont montré leur intérêt pour la technique du modelage et la richesse de ses productions dans le monde grec.
2 Après avoir abordé l’histoire des études sur le modelage, la place de pivot du modeleur entre sculpture, travail du bronze et coroplathie, l’introduction a présenté les différentes sources littéraires et iconographiques du modelage, ses origines à Samos et dans les Cyclades, puis les sessions successives du colloque.
3 La session 1 s’est attachée à définir le modeleur et son identité, ce qui pose la question des collaborations ou interactions entre les artisans, que de nombreuses communications ont abordée tout au long du colloque. La session 2 rassemblait les réflexions autour des pratiques artisanales et cultuelles. Il s’agit le plus souvent de production coroplastique en lien avec les sanctuaires ; toutefois, c’est d’abord l’aspect artisanal, et non religieux, qui nous intéressait. On ne saurait oublier qu’il y a des divinités plus propres à l’offrande de figurines de terre cuite, et ce dès la haute époque archaïque. Dans ces réflexions, les sanctuaires de Corinthe et d’Argos occupent une place de choix. La session 3 s’est intéressée aux gestes et techniques que l’on peut déceler dans des traditions locales du modelage, car il y a de fortes caractérisations régionales. Dans la session 4, c’est l’association entre modelage et moulage, voire le rôle
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 50
des éléments modelés sur des figurines moulées qui a été l’objet de notre attention, avec un regard particulier sur le IVe s et l’époque hellénistique où le modelage se perpétue. La session 5 évoque les contacts et interactions culturelles que l’on pourra illustrer à travers le modelage au-delà d’un point de vue simplement technique.
4 L’ordre des communications sera repensé dans la perspective de la publication des actes de ce colloque, qui prendre place dans la BIAMA accueillie par le centre Camille Jullian. Que le laboratoire, et tout particulièrement son directeur, Jean-Christophe Sourisseau, ainsi que Cristel Lanata et Véronique Gémonet, soient ici remerciés. Ce colloque n’aurait pas pu avoir lieu sans l’aide financière et logistique de l’université d’Aix Marseille, la MMSH, le LabexMed, l’École française d’Athènes et l’ACoSt : qu’ils soient tous chaleureusement remerciés. Fig. 1. Participants au colloque
Photo : Courtoisie de Hélène Aurigny
Programme avec résumés des communications/ abstracts
mercredi 3 avril
5 14h-14h30 : Introduction par Hélène Aurigny et Laura Rohaut
Session 1. Le modeleur au cœur des collaborations artisanales
6 Président de séance : Arthur Muller
7 14h50-15h10 : Violaine Jeammet (Musée du Louvre), Le modeleur : cet artisan protéiforme… La recherche actuelle tend à décloisonner les différentes catégories artisanales en Grèce antique tant sur la question des modalités pratiques (structures productrices et matériaux) que sur la fabrication en elle-même : à qui reviennent les étapes successives de mise en forme d’un objet, notamment celle qui donne sa forme première à l’œuvre, à savoir le modelage ? Les différentes catégories d’œuvre distinguées, voire hiérarchisées, par l’histoire de l’art moderne (« grande » et
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 51
« petite » sculpture, « grande » peinture et céramique) apparaissent aujourd’hui moins pertinentes et l’on cherche davantage à penser la production artisanale en termes de compétences afin de privilégier l’artisan modeleur, l’artisan potier, l’artisan peintre s’exerçant sur différents médiums et croisant ainsi leurs savoir- faire. Dans ce domaine artisanal, comment et où situer le coroplathe qui est l’une des rares occurrences que nous ont livrée les textes antiques ? Par ailleurs, paradoxalement, alors que le sol grec a livré des milliers de tirages, les prototypes semblent rester rarissimes. C’est notamment à partir des exemples fournis par la production béotienne et attique que nous chercherons des éléments de réponse à ces questions.
8 15h10-15h40 : Eléonore Favier (HiSoMA, Université Lyon II), Collaborations artisanales et interartisanalités des travailleurs : l’exemple des figurines modelées et de la coroplathie. Si l’étude de la petite statuaire moulée est maintenant bien installée dans la recherche actuelle, une grande zone d’ombre demeure lorsque l’on se tourne vers la création des prototypes. Ces derniers, premiers produits utilisés pour la création des moules, exigeaient savoir-faire et talent, au contraire du moulage qui ne nécessitait pas de grandes compétences techniques ou artistiques. C’est dans ce cadre que se pose la question de l’identité du fabricant de ces figurines : s’agit-il du coroplathe lui-même ? Ou bien, l’hypothèse d’une division du travail et de la chaîne opératoire, avec la création de prototypes faits par des sculpteurs ou des bronziers, est-elle réaliste ? Il est évident que cette proposition ne peut pas uniquement être étayée par la conviction qu’un individu pratiquant le moulage n’est pas assez qualifié pour la création des prototypes ; le rapport entre les figurines de terre cuite et la production de métal ou de pierre est particulièrement visible autour de deux pôles : le style et la technique. L’étude comparée de plusieurs productions identiques ou très proches, faites dans différents matériaux montre le lien évident entre ces deux artisanats ; tout comme l’utilisation de matériaux et de techniques communes laisse logiquement concevoir un rapprochement technologique. Finalement, cette enquête sur l’identité du créateur des prototypes se place dans un questionnement beaucoup plus large sur le monde du travail manuel. Les études récentes multiplient les attestations d’interartisanalité : la question de l’existence des quartiers d’artisans, au cœur du débat, montre l’intérêt et l’importance de cette problématique. Cela implique alors la nécessité de faire évoluer notre approche et d’effectuer un décloisonnement des recherches pour envisager le monde du travail manuel, non sous le prisme de l’accumulation de différentes professions, mais comme un réseau interartisanal dynamique et novateur, fait de connexions et de partage.
9 15h40 : Discussion et pause café
10 16h15-16h45 : Antonella Pautasso (ACoSt, IBAM-CNR, Université de Catane), Les figurines zoomorphes modelées dans la Crète de l’Âge du Fer. Remarques sur la technique et les interactions entre pratiques artisanales. Les figurines zoomorphes modelées ont toujours occupé une place secondaire dans les études de coroplathie crétoise à l’âge du fer, malgré leur présence généralisée dans tous les contextes, à la fois votifs, funéraires et domestiques, même lorsque le moulage devient la technique la plus utilisée. La publication récente de certains ensembles de figurines en terre cuite modelées (Patsòs, Agia Triada, Kato Symi) a ravivé l’intérêt pour cette production, en mettant en évidence certains aspects intéressants liés à la technique et aux relations avec d’autres pratiques artisanales. La présente contribution vise à approfondir les aspects techniques de la production artisanale des figurines zoomorphes en Crète du IXe au VII e siècles av. J.-C., en incluant pour la première fois dans le dossier crétois le matériel découvert sur la Patela de Prinias. Une attention particulière sera accordée aux interactions techniques entre le modelage et d’autres pratiques artisanales, telles que le
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 52
tournage (ou en général la production de la céramique) ou la fabrication des bronzes. Des remarques finales concerneront les problèmes de chronologie.
11 16h45-17h15 : Anastasia Gadolou (Ministère grec de la culture et des sports), The Manufacture of Achaean Architectural Models During the Eighth Century B.C.E.: Techniques and Craftsmanship as a Reflection of Social Diversity The study of the combination of the various techniques used for the manufacture of terracotta objects might prove to be quite illuminating as far as the social dimension of craftsmanship is concerned. In light of the above general statement, it is hoped that a thorough technical study of the Achaean architectural models of the eighth-century B.C.E. that have been recovered from sanctuary sites will show the craftsmen’s specialization in this part of northern Peloponnese. In the manufacture of Achaean architectural models a number of techniques had been used, such as hand modeling, the inclusion of wheel-made elements, painting, and the impressed ware technique. All the above will be explored with the aim of investigating the probable social factors underlying the choice of certain manufacture techniques and styles of decoration. In addition, a detailed investigation of the association that the craftsmen who created these models might have had with the local tradition of pottery making and decoration styles is absolutely necessary. This may lead to very interesting conclusions concerning an artisan’s specialization as a reflection, of social diversity, among other issues.
12 17h15-17h45 : Magali Ramon Ribaud (ASM, Université de Montpellier), Une œnochoé corinthienne : entre terre et métal. Une œnochoé corinthienne à figures noires, attribuée au peintre de Tydée et conservée au British museum est le point de départ d’une analyse portant sur les décors modelés et rajoutés par les potiers grecs sur certaines céramiques de l’époque archaïque et plus particulièrement du milieu du VIe s. avant J.-C.. Ce vase comporte en effet un serpent modelé qui remonte le long de l’anse et se sépare en deux corps rampant sur le sommet de l’embouchure ainsi qu’une petite tête plastique de lion dans cette dernière, sous la jonction avec l’anse. Ainsi, dans un premier temps, bien que le vase soit exceptionnel, nous le contextualiserons au sein de la production corinthienne de la première moitié du VIe av. J.-C. Il a été produit dans un atelier de la fin du Corinthien Récent (560-550 av. J.-C.), période particulièrement féconde à Corinthe grâce aux nombreux contacts (formes de vases, décor…) avec la production de potiers-peintres attiques contemporains. Il sera donc ensuite intéressant de pouvoir mettre en évidence des connexions entre ateliers corinthiens et attiques quant à la présence de parties modelées sur les vases. Du côté d’Athènes, c’est surtout dans l’atelier plus tardif du potier Nikosthénès, dont la majeure partie de la production est destinée à l’Etrurie, que nous trouvons des éléments plastiques rapportés aux vases, certains peints par Psiax. Le peintre de Londres B620 semble aussi un acteur important de cette production. La problématique du rapport qui existe entre ce type de vases de terre cuite et la vaisselle métallique (bronze, argent…) devra être reposée. Il existe en effet une grande similitude avec la production métallique concernant certaines formes de vases, plusieurs types d’anses et par la présence d’éléments plastiques en argile (protomés humaines ou animales, bobines…). Mais il semble nécessaire de repenser ce rapport d’influences car cette vaisselle de terre cuite n’est pas une simple imitation des modèles métalliques et nous savons que les idées ont voyagé dans les deux sens. De plus, les connexions concernent la vaisselle métallique grecque mais aussi étrusque, ouvrant ainsi le champ d’analyse à la notion de marché. L’existence de céramiques à décor modelé au VIe s. avant J.-C., que ce soit à Corinthe ou Athènes, pourra être réinterprétée notamment en termes de phénomènes
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 53
économiques et concurrentiels mais aussi à l’aune de la porosité entre les différents corps de métiers.
