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Masters of the Choirboys and the Strategies of Their Appoint­ Ment at the Cathedral of Cambrai, 1459-1539

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Masters of the Choirboys and the Strategies of Their Appoint­ Ment at the Cathedral of Cambrai, 1459-1539 Masters of the Choirboys and the Strategies of their Appoint­ ment at the Cathedral of Cambrai, 1459-1539. 力ンブレー大聖堂における少年聖歌隊教師とその雇用戦略1459年 - 1539年 山本成生 Yamamoto N aruo 「少年聖歌隊教師magister pueromm altaris」は，現 代 に 「作曲家」 として名を残す著名な音楽家 が多数在職していた一方で，その基本的な職務内容や社会的身分，価値基準については不明な点が多 く. 「ルネサンス期」における音楽家身分のありかたを考えるうえで興味深い研究対象である。そこ で本稿では，優れた音楽保護が行われていたとされるカンブレー大聖堂を個別事例として取り上げ， その雇用状態やポーラ• ヒギンズが主張する15世紀中葉における職務上要求される資質の変化（「熟 練した教師」か ら 「創造的なメンター」へ）などに関して検討を行った。 1459年-1539年にかけて同教会に在籍していた11名の少年聖歌隊教師ならびにその候補者の就任 過程や在職中の活動を調査した結果，以下の3 点が明らかにされた。① 1460年代における度重なる リクル一トの失敗やわずか1 年で辞職したオブレフトの事例が示しているように，カンブレー大聖堂 の少年聖歌隊教師は，従来の研究者が想定しているほど当時の音楽家のキャリアとして有利なもので はなく， また参事会が何らかの積極的な支援を始めたのは15世紀末になってからである。.②ヒギン ズが唱える価値基準の変化に関しては，この教会ではむしろ反対に長期間の在職が見込まれる「生え 抜き」の者が重用されるようになった。③そして16世紀になると，少年聖歌隊員からその教師を経 て参事会員まで登りつめる一種の「内部昇進」のルートが成立した。 最後に筆者は， ヒギンズの主張と上記の事例は本質的に相反するものではなく，それぞれが中世末 期における音楽家身分の変容過程の一端を示しているのであり， よって今後は他の音楽拠点における 同種の変化を注意深く比較• 検討し， より包括的な見通しないしはモデルを提示することこそ，「ル ネサンス」 と呼ばれる時代の音楽生活をよりよく理解するために必須であると主張し，結論とした。 Master of the choirboys (Lat. magister puerorum altaris-, Fr. maître des enfants d'autel) is an interesting object for one who works on a certain musical center in the fifteenth and sixteenth century Europe. Because its primary functions, social status