13 17h45 : Discussion • JEUDI 4 AVRIL
14 9h-9h30 : Elisabeth Trinkl (Université de Graz), Of Master’s Genius and Practices: Attic Plastic Vases. Whenever it comes to Greek vases of Archaic and Classical times we tend to focus on the mastery of an individual, potter or painter. However, when it comes to mass produced (?) figural or plastic vases the individual craftsman and his skills rarely stand out. Here the artistry lies in the creation of the original model and mold. Craftsmanship and artistry (hand modelling) stand at the beginning of the production process: a clay prototype (patrix) is formed from which one or several molds are made, which are the basis for mass production. The advantage of using molds is that the resulting product and its quality become predictable and that limited skills are necessary to shape the final figurine/vase. In other words, an inventive creation becomes replicable. We used 3D modelling and computer-aided matching to identify replicas in a group of Attic figural vases. This way we are able to identify and visualize patrices using a process similar to reverse engineering. In my presentation I will focus on the relationship between creators of hand-made clay prototypes, mass production, and the Athenian pottery workshops. In other words: Were coroplastes the actual creators of Attic plastic vases?
15 9h30-10h : Jonathan Devogelaere (CCJ, Université Aix-Marseille), Empreintes et modelage de la cire : les traces des traitements plastiques de la cire sur les bronzes antiques. Une grande partie de la production des bronzes hellénistico-romains a été confectionnée grâce à la technique de la fonte en creux à la cire perdue, qu’elle soit par procédé direct ou indirect. Souvent associé à un noyau en argile, la cire est en effet un matériau privilégié pour modeler assez facilement un prototype voulu en bronze, mais aussi pour disparaître et laisser sa place à l’alliage cuivreux en fusion. La cire permet également de réaliser de fins et précis détails par le biais de divers traitements qui donnent de nombreux effets plastiques à la matière : ces traitements peuvent être des ajouts ou des retraits de matière ainsi que des incisions à l’aide de nombreux outils. La technique de fabrication, la forme du modèle et les effets plastiques désirés par le modeleur seront de fait, après la coulée, encore visibles à la surface du bronze mais aussi embellis par la couleur et l’éclat métallique de ce dernier. Il est pourtant difficile de bien distinguer et d’interpréter les traitements plastiques employés sur le modèle en cire car leurs traces peuvent être effacées ou reprises au cours de nouveaux traitements de surface appliqués cette fois-ci sur le bronze, à l’image de la ciselure ou du polissage de finition. Cette présentation s’attachera par conséquent à montrer et à mieux comprendre les traces de modelage, d’empreintes et d’autres traitements plastiques qui ont été exécutés par l’artisan sur le modèle en cire à partir de l’étude de quelques bronzes antiques et sur l’appui d’expérimentations archéologiques.
16 10h00-10h45 : Discussion et pause café
Session 2. Pratiques artisanales et cultuelles
17 Présidente de séance : Stéphanie Huysecom-Haxhi
18 10h45-11h15 : Marina Albertocchi (ACoSt, Université de Venise), Groups of Handmade Figurines of the Geometric period From the Messarà (Crete): Between Local Tradition and New Significance.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 54
The hand-made columnar figurines of post-Minoan date found in Crete have not attracted much interest, particularly because of the difficulty of dating this material, but also because they have been eclipsed by the significant quantity of mold-made Daedalic figurines, such as those from Gortyn. In spite of the fact that in recent years contexts that included these hand-made figurines have been published, such as that of the Tsoutsouros cave, and more specific observations regarding the coroplastic production of the Iron Age have been proposed, these figurines are still understudied. As a group they deserve attention because new discoveries and recent approaches can help to clarify their meaning, which accords a perspective free from art- historical analysis. In the corpus of published material, the most significant number of examples of these hand-made columnar figurines comes from the so-called Piazzale dei Sacelli at Haghia Triada in the Messarà. Despite the difficulty of defining a chronological framework for this material. comparisons with other similar figurines from Crete and other regions of the Aegean allow us to date them to the Protogeometric or Geometric horizon. The fact that these figurines are mostly sexually characterized and share certain technical and internal similarities sheds light on their iconography and their possible pertinence to groups and/or models. This leads to an exploration of their meaning within the context of ritual performances held in the site.
19 11h15-11h45 : Sonia Klinger (University of Haifa), Hand Modeled Terracotta Artifacts from the Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore at Acrocorinth. Excavations conducted between 1961 and 1975 on the north slope of Acrocorinth uncovered a sanctuary dedicated to Demeter and Kore. This sanctuary is considered one of the earliest and most extensive of Demeter’s many cult sites in the ancient Greek world. Study of the sanctuary’s artifacts has been a lengthy process, owing in part to the sheer mass of archaic to Roman finds, including thousands of vessels, lamps, and terracotta votive figurines. The focus of this paper is the assemblage of over 200 artifact models of various types, most handmade, representing furniture, vehicles, food, personal adornment (i.e. jewelry, sandaled feet), toys, loomweights, and other textile tools. My research on these unpublished finds suggests that most date from the Archaic and Classical periods and were manufactured in local workshops, especially in the nearby Potters’ Quarter. Selected models are presented followed by a discussion of the concerns they seem to reflect, their association with the deities, and the social status and gender of their dedicators.
20 11h45-12h15 : Susan Langdon (Université du Missouri), Shaping Religious Change: Experimental Modeling in Archaic Corinthian Figurines. Corinth was a leader in the production of representational terracottas, making and distributing figurines that influenced other cities across Greece through the sixth century and beyond. While much Archaic material was found during excavation of the Potters’ Quarter in the 1920s, the beginnings of the figurine tradition at Corinth have remained unclear. One reason is that the relatively scarce seventh-century- material from the Potters’ Quarter lacked parallels and use contexts to understand available models and choices made by the artisans. New evidence for this question comes from the Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore on the slopes of Acrocorinth, where excavation in the 1960s and 1970s recovered 24,000 terracotta figurines dating from seventh century to the Roman era. As a result, Corinth now presents both an artifact-rich sanctuary and the Potters’ Quarter, where many of the votives were made. Current study of the archaic figurines from the Demeter sanctuary can also be integrated with the earliest material from the Corinthian Sanctuary of Hera at Perachora. Drawing on material from these three contemporary sources, this paper explores the origins of the Corinthian figurine industry from the perspective of artistic innovation and modeling. With no previous tradition of handmade figurines, local artisans employed modeling in a variety of innovative ways, using
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 55
molds to make plaques, using mold-made plaques to make figurines, turning handmade plaques into figurines, and other variations. Two parallel trends — hybrid hand- and mold-made and fully hand-made figurines — emerged from this feverish phase of experimentation. The choices made in seventh-century Corinthian workshops can be related to iconographic developments and ultimately placed into the larger cultural moment of changes in religious and social spheres.
21 12h30 : Déjeuner
22 14h00-14h30 : Hélène Aurigny (CCJ, Université Aix-Marseille), Le trône de terre : la dame assise argienne dans le matériel de l’Aphrodision d’Argos. Le matériel coroplastique de l’Aphrodision d’Argos est riche de 10 000 documents, dont environ 6500 fragments du type qu’on appelle « Dame assise ». C’est un champ d’exploration privilégié pour la réflexion sur le modelage, parce que cette dame est fabriquée de façon très simple d’une bande d’argile à laquelle des pieds sont ajoutés à l’arrière et qu’elle pourvue d’une tête pincée dans l’argile ou moulée et collée sur le corps modelé. Si l’on peut donc facilement différencier ces deux séries à tête modelée ou moulée, en revanche les innombrables variantes rendent bien difficile un classement typologique ou chronologique efficace. Je m’interrogerai donc sur les critères typologiques, iconographiques ou stylistiques qui permettent d’une part de proposer des regroupements et d’autre part de réfléchir à une mise en ordre chronologique. C’est de cette manière qu’il sera possible de mettre en évidence l’évolution de ce type typiquement argien.
23 14h30-15h00 : Anna Philippa-Touchais (archéologue, collaboratrice EFA), Les figurines modelées d’un sanctuaire archaïque péri-urbain à Argos. Les figurines dont il sera question sont liées aux maigres vestiges d’un sanctuaire archaïque identifié récemment sur la colline de l’Aspis, qui surplombe la ville d’Argos. Le matériel trouvé n’est pas très abondant (155 figurines humaines et un nombre supérieur de petits objets) mais il est intéressant à la fois du point de vue de sa datation et de sa production. Bien que les premiers actes de culte remontent au Géométrique Récent (dernier quart du VIIIe s.), la période de prospérité du sanctuaire se situe dans la seconde moitié du VIIe et la première moitié du VIe s. av. J.-C. Quelques observations peuvent être faites concernant le modelage des figurines humaines du matériel de l’Aspis : – Dans leur grande majorité les figurines sont modelées (114 sur 155, soit 73,5 %), alors que les figurines réalisées en technique mixte (visage moulé et corps modelé) sont nettement plus rares (13,5 %), de même que les figurines moulées (13 %). – Sur l’Aspis le modelage et la technique mixte apparaissent ensemble vers la fin du VIIe siècle et coexistent pendant le VIe s. – Les points communs entre ces deux techniques changent au cours du temps : au VIIe s. pour les deux techniques les artisans utilisent la même pâte (couleur beige, fine, bien cuite) et la même peinture lustrée, prêtant un soin particulier au décor de la coiffure des figurines. A partir du VIe s. la technologie change (pâte rouge, moins fine et moins bien cuite, peinture mate) mais elle est de nouveau plus au moins similaire pour les figurines modelées ou en partie moulées. Bien que le travail semble désormais moins soigné, sans doute parce que la production est plus massive, les figurines se distinguent souvent par leur décoration individualisée – en relief ou peinte –, qui est parfois très élaborée.
24 15h00-15h30 : Anna Banaka (Ministère grec de la culture et des sports), Spiliotaki : Observations on Coroplastic Artifacts from the Deposit of the Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore. The rural area of Spiliotaki is located in one of the valleys of the Argive hinterland to the south of Lerna (modern Myloi) and southwest of Kiveri. It corresponds to the territory of the ancient Argive kome of Elaious, briefly mentioned in the description of the labor of Herakles with the Lernaian Hydra. The kome’s precise location was
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 56
identified by L. Ross (Reisen und Reiserouten durch Griechenland, Berlin 1841), who also traced an ancient road leading from the kome to the area of Kiveri. In the 1960s, excavations in the area of the kome yielded the remains of a Sanctuary to Demeter and Kore, and part of a deposit with numerous votive offerings of the sixth to the fourth centuries B.C.E., such as terracotta figurines, vases, bronze objects, a votive stele with Demeter in the type of the Polykleitan Hera etc. Additional salvage excavations have contributed to a better understanding of the kome: remains of houses, graves of the Archaic and Cassical periods, and walls of late Roman and Byzantine dates illustrate a kome that endured over time. This paper focuses on the coroplastic artifacts found in the sanctuary’s deposit. The numerous votive offerings can be classified as various thematic categories and represent the common Argive coroplastic products that are also found in other sanctuaries of the region. Technical details indicate the manner by which these objects were being produced, as well as the Argive coroplast’s skills and ability to reproduce in a relatively “realistic” manner favored themes.
25 15h30-16h : Serena Raffiotta (chercheur indépendant), Modelling the Gods : Figurative Terracottas from Morgantina. Since the publication in 1981 of the monograph Morgantina Studies. I. The terracottas by Professor Malcolm Bell, the production of this special class of objects from Morgantina, a monumental archaeological site in central Sicily, has become a very important locus for our knowledge of Sicilian terracotta figurines that were produced from the Archaic through the Hellenistic periods. Although no workshops have been uncovered to date in Morgantina, the discovery of thousands of mould-made terracottas, mainly from sanctuaries, but also from tombs and domestic contexts, has contributed significantly to our understanding of this kind of artisan production in Greek Sicily. On the other hand, a small quantity of hand-modeled coroplastic objects discovered at Morgantina has rarely been considered. Most important in this regard is the so called head of Hades, a Hellenistic polychrome terracotta sculpture. This was looted from Morgantina in the late 1970s, was acquired by the Getty Museum shortly thereafter, but was returned to the Archaeological Museum in Aidone, where the other material from Morgantina is housed. This head, belonging to a life-size cult statue believed to represent the Greek god of the Underworld, documents the fact that hand- modelling was not a less advanced form of production, nor did it disappear in the Hellenistic period.
26 16h00 : Discussion et pause café
Session 3. Gestes et techniques locales
27 Présidente de séance : Jaimee Uhlenbrock
28 16h45-17h15 : Sabine Fourrier (HiSoMA-MOM, CNRS), Tours de main et styles : le modelage dans la coroplastie chypriote archaïque. Le modelage est régulièrement considéré à part, sinon exclu des études consacrées à la coroplastie chypriote archaïque. Méthode « primitive », donc première dans l’ordre du progrès technique menant au triomphant moulage, le modelage ne serait plus utilisé, au cœur de l’époque archaïque qui voit dans l’île l’apogée de l’art coroplastique, que comme méthode d’appui, préparant ou complétant des formes moulées. Les découvertes contextuelles montrent cependant que des figurines modelées ont continué d’être fabriquées en nombre pendant toute la période dans tous les ateliers de l’île, sans que le moulage supplante ou relègue le modelage à des productions périphériques. Autre tendance, affirmée dès Gjerstad, pionnier des études typo-chronologiques : les figurines modelées seraient de l’ordre de l’« idol
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 57
plastic ». Objets d’une piété populaire, intemporelle, elles échapperaient à la catégorie des productions artistiques et aux critères qui en permettent l’analyse. Au rebours de ces travaux, on se propose d’étudier ici les figurines modelées archaïques sous l’angle des ateliers de production. On s’attachera à caractériser des « tours de main », des procédés et des gestes qui, transmis et appris, définissent un répertoire stylistique et le distinguent de celui du royaume voisin. Les figurines modelées entretiennent, par ailleurs, des liens étroits avec les figurines moulées et concourent, avec ces dernières, à la définition d’identités culturelles régionales.
29 17h15-17h45 : Frances Gallart Marques (Harvard University Art Museums), Touch But Don’t Look: Figurines and Haptic Learning at Sardis. It is likely that one of the benefits of hand sculpting in antiquity was that it offered artisans a clear tie to the coroplastic production of the past. Because of this, a desire to achieve efficacy and continuity in ritual practices, comparable to those guaranteed by the slow-changing figurines of the Neolithic, has been proposed as an explanation for the persistence of hand modeling in later periods. In this talk I will offer an additional motive and argue that figurines that were meant to be mostly handled, rather than mostly viewed, were preferably made by hand. Since this technique can increase the coroplast’s control over the final haptic qualities of a piece, it would have been a suitable option even when other sculpting methods were available. At Sardis, hand-modeling was employed to a more significant and varied degree in earlier statuettes. Yet, the use of free modeling, rolling, and the slab method are attested at the site, either alone or in combination with other techniques, in all time periods. The close consideration of the tangibility of figurines made at Sardis (Archaic, Hellenistic, and beyond) will show that the hands of the eventual users could determine the specifics of their manufacture. Further, because engaging with an object through touch allows for a more intimate way of knowing, the manipulation of figurines as it concerns the process of learning will be considered.
30 17h45-18h15 : Eleni Palla (chercheur indépendant), Handmade Elements of the Hellenistic Female Terracotta Figurines found in Burial Contexts in Bottiaea. The hundreds of female figurative terracottas depicting either mortal women or divinities that have been brought to light from graves in the ancient Macedonian region of Bottiaea, and that date to the Hellenistic period, provide us with excellent information about the typology, the diffusion across the Mediterranean, the function and, of course, the production techniques of these figurines. Their manufacturing techniques document established affinities with the two large terracotta workshops in the cities of Pella and Beroia and reveal that, although they are made with molds, following in the Hellenistic tradition, they also document myriad handmade added elements. Not only were the prototypes and the outer surface of their molds modeled by hand, but so were other essential parts of many of these Bottiaean figurines, such as their bases, the back side of their heads and bodies, their hands, feet, or parts of their garments. Details, such as objects held in the hand, earrings, and other jewelry, details of the hair, headdresses, etc. were also modeled freehand, demonstrating the their importance for coroplastic analysis. The role of local clay, the means of attachment for the handmade appliqué elements, the different ways of modeling the back side of the terracotta figurines, and the supplementary use of tools attested in some cases for better results, are of great interest.
31 18h15 : Discussion
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 58
VENDREDI 5 AVRIL
32 9h-9h30 : Stéphanie Huysecom-Haxhi (ACoSt, HALMA, CNRS), Techniques et usages du modelage dans la coroplathie thasienne archaïque. Les débuts de l’activité coroplathique à Thasos se situent à la fin du VIIe ou au tout début du VIe siècle à un moment où l’importation d’objets ne suffisait certainement plus pour satisfaire les besoins religieux de la population. Les figurines créées et fabriquées sur place dès cette époque et jusque dans les premières décennies du Ve siècle, se distinguent des produits importés autant par leur originalité formelle et stylistique que par les techniques de fabrication mises en œuvre pour leur réalisation. Ces techniques font systématiquement appel au modelage, procédé universel et très ancien, qui à Thasos, comme dans d’autres centres de production contemporains, a été exploité de diverses façons. À côté de figurines entièrement modelées à la main, relativement peu nombreuses, le répertoire comprend ainsi quelques dizaines d’objets fabriqués dans des techniques mixtes qui associent le modelage au tournage tout d’abord, puis au moulage, qui fait son apparition dans les ateliers locaux au tournant du VIe siècle. L’introduction du moule, s’il transforme le processus de production des figurines, dès lors fabriquées plus rapidement et en plus grande quantité, ne supprime pas complètement les habitudes plus anciennes. Le montage des figurines sur le tour, long et délicat, est vite abandonné. En revanche les artisans continuent à recourir au modelage qui permet, outre la réalisation des prototypes, de façonner des éléments destinés à compléter ou à transformer les figurines avant cuisson. Ce sont ces habitudes de travail, les gestes des artisans et les manières d’exploiter la technique du modelage qui seront présentés, à l’occasion de ce colloque, à travers quelques exemples choisis parmi les figurines les plus représentatives de la petite plastique thasienne archaïque.
33 9h30-10h : Arthur Muller (HALMA, Université de Lille & IUF), Du pire au meilleur. À propos de quelques modelages de Thasos : techniques et artisans. Parmi les très nombreuses trouvailles de figurines à Thasos, les réalisations modelées sont de très loin minoritaires par rapport aux réalisations moulées. Il s’en détache cependant quelques ensembles cohérents particulièrement intéressants, comme les statues archaïques de l’Artémision ou les statuettes du IVe s. du Thesmophorion, à quoi s’ajoutent un certain nombre de figurines diverses jusqu’à l’époque hellénistique. L’analyse de quelques exemples mettra en évidence la variété des réalisations, dans les dimensions (de la modeste figurine à l’ambitieuse statue), les thèmes (des femmes debout drapées surtout, mais aussi des sujets originaux), la qualité (le meilleur côtoie le pire) et les techniques (tant pour le façonnage que pour l’anticipation de la cuisson). Cette variété reflète sans doute celle des façonneurs : d’un côté des tâcherons, parmi lesquels des enfants, improvisant avec plus ou moins de bonheur dans cette technique, de l’autre des sculpteurs de métier qui réalisaient à l’occasion des offrandes uniques, sans doute sur commande. C’est à ces derniers qu’il faut aussi attribuer les prototypes dont dérivent des séries de statuettes moulées d’excellente qualité à Thasos.
34 10h-10h45 : Discussion et pause café
Session 4. Le modelage et le moulage : techniques et emplois
35 Présidente de séance : Violaine Jeammet
36 10h45-11h15 : Eukene Bilbao (ArScAn, Université Paris I), Le modelage dans les pratiques artisanales et cultuelles de Métaponte à l’époque archaïque.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 59
Au sein de la coroplathie archaïque de la cité de Métaponte le modelage tient une place de premier plan. Si dès les premières productions locales le moulage en série s’affirme comme la technique de prédilection dans la réalisation de figurines votives, une révision du corpus métapontin a mis en avant l’importance du modelage dans l’un des principaux centres producteurs de petite plastique en terre cuite de Grande Grèce. La communication proposée analysera d’abord la place de cette technique dans les procédés de mise en forme choisis par les artisans métapontins. Quelques exemplaires modelés dans leur totalité composent un corpus hétéroclite où se côtoient des figures tantôt proches des schémas formels attestés dans les productions moulées, tantôt stylistiquement originales. Mais c’est grâce à l’étude des moulages que l’on saisi l’importance et la longévité de cette technique qui se retrouve sous forme d’abattis assemblés à des figures moulées (couvre-chefs, bras), et comme technique principale dans la chaîne opératoire mise en oeuvre pour la réalisation des grandes figures de technique mixte dans lesquelles seule la tête est moulée. Dans un second temps, l’exposé abordera des cas précis de modelages ayant nourri la réflexion sur les pratiques cultuelles à Métaponte. Deux notamment proviennent du sanctuaire de San Biagio alla Venella, l’un des plus anciens créés dans la chôra de la cité : une figurine interprétée comme une création indigène témoignant d’une hybridation culturelle, et un ensemble de deux grandes figures considérées comme les statues de culte. Ainsi, il sera possible de réévaluer certaines lectures des productions modelées qui, bien que minoritaires dans le corpus métapontin, participent activement à l’analyse historique des pratiques artisanales et cultuelles de cette cité.
37 11h15-11h45 : Agnes Bencze (Université Catholique « Péter Pázmány », Budapest), Type, variant et style : le rôle du modelage dans la petite plastique votive de Medma. En 2017 un nouveau projet a été commencé sous l’égide de l’École Française de Rome et de l’Université Péter Pázmány de Budapest, en collaboration avec le Musée National de Reggio di Calabria et la Surintendance ABAP responsable de la Calabre méridionale, ayant pour but l’étude systématique de la coroplathie votive de Medma. La première étape du projet se limite sur l’analyse de la documentation provenant des fouilles historiques du site Calderazzo, où la grande majorité des terres cuites appartient à la première moitié du Ve siècle av. J.-C. et témoigne de contacts particulièrement étroits avec les productions de Locres et d’Hipponion de la même période. La révision systématique de ce vaste ensemble de statuette a permis d’ores et déjà d’observer des pratiques de fabrication locales, en particulier en ce qui concerne la réception et la transformation des types par moulage. Les ajouts, les corrections et les remaniements manuels ont joué un rôle important dans la tradition des coroplathes de Medma. L’analyse d’une petite série de cas particuliers mettra en lumière la portée et les limites de cette pratique dans la transformation de l’apparence, c’est-à-dire de l’aspect stylistique d’une création plastique reproduite. Au même temps, elle est susceptible aussi de fournir un moyen pour mieux comprendre la nature de la coopération existant parmi les ateliers de la « sphère locrienne » pendant les décennies de transition entre l’archaïsme tardif et le premier classicisme.
38 11h45-12h15 : Stathis Raptou (Département des Antiquités de Chypre), Techniques de fabrication des terres cuites : le cas des ateliers de Marion et sa région à la période chypro- classique. Les fouilles du Département des Antiquités de Chypre conduites dans la région qu’occupait, dans l’antiquité, le royaume de Marion au Nord-Ouest de l’île, ont mis au jour un nombre exceptionnel de trouvailles de toutes les périodes dont les terres cuites constituent une part importante. Il est connu que la production coroplastique du royaume de Marion de la période chypro-archaïque et surtout celle de la période chypro-classique est
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 60
particulièrement riche et abondante, présentant de plus une finesse rarement rencontrée ailleurs dans l’île, ce qui témoigne de l’attachement des coroplathes locaux aux modèles de l’art classique issus des relations étroites de la ville avec le monde grec. Le nombre élevé des terres cuites de nos fouilles comprend des spécimens de toutes catégories et de tailles diverses, trouvés dans des ensembles votifs de sanctuaires comme de nécropoles. D’après les pâtes et l’apparence générale des terres cuites il est évident que les ensembles sont constitués en grande majorité d’objets produits localement et ils témoignent d’une variété de techniques. On remarque que le modelage est la pratique la plus courante tout au long de la période chypro-classique mais on rencontre dans les mêmes ensembles des terres cuites moulées creuses produites, selon toute probabilité, à partir de moules grecs importés ou faites sur des prototypes importés qui font leur apparition dans la ville à partir de la fin de la période chypro-archaïque. On y rencontre encore des figurines faites à partir de moules univalves et des figurines moulées façonnées autour d’un support. Les interventions des coroplathes sont fréquentes sur les figurines moulées, qui représentent en général des figures de style grec classique, mais que ces derniers ont rendu conformes aux traditions locales en accord avec les conceptions religieuses chypriotes. L’usage des couleurs est très répandu sur les terres cuites de Marion : le plus souvent elles s’appliquent directement sur l’argile alors qu’une couche préparatoire pour le décor peint n’est que rarement rencontrée et concerne les spécimens les plus soignés. Enfin, la statuaire funéraire en terre cuite constitue la grande originalité de Marion à l’époque chypro-classique. Le nombre important des fragments découverts, qui nous ont permis de reconstituer plusieurs nouvelles statues de cette catégorie, ont aussi permis de faire de nouvelles observations sur les différents stades de fabrication qui recourent à des différentes techniques.
39 12h15 : discussion
40 12h30 : Déjeuner
41 14h-14h30 : Pauline Maillard (Université de Lausanne), Comment mouler quand on sait modeler ? Recherches récentes sur un atelier coroplathique de Kition actif au IVe s. av. J.-C. Cette proposition de communication s’insère dans les recherches menées dans le cadre de mon doctorat, dédié à l’étude du sanctuaire des Salines de Kition sur l’île de Chypre. Ce lieu de culte était consacré à une divinité féminine et fut principalement fréquenté vers le milieu du IVe siècle av. J.-C. Le mobilier archéologique mis au jour dans cet espace est essentiellement constitué de centaines de figurines en terre cuite moulées, imitant des types courants de la plastique grecque de l’époque classique. Un examen détaillé de la facture de ces statuettes révèle en partie leur méthode de production, puisqu’elles sont toutes issues d’une officine locale. L’observation de plusieurs détails de fabrication visibles sur les objets met effectivement en lumière une série de gestes et de techniques précis et répétés, à même de caractériser un groupe réduit d’artisans. L’étude de ces caractéristiques de facture semble suggérer que l’atelier produisant des figurines pour le sanctuaire des Salines a pu mettre en place rapidement une riche production d’objets moulés en mettant à profit un savoir-faire avant tout imprégné par les techniques du modelage, qui constituent une tradition très ancrée dans l’artisanat de l’argile chypriote.
42 14h30-15h00 : Jaimee Uhlenbrock (ACoSt, State University of New York, New Paltz), The Hand of the Coroplast in the Fourth Century and the Hellenistic Period: Some Random Examples. The manufacture of terracotta figurines in the fourth century and the Hellenistic period was so dependent on the use of the mold for easy replication that the practice of hand modeling for all or part of a clay image in these periods has never been sufficiently explored. While this forum is not the place for such a detailed exploration, it can be useful to look at select examples of hand-modeled terracottas,
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 61
both large and small, to investigate to what end a coroplast might engage in the direct manipulation of clay.
43 15h00 : discussion
Session 5. Contacts et interactions culturelles
44 Présidente de séance : Sabine Fourrier
45 15h15-15h45 : Jan Marc Henke (Institut archéologique allemand), Some Considerations on the Production Techniques of Cypro-Archaic and Cypriot-Style Terracotta Figurines in the East Aegean. In the second half of the seventh century B.C.E., large quantities of Cypriot terracotta figurines were dedicated in East Greek sanctuaries. The majority of these figurines were mold made. In this respect the coroplastic production of Cyprus seems to have been technically much more advanced in comparison to locally- produced terracotta figurines from East Greek sites. Thus, future research should investigate Cypriot terracotta figurines as a possible source of technological and stylistic inspiration on the East Aegean terracotta production. But the use of molds did not replace hand-modeling techniques completely. Thus, many details of predominantly mold-made, Cypro-Archaic figurines were still shaped by the individual creative hand of the craftsman that reflect his own personal conception of shape. This paper exemplifies this particular production method by a specific group of figurines, which allows retracing the concrete modeling process and the œuvre of an individual craftsman. The paper then discusses a specific group of Archaic `Ionian´ plaque-shaped terracotta figurines of Cypriot style from different sanctuaries in the East Aegean and its significance for intercultural contact and interaction in early Ionian coroplastic production. The terracotta figurines in question depict a common Cypriot figurine type that was apparently modified according to East Greek `taste´. Moreover, the figurines were produced in a specific technique hitherto only known from Daedalic plaque-shaped terracotta figurines from Miletus. These plaque- shaped figurines are composed of different separately mold-made body sections and very often modified by hand. So far, such an assembling technique is not known from Archaic plaque-shaped figurines from Cyprus, where it was applied for the production of hollow mold-made statues as demonstrated before. In this respect, the paper also investigates the possible inspiration of Cypriot terracotta techniques on archaic Ionian coroplasty and it independent local evolution.
46 15h45-16h15 : Laura Rohaut (LabEx Archimède, Université de Montpellier), À propos de la petite plastique « phocéenne » en Méditerranée occidentale. Alors que les travaux d’Ernst Langlotz ont marqué l’historiographie occidentale des arts figurés en imposant une vision de la Méditerranée occidentale archaïque profondément phocéenne, Claude Rolley et Francis Croissant ont considérablement modifié notre approche des documents figurés, en remontant le fil des emprunts, souvent divers et complexes, des ateliers coloniaux d’Occident. Aujourd’hui, la plastique des colonies grecques occidentales apparaît comme un domaine de recherche particulièrement actif et entièrement renouvelé. Si les travaux récents – non publiés – sur les figurines en terre cuite de Vélia témoignent d’une approche inédite du matériel, aucune analyse exhaustive de la documentation coroplastique de Marseille n’avait pourtant jusqu’alors été proposée. Malgré un matériel peu abondant – une centaine de documents pour l’époque archaïque, pour la plupart inédits –, Marseille et Vélia offrent principalement des productions locales, notamment des vases plastiques à tête humaine ou animale, mêlant modelage, moulage et tournage. Ces productions originales permettent d’une part d’observer
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 62
les gestes et les choix techniques des artisans, influant sur la fonction et la signification de l’objet ; et d’autre part de nous interroger sur les influences et les contacts entre les différentes cités de Méditerranée occidentale. Si l’accent sera mis sur la période archaïque, plusieurs exemples montreront que la technique du modelage continue d’être utilisée à Marseille à l’époque classique.
NOTES
1. Plutarque, Moralia 86a et 636c. « C’est quand on a la terre sous l’ongle que le travail est le plus difficile », citation attribuée à Polyclète.
RÉSUMÉS
Hélène AURIGNY (AMU, Centre Camille Jullian) et Laura ROHAUT (LabEx Archimède, Université de Montpellier) ont organisé les 3, 4 et 5 avril 2019 un colloque international sur le modelage de figurines dans le monde grec antique, qui s’est déroulé salle Duby à la Maison Méditerranéenne des Sciences de l’Homme, 5 rue du Château de l’Horloge, 13090 Aix-en-Provence, France.
INDEX
Mots-clés : Modelage, production coroplastique, figurines en terre cuite modelées, modèles architecturaux, productions modelées, modelé à la main
AUTEURS
HÉLÈNE AURIGNY AMU, Centre Camille Jullian [email protected]
LAURA ROHAUT LabEx Archimède, Université de Montpellier [email protected]
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 63
Terracottas in the News Les terres cuites à la une
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 64
Seizure: An Etruscan Hare Alabastron, circa 580-560 B.C.E. Reprinted from ARCA Blog, Friday, June 29, 2018.
1 At the request of the Manhattan district attorney's office, the Hon. Ellen N. Biben, Administrative Judge of New York County Supreme Court, issued a seizure warrant for an ancient Etruscan terracotta vessel, in the shape of a reclined rabbit. Listed as a Hare Aryballos (sic), circa 580-560 B.C.E., the unguentarium was seized by New York authorities at Fortuna Fine Arts Ltd., a firm which specializes in antiquities and numismatics, located at 3 East 69th Street in New York City.
2 Earlier, on 30 June 2015, this same aryballos sold for £950 in London via Rome-based Bertolami Fine Arts through ACR Auctions, an online auction firm used by the Italian auction house. Fig. 1. An Etruscan Hare Alabastron, circa 580-560 B.C.E., seized by New York authorities.
Photo: ARCA Blog, Friday, June 29, 2018.
3 The New York gallery where the seizure warrant was executed is managed by Selim Dere, Founder and Erdal Dere (son of Aysel Dere and Selim Dere), President of Fortuna
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 65
Fine Arts. There is no information available at this time as to whether or not Mr. Dere had valid import and export documentation.
4 Prior to moving to New York, Selim Dere was reportedly arrested by Turkish police, along with cousin Aziz Dere and art dealer Faraç Üzülmez for their roles in the smuggling a marble sarcophagus depicting the twelve labours of Heracles from Perge, Turkey. Purportedly sliced into pieces for transport, part of this sarcophogus was repatriated by the John Paul Getty Museum to Turkey in 1983 while others were located in Kessel, West Germany.Later, in 1993, acting on an international letters rogatory from the Turkish Government, FBI agents from the New York field office went to the Fortuna Fine Arts gallery, then located on Madison Avenue, and seized a marble statue of a young man and fragment of garland taken from Aphrodisias, an ancient Greek Hellenistic city in the historic Caria cultural region of western Anatolia, Turkey.
ABSTRACTS
An ancient Etruscan terracotta vessel in the shape of a reclined rabbit. Listed as a Hare Aryballos (sic), circa 580-560 B.C.E., the unguentarium was seized by New York authorities at Fortuna Fine Arts Ltd. Reprinted from the ARCA Blog, Friday, June 29, 2018.
INDEX
Keywords: Etruscan hare alabastron, looted antiquities, Association for Research into Crimes Against Art.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 66
At the Museums Dans les musées
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 67
Alt oder jung? Den Fälschungen im RPM auf der Spur
Martina Prante
1 Hildesheim: Wunderschön ist sie, die kleine Tonfigur: ein zartes Stupsnäschen, die stolz geschwellte Brust von einem sorgfältig in Falten gelegten, bunt bemalten Gewand verhüllt, die Haare zu Flügeln geformt. Was so schön und kunstvoll ist, muss echt sein. Oder? Wenn mit etwas Geld zu machen ist, kennen Fälscher nämlich keine Gnade.
2 Seit einem Jahr beschäftigt sich Sven Kielau als Experte mit der Sammlung von bisher nicht erforschten 300 griechisch-römischen Terrakotten, die Wilhelm Pelizaeus vor rund hundert Jahren von ägyptischen Kunsthändlern erworben hat. Aber konnte man denen trauen?
3 „Irrtümer & Fälschungen der Archäologie“ ist der Titel der Sonderausstellung im Roemer- und Pelizaeus-Museum, die von spektakulären Fehldeutungen in der Wissenschaft erzählt. Das reicht von den Hitler-Tagebüchern, denen der Stern auf den Leim gegangen ist, über den Einhorn-Fund im Harz (ein Skeletthaufen hatte im 16. Jahrhundert zu der Fehldeutung geführt) bis zum spektakulären Ankauf einer Tiara in Paris, die nicht aus skythischem Gold (8. Jahrhundert vor Christus), sondern aus dem 20. Jahrhundert stammte. Der Klassische Archäologe Sven Kielau wird bis zur Eröffnung für Hildesheim nachweisen, ob Pelizaeus bei den niedlichen Terrakotten Fälschern auf den Leim gegangen ist.
Bisher nicht erforscht
4 Bisher haben die 20 bis 30 Zentimeter hohen Statuetten im RPM ein eher unbeachtetes Dasein geführt. Vor rund 2000 Jahren waren sie in vielfältigster Gestalt in Griechenland und dann im griechischen Ägypten ein beliebtes Schmuckstück. Gefunden wurden die bemalten Tonfiguren in Gräbern, in Haushalten und in Tempeln. „Werkstätten haben
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 68
wir bisher kaum gefunden“, erzählt Kielau, der seine Doktorarbeit über Terrakotten aus Pergamon geschrieben hat. Fig. 1. Manchmal genügt schon der Augenschein. Aber letztlich gibt nur die Thermoluminszenz- Analyse dem Klassischen Archäologen Sven Kielau Gewissheit. Dafür werden die Terakotten angebohrt und das Bohrmehl erhitzt.
Foto: Julia Moras
5 Allerdings fanden die Jahrtausende alten, hübschen Damen im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert begeisterte Nachahmer: „Die haben für das Hellenistische geschwärmt.“ Auch Sigmund Freud hatte eine solche Figur auf seinem Schreibtisch stehen, wie Fotos beweisen.
6 Um die Nachfrage zu befriedigen, musste Nachschub her. Und der war oft so gut, dass er weder auf den ersten noch auf den zweiten Blick von den Experten als gefälscht zu identifizieren war. „Im Louvre sind zehn Prozent von 200 Objekten, im Berliner Alten Museum sogar 20 Prozent von 300 getesteten Figuren nicht echt“, erzählt Kielau. Beweisen lässt sich das inzwischen mit der Thermoluminszenz-Analyse, genannt T- Analyse.
Strahlung gibt Auskunft
7 Kleine Proben von Bohrmehl werden im Labor erhitzt. Die frei gesetzte Strahlung gibt Auskunft, wann das Objekt zum letzten Mal gebrannt worden ist. Moderne Fälscher wappnen sich laut Kielau gegen diese Methode, indem sie Fälschungen aus zermahlenen antiken Tonscherben herstellen. Ältere dagegen sind einwandfrei zu analysieren. Allerdings kostet die TL-Analyse pro Objekt bis zu 400 Euro. Eigentlich zu teuer.
8 Das RPM jedoch nutzte die Chance der gemeinsam mit dem Landesmuseum für Archäologie in Herne entwickelten Fälschungs-Ausstellung und beantragte Projektgelder, um die Terrakotten untersuchen zu lassen. 30 hat sich Kielau aus der großen Sammlung herausgefischt. Die sogenannten Tanagräerinnen – benannt nach dem Hauptfundort Tanagra bei Athen – sind besonders hübsch und kunstvoll.
9 Manche von ihnen muss der Archäologe nur anschauen, um Zweifel zu bekommen: falsch gelegte Falten, falsche Farben oder eine immer wieder kehrende Augenform. „Andere muss ich mehrfach in die Hand nehmen, bis mir ein Detail auffällt.“ Und das
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 69
letzte Drittel dann wird nach London zur TL geschickt. Bisher sind Kielau und RPM- Direktorin Regine Schulz erleichtert: „Weniger gefälscht als erwartet.“
10 Die Ausstellung „Irrtümer & Fälschungen der Archäologie“ ist ab Samstag, 24. November, im Roemer- und Pelizaeus-Museum zu sehen.
ABSTRACTS
„Irrtümer & Fälschungen der Archäologie“ ist der Titel der Sonderausstellung im Roemer- und Pelizaeus-Museum, die von spektakulären Fehldeutungen in der Wissenschaft erzählt.
INDEX
Schlüsselwörter: Griechisch-römischen Terrakotten, Fälscher, Thermoluminszenz-Analyse, Tanagräerinnen.
AUTHOR
MARTINA PRANTE Hildesheimer Allgemeine Zeitung, 06.11.2018
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 70
Recent Books Revue de Presse
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 71
Simbolo e gesto. La determinazione di genere nelle statuette fittili del Mondo Greco
Marina Albertocchi, Nicola Cucuzza e Bianca Maria Giannattasio
NOTIZIA
Marina Albertocchi, Nicola Cucuzza, Bianca Maria Giannattasio (eds), Simbolo e gesto. La determinazione di genere nelle statuette fittili del Mondo Greco. Quaderni di Archeologia – Genova | 2. (Genova 2018).
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 72
1 Il volume raccoglie i contributi presentati nel convegno tenutosi a Genova nell’aprile 2016 sulla Gender Archaeology, che rappresenta uno dei più recenti approcci antropologici impiegati nello studio della coroplastica. La Gender Archaeology indaga l’identità sessuale socialmente percepita in diversi ambiti del mondo antico. Secondo tale prospettiva, la ricerca si concentra sulla determinazione e la diversificazione di genere nella cultura materiale. L’opera segue un approccio applicato al modo di distinzione delle figurine in terracotta, attraverso l’analisi di simboli e gesti, e al riconoscimento del diverso utilizzo che le figurine stesse avevano nell’ambito del rito.
RIASSUNTI
Il volume raccoglie i contributi presentati nel convegno tenutosi a Genova nell’aprile 2016 sulla Gender Archaeology, che rappresenta uno dei più recenti approcci antropologici impiegati nello studio della coroplastica.
INDICE
Keywords : Gender archaeology, coroplastica greca, identità femminile, terracotte e genere.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 73
Terrakotten aus Akraiphia und ihr Fundkontext. Beiträge zur Chronologie der archaischen böotischen Koroplastik
Angeliki K Andreiomenou
REFERENCES
Angeliki K Andreiomenou, Terrakotten aus Akraiphia und ihr Fundkontext. Beiträge zur Chronologie der archaischen böotischen Koroplastik. Athenaia 8, Deutsches Archäologisches Institut Athen. Berlin: Gebrüder Mann Verlag, 2019.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 74
1 Grabfunde aus archaischer, klassischer und frühhellenistischer Zeit.
2 Die systematischen Ausgrabungen in Akraiphia, im nordöstlichen Teil Böotiens gelegen, haben 2.100 intakte Gräber aus archaischer, klassischer und frühhellenistischer Zeit ans Licht gebracht. In vielen Gräbern wurden archaische böotische Terrakotten gefunden, die jetzt veröffentlicht und klassifiziert werden.
3 Zur genaueren Datierung werden die Fundkontexte der einzelnen Gräber präsentiert – hauptsächlich bemalte Vasen, bronzener Schmuck und dünne Metallplatten mit Reliefdarstellungen, einfarbige oder mit ›Augen‹ geschmückte Glasperlen, eisernen Messer u. a. Es kann geschlossen werden, dass die Gruppen der Jahre 575–490 v. Chr. Produkte der Terrakottenwerkstatt von Akraiphia sind, in der verschiedene Handwerker arbeiteten. Diese Schlussfolgerung wird auch durch die im zweiten Teil der Studie präsentierten Daten gestützt; hier werden Charakteristika der anderen archaischen Terrakotten-Werkstätten (Tanagra, Theben, Ritsona) vergleichend analysiert.
INDEX
Keywords: Böotische Terrakotten, Akraiphia, Ausgrabungen in Akraiphia, Terrakottenwerkstatt von Akraiphia, Terrakotten-Werkstätten, Grabfunde.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 75
Bodies of Clay: On Prehistoric Humanised Pottery
Heiner Schwarzberg and Valeska Becker (eds.)
REFERENCES
Heiner Schwarzberg and Valeska Becker (eds.), Bodies of Clay: On Prehistoric Humanised Pottery, Heiner Schwarzberg and Valeska Becker (eds.), Oxford: Oxbow Books 2017.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 76
1 Since the earliest use of pottery, vessels have been associated with both the general shape and specific parts of the human body. The production of human- shaped pottery might be understood as one element of the spectrum of figural art in prehistoric communities. The idea of studying anthropomorphic pottery and the return of human beings into a body made of clay, which forms the core theme of this collection of 12 papers, stems from work on anthropomorphic features of Neolithic communities between the Near East and Europe. Contributors are engaged in questions about the analysis of human features and characteristics on vessels, their occurrence, function and disposal. Beginning with the European Neolithic and moving on through the Bronze and Iron Ages, papers focus on diachronic archaeological patterns and contexts as well as on the theoretical background of this particular type of container in order to shed light on similarities and differences through the ages and to understand possibilities and limits of interpretation.
INDEX
Keywords: Figured pottery, Neolithic period, Bronze Age.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 77
A Wayside Shrine in Northern Moab. Excavations in the Wadi Ath-Thamad
P. M. Michele Daviau and Margreet L. Steiner
REFERENCES
P. M. Michele Daviau, Margreet L. Steiner (eds),A Wayside Shrine in Northern Moab. Excavations in the Wadi Ath-Thamad, Oxbow Books, 2017.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 78
1 Major recent excavations have shed much light on the complexity of Iron Age society and religion in southern Palestine, a region where both Judeans and Edomites lived. However, it is not clear whether the religious practices attested at these sites were a reflection of localised customs or were common rituals for peoples of Cisjordan and we do not know their extent. An isolated shrine site at Wadi ath-Thamad Site WT-13 in northern Moab which contained numerous finds of Iron Age figurines and statues has been the subject of detailed excavation. The rich harvest of figurines, ceramic statues, beads, miniature ceramic vessels, architectural models, faunal remains and shells and fossils constitutes the evidence for repeated cultic activities. Although dating to the Iron Age at the time of the consolidation of the kingdom of Moab, there is insufficient evidence at present to determine the full range of cultic practices and deities venerated by the peoples of the lands within ancient Moab and by those visitors to the shrine. The links between WT-13 and the surrounding town sites is only now coming to light with excavation at Atarus and Khirbat al-Mudayna, as well as at the Ammonite site of Tall Damiyah in the Jordan Valley, where a comparable shrine has recently been uncovered. WT-13 clearly serves as a link between the Jordan Valley and the Negev, adding to our knowledge of local and foreign influences in the region during the Iron Age.
ABSTRACTS
An isolated Iron-Age shrine at Wadi ath-Thamad Site WT-13 in northern Moab contained numerous finds of figurines and statues that contribute to our understanding of repeated cultic activities at the site.
INDEX
Keywords: Northern Moab, Atarus, Khirbat al-Mudayna, Tall Damiyah, Cisjordan rituals.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 79
Terrakotten aus Pergamon. Tonfiguren und -objekte aus der Wohnstadt am Südhang der Akropolis und von weiteren Fundorten
Sven Kielau
REFERENCES
Sven Kielau, Terrakotten aus Pergamon. Tonfiguren und -objekte aus der Wohnstadt am Südhang der Akropolis und von weiteren Fundorten. Pergamenische Forschungen, 17. Berlin: DeGruyter 2018.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 80
1 In den Jahren 1973-1993 wurden im Rahmen der Stadtgrabung in der Wohnstadt Pergamons auch rund 5.400 Terrakottafragmente ausgegraben, die in der Mehrzahl vermutlich als Hausinventar gedient haben und überwiegend aus der hellenistischen Epoche und der römischen Kaiserzeit stammen. 1030 thematisch äußerst vielfältige Stücke wurden für den Katalog dieser Arbeit ausgewählt. Für die Einordnung der nun komplett und ausführlich vorgelegten Stadtgrabungsterrakotten wurden viele ältere und neuere Terrakotten aus anderen Grabungen in Pergamon in die Betrachtungen einbezogen. Der Band erhält so eine Übersicht über die Themen und Kontexte der bekannten pergamenischen Terrakotten. Die in der Stadtgrabung gefundenen Terrakotten sind Ausdruck einer regen städtischen Produktion und Nachfrage. Die Göttermutter (Kybele) ist die am häufigsten abgebildete Gottheit, gefolgt von Aphrodite- und Erosdarstellungen und Bildern des dionysischen Themenkreises. Wichtige Gottheiten wie Asklepios und Athena, denen die größten und bedeutendsten Heiligtümer in der Stadt geweiht waren, waren in der wohnstädtischen Koroplastik ein auffällig nachrangiges Thema. Für die Terrakotten der Stadtgrabung konnte eine Reihe von Vergleichsstücken aus anderen Regionen ermittelt werden, von Myrina über Athen bis Unteritalien. Besonderes Augenmerk liegt in diesem Buch auf den überaus engen Verbindungen zur Sepulkralkoroplastik Myrinas.
INDEX
Schlüsselwörter: Pergamon, pergamenische Terrakotten, Hausinventar, Kybele, Asklepios, Athena, Sepulkralkoroplastik Myrinas
AUTHORS
SVEN KIELAU Roemer- und Pelizaeus-Museum, Hildesheim
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 81
The Tiny and the Fragmented. Miniature, Broken, or Otherwise Incomplete Objects in the Ancient World
S. Rebecca Martin and Stephanie M. Langin-Hooper
REFERENCES
S. Rebecca Martin, Stephanie M. Langin-Hooper (eds), The Tiny and the Fragmented. Miniature, Broken, or Otherwise Incomplete Objects in the Ancient World, Oxford University Press, 2018
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 82
1 Miniature and fragmentary objects are both eye-catching and yet easily dismissed. Tiny scale entices users with visions of Lilliputian worlds. The ambiguity of fragments intrigues us, offering tactile reminders of reality's transience. Yet, the standard scholarly approach to such objects has been to see them as secondary, incomplete things, whose principal purpose was to refer to a complete and often life-size whole.
2 The Tiny and the Fragmented offers a series of fresh perspectives on the familiar concepts of the tiny and the fragmented. Written by a prestigious group of internationally-acclaimed scholars, the volume presents a remarkable diversity of case studies that range from Neolithic Europe to pre-Colombian Honduras to the classical Mediterranean and ancient Near East. Each scholar takes a different approach to issues of miniaturization and fragmentation but is united in considering the little and broken things of the past as objects in their own right. Whether a life-size or whole thing is made in a scaled-down form, deliberately broken as part of its use, or only considered successful in the eyes of ancient users if it shows some signs of wear, it challenges our expectations of representation and wholeness, of what it means for a work of art to be "finished" and "affective." Overall, The Tiny and the Fragmented demands a reconsideration of the social and contextual nature of miniaturization, fragmentation, and incompleteness, making the case that it was because of, rather than in spite of, their small or partial state that these objects were valued parts of the personal and social worlds they inhabited.
ABSTRACTS
Miniature and fragmentary objects are both eye-catching and yet easily dismissed. Tiny scale entices users with visions of Lilliputian worlds. The ambiguity of fragments intrigues us, offering tactile reminders of reality's transience. Yet, the standard scholarly approach to such objects has been to see them as secondary, incomplete things, whose principal purpose was to refer to a complete and often life-size whole.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 83
INDEX
Keywords: Miniaturization, fragmented, incompleteness, terracotta figurines.
AUTHORS
S. REBECCA MARTIN Boston University
STEPHANIE M. LANGIN-HOOPER Southern Methodist University
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 84
Bibliography Bibliographie
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 85
Bibliography for 2018
Bibliographic references are taken mainly from Dyabola, whose geographic range covers the classical Mediterranean world. Bibliography for coroplastic research dealing with Cyprus, Egypt, the Levant, and Mesopotamia, as well as the Neolithic and Bronze Age, is enthusiastically welcomed and can be sent to Jaimee Uhlenbrock ([email protected]).
1 Albertocchi, M.: Introduzione: Coroplastica e Gender Archaeology. In Simbolo e gesto. La determinazione di genere nelle statuette fittili del mondo Greco, M. Albertocchi et al, eds., 11–14. (Quaderni di Archeologia, Genova 2, 2018)
2 Albertocchi, M.: Book review: Figurines. A Microcosmos of Clay. Exhibition catalogue. - Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [Online], 18 | 2018, Online since 15 October 2018. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ acost/1513
3 Albertocchi, M.: Osservazioni in merito alla rappresentazione della gravidanza nella coroplastica greca. In Simbolo e gesto. La determinazione di genere nelle statuette fittili del mondo Greco, M. Albertocchi et al, eds., 57–74. (Quaderni di Archeologia, Genova 2, 2018).
4 Antal, A., Baestean, G.: Colonia Dacica Sarmizegetusa Votive Offerings. Hands for the Gods. - Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, 2018, 231–330.
5 Bolognani, B.: Rediscovering Phoenicians in their Homeland from the Perspective of Iron Age Coroplastic Art. - Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [Online], 18 | 2018, Online since 10 April 2018. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/acost/1318 ; DOI : 10.4000/acost.1318.
6 Bravo III, J.J.; MacKinnon, M.: Excavations at Nemea, 4. The shrine of Opheltes. (Oakland : University of California Press, 2018)
7 Bernardini, L.: Culto e coroplastica ellenistica nel santuario della sorgente di Saturo. In Il ruolo del culto nelle comunità dell'Italia antica tra IV e I sec. a.C. Strutture, funzioni e interazioni culturali (ricerca PRIN 2008). (Roma 2018) 167–191 .
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 86
8 Cucuzza, N.: Gesto e simbolo a Creta nelle figurine fittili del Tardo Minoico: una prospettiva dalla Messarà. In Simbolo e gesto. La determinazione di genere nelle statuette fittili del mondo Greco, Marina Albertocchi et al, eds., 15-26. (Quaderni di Archeologia, Genova 2, 2018).
9 Cornell, C.: The Forgotten Female Figurines of Elephantine, Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 18 (2018): 111–32.
10 D’Amore, P.: Donne e cavalieri: la coroplastica di età achemenide da Tell Afis (Siria settentrionale). – in A.Vacca, S. Pizzimenti, M.G. Micale, eds, A Oriente del Delta. Scritti sull’Egitto ed il Vicino Oriente antico in onore di Gabriella Scandone Matthiae. (CMAO XVIII), Scienze e Lettere: Rome, 175–194.
11 Di Franco, L.; Di Martino, G.: Il collezionismo di antichità classiche a Capri tra Ottocento e primo Novecento. (Roma : L'Erma di Bretschneider, 2018) (Studia archaeologica, 227)
12 Dourou, M., Georgaka, V.: New Finds of Terracottas from the Sanctuary of the Nymphs and Demos on the Hill of the Nymphs in Athens. - Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [Online], 18 | 2018, Online since 10 April 2018. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/acost/1341 ; DOI : 10.4000/acost.1341
13 Gaignerot-Driessen, F.: Terracotta Figures, Figurines, and Plaques from the Anavlochos, Crete. - Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [Online], 17 | 2018, Online since 10 April 2018. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/acost/1094 ; DOI : 10.4000/acost.1094
14 Giacobello, F.: La coroplastica. Religio e autorappresentazione. In Amoenissimis...aedificiis. Gli scavi di piazza Marconi a Cremona, 2. I materiali. (Quingentole 2018) 451–457.
15 Giuman, M.; Carboni, R.: Immagini di argilla: la coroplastica votiva proveniente dall'ex area militare di Nora. In Simbolo e gesto. La determinazione di genere nelle statuette fittili del mondo Greco, M. Albertocchi et al, eds., 99–112. (Quaderni di Archeologia, Genova 2, 2018).
16 Haumesser, L.: Les terres cuites de la collection Campana. [catalogue] In Un rêve d'Italie. La collection du marquis Campana. [Exposition Paris, 8 novembre 2018 - 18 février 2019] (Paris 2018), 214–221.
17 Hepa M.: A Clay Gladius Scabbard from Area 13c in the Ancient Roman Town of Syene. - Études et Travaux XXXI (2018), 167–179.
18 Hermary, A.: Une figurine d'âne citharède à Mégara Hyblaea. - AntK 61 (2018) 32–43.
19 Hermary, A.: De Gélon à Timoléon. La période classique. Figurines en terre cuite d'époque classique. In Mégara Hyblaea, 7. La ville classique, hellénistique et romaine. (Rome 2018) 35–46.
20 Huysecom-Haxhi, S.: Book review: Heroic Offerings: The Terracotta Plaques from the Spartan Sanctuary of
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 87
Agamemnon and Kassandra, Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [Online], 18 | 2018, Online since 15 October 2018. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/acost/1546
21 Jeammet, V.: Les figurines (série 5). [catalogue] In Un rêve d'Italie. La collection du marquis Campana. [Exposition Paris, 8 novembre 2018 - 18 février 2019] (Paris 2018) 231–232.
22 Kasapoglou, H.: Parion Theater Terracotta Figurines (2006-2014). - in Parion Studies I. Roman Theater of Parion. Excavations, Architecture and Finds from 2006–2015 Campaigns, edited by C. Basaran and H. Ertuğ Ergürer, 237–306 (Ankara 2018).
23 Khodza, E.: The P.A. Sabouroff Collection of Ancient Terracottas from The State Hermitage Museum », Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [Online], 17 | 2018, Online since 10 April 2018, URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/acost/1086 ; DOI : 10.4000/acost.1086
24 Kielau, S.: "Echtheit zweifelhaft". Schöne Tanagräerinnen, Alexandrinerinnen und andere figürliche Terrakotten in Hildesheim. - AW (2018) Nr.6, 45–51.
25 Kielau, S.: Terrakotten aus Pergamon. Tonfiguren und - objekte aus der Wohnstadt am Südhang der Akropolis und von weiteren Fundorten. Pergamenische Forschungen, 17. (Berlin 2018)
26 Kletter, R.: Figurines from Qurnat Haramiya (Rosh Ha-‘Ayin).- in Excavations and Surveys in Israel 130, 2018: 1–5.
27 Kletter, R.: Iron Age Figurines. In A. Reem (ed.), The Qishle Excavation in the Old City of Jerusalem, 201– 210). (Jerusalem 2018)
28 Klinger, S.: Terracotta Models of Sandaled Feet. Votives from the Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore on Acrocorinth. - Hesperia 87 (2018), 429–449. [http://dx.doi.org/10.2972/hesperia. 87.3.0429 ]
29 Kopestonsky, T.: Locating Lost Gifts. Terracotta Figurines as Evidence for Ephemeral Offerings. - Journal of Greek Archaeology 3 (2018) 245–268.
30 Langin-Hooper, S., S.R. Martin, eds. The Tiny and the Fragmented, Miniature, Broken, or Otherwise Incomplete Objects in the Ancient World. (Oxford 2018).
31 Langin-Hooper, S.: Stronger at the Broken Places. Affect in Hellenistic Babylonian Miniatures with Separately Made and Attached Linbs. – in Langin-Hooper, S., S.R. Martin, eds., The Tiny and the Fragmented, Miniature, Broken, or Otherwise Incomplete Objects in the Ancient World. (Oxford 2018) 116–144.
32 López-Bertran, M.. Vives-Ferrándiz, J.: Tiny Bodies for Intimate Worlds. Human Figurines in Iberian Iron Age Sanctuaries. – in Langin-Hooper, S., S.R. Martin, eds., The Tiny and the Fragmented, Miniature, Broken, or Otherwise Incomplete Objects in the Ancient World. (Oxford 2018) 145–169.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 88
33 Mammina, G.; Toti, M.P.: Coroplastica votiva "greca" dal tofet di Mozia (Marsala, Italia). Le statuette femminili "Athena Lindia" e "Medma-Locri". - in M. Guirguis (a cura di), Atti dell’VIII Congresso Internazionale di Studi Fenici e Punici, Dal mediterraneo all’Atlantico: uomini, merci, idee tra Oriente e Occidente, Carbonia-Sant’Antioco 21-26 ottobre 2013, Folia Phoenicia 2, 2018:140–148.
34 Manca di Mores, G.: Iconografie tra mondo Punico e romano nell’altorilievo fittile del tempio del Sardus Pater ad Antas. – in M. Guirguis (a cura di), Atti dell’VIII Congresso Internazionale di Studi Fenici e Punici, Dal mediterraneo all’Atlantico: uomini, merci, idee tra Oriente e Occidente, Carbonia-Sant’Antioco 21-26 ottobre 2013, Folia Phoenicia 2, 2018:293–296.
35 Maniscalco, L.: Terracotta Figurines and the Acrolithic Statues of Demeter and Kore from Morgantina. Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [Online], 17 | 2018, Online since 10 April 2018. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/acost/1101 ; DOI : 10.4000/acost.1101
36 Manzelli, V.: Il santuario repubblicano di Montericco, Imola (BO). Considerazioni sul processo di romanizzazione dell'Emilia orientale. In Multa per aequora. Il polisemico significato della moderna ricerca archeologica. Omaggio a Sara Santoro. (Louvain 2018) 93–119.
37 Menegazzi, R.: Identità (e ambiguità) di genere nella coroplastica da Seleucia al Tigri. In Simbolo e gesto. La determinazione di genere nelle statuette fittili del mondo Greco, M. Albertocchi et al, eds., 89–98. (Quaderni di Archeologia, Genova 2, 2018).
38 Micale, M.G. et al.: Clay Figurines in the Persian Achaemenid Near East as Seen from Tell Mardikh. - In P. Matthiae, F. Pinnock, M. D'Andrea (eds), Ebla and Beyond. Ancient Near Eastern Studies After Fifty Years of Discoveries at Tell Mardikh. Proceedings of the International Congress Held in Rome 15th -17 December 2014, 495–516. (Berlin 2018).
39 Muller, A.: La recherche en coroplathie. Quoi de neuf ?. - Archaeological Reports 64 (2017–2018),153– 169.
40 Muller, A., Uhlenbrock, J.: Two Collaborative Projects for Coroplastic Reseach, IV. The Work of the Academic Year 2016–2017. - Les Carnets de l'ACoSt 17, 2018. http://journals.openedition.org/acost/1202 ; DOI : 10.4000/acost.1202.
41 Murphy, C.: Solid items made to break, or breakable items made to last? The case of Minoan peak sanctuary figurines. Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [Online], 17 | 2018, Online since 10 April 2018. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/acost/1089 ; DOI : 10.4000/acost.1089.
42 Palaguta I.V.: Group Portrait” of the Early Agricultural Era: A Set of Figurines of Vinča Culture from Stubline (Serbia) in the Context of the European Neolithic and Copper Age Societies. - Вестник СПбГУ. Искусствоведение. 2018. Т. 8. Вып. 4. С. 626–645. 43 Pautasso, A.” Immagini maschili nella coroplastica cretese d'età arcaica. In Simbolo e gesto. La
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 89
determinazione di genere nelle statuette fittili del mondo Greco, Marina Albertocchi et al, eds., 43–52. (Quaderni di Archeologia, Genova 2, 2018)
44 Perna, K.: Oltre la dea: percezione e significato dell'identità femminile nella coroplastica votiva cretese alla fine dell'Età del Bronzo. In Simbolo e gesto. La determinazione di genere nelle statuette fittili del mondo Greco, Marina Albertocchi et al, eds, 27–42. (Quaderni di Archeologia, Genova 2, 2018).
45 Perna, K.: LM IIIC Material from the Votive Deposits on the Eastern Edge of the Patela near Prinias. – in ΠΕΠΡΑΓΜΕΝΑ ΙΑ΄ ΔΙΕΘΝΟΥΣ ΚΡΗΤΟΛΟΓΙΚΟΥ ΣΥΝΕΔΡΙΟΥ (Ρέθυμνο, 21–27 Οκτωβρίου 2011), 2018, 171–187. 46 Pilz, O.: I prezzi delle terrecotte figurate. Un tentativo di ricostruzione.- in Studi sull'economia delle technai in Grecia dall'età arcaica all'ellenismo. Supplementi dell'Annuario della Scuola Archeologica di Atene e delle Missioni Italiane in Oriente 2: edited by G. Marginesu, 115–124. (Florence, 2018).
47 Pisani, M. Gender identity and gender representation: approccio interdisciplinare e indicatori archeologici nello studio di una necropoli greca. Il caso di Tebe (Beozia). In Simbolo e gesto. La determinazione di genere nelle statuette fittili del mondo Greco, M. Albertocchi et al, eds., 75–88. (Quaderni di Archeologia, Genova 2, 2018).
48 Pla Orquín, R.: Busti fittili della Sarda Ceres. - in G. Pantò (ed.), Carlo Alberto archeologo in Sardegna (Catalogo della mostra, Musei Reali Torino - Museo di Antichità, 22 marzo-4 novembre 2018), Torino, 2018, nos. 31–34.
49 Portale, E.C.: Per tirare le fila. In Simbolo e gesto. La determinazione di genere nelle statuette fittili del mondo Greco, Marina Albertocchi et al, eds., 113 ff. (Quaderni di Archeologia, Genova 2, 2018)
50 Prieto, M.C.: Un pico vertedor zoomorfo andalusí de cerámic del museo de Guadalajara: Entre aguamaniles y jarritos zoomorfos, - XVI Encuentro Historiadores del Valle del Henares 2018, 27–46.
51 Procelli, E.; Turco, M.; Manenti, A.M.: Un luogo di culto presso la necropoli ovest della Montagna di Ramacca (Catania). - CronA 37 (2018) 139–149.
52 Rous, I.H., Yalçin, S.: The Roman City of Tarsus in Cilicia and its Terracotta Figurines. - Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [Online], 18 | 2018, Online since 10 April 2018. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ acost/1258 ; DOI : 10.4000/acost.1258
53 Salapata, G.: Tokens of Piety: Inexpensive Dedications as Functional and Symbolic Objects, Opuscula 11 (2018), 97–109.
54 Shevchenko, T.: Olʹviysʹki pohrudni terakoty z lipnymy chasheyu i prykrasamy (Olbian terracotta Busts
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019 90
with handmade Cups and Adornments (in Ukranian). - Ольвійські погрудні теракоти з ліпними чашею і прикрасами 28, 2018, 129–129. 55 Shevchenko, T.:
56 Terakoty-fimiateriyi u domashnikh svyatylyshchakh Olʹviyi (Terracotta Thymiateria in House Sanctuaries of Olbia, in Russian), Forum Olbicum II, 2018, 42–44.
57 Spigo, U.: Nuovi casi di studio sui rapporti fra coroplastica siceliota e italiota:un gruppo di terrecotte figurate di "tipo locrese -medmeo" dal Santuario di Francavilla di Sicilia. - in Atti e Memorie della Società Magna Grecia 2017 (2018) ,Quinta serie, II, 2017, 299–350.
58 Uhlenbrock, J.: Book review: Figurines de terre cuite en Méditerranée grecque et romaine Vol 1: Production, diffusion, étude, Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [Online], 18 | 2018, Online since 15 October 2018. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/acost/1574
59 Ward, A.F.: Modelling Regional Networks and Local Adaptation: West-Central Sicilian Relief Louteria. - Les Carnets de l'ACoSt 18, 2018: http://journals.openedition.org/acost/1107 ; DOI : 10.4000/acost.1107.
60 Zara, M.G.: Il santuario di una dea millenaria. - in M. Guirguis (a cura di), Atti dell’VIII Congresso Internazionale di Studi Fenici e Punici, Dal mediterraneo all’Atlantico: uomini, merci, idee tra Oriente e Occidente, Carbonia-Sant’Antioco 21-26 ottobre 2013, Folia Phoenicia 2, 2018: 298– 305.
61 Zeghal-Yazidi, S.: Survivances de croyances et de rituels puniques. A propos de quelques figurines en terre cuite, de tradition punique, de la région d'El Jem. In Estudios sobre el Africa romana. Culturas e imaginarios en transformación. (Oxford 2018) 153–163.
Les Carnets de l’ACoSt, 19 | 2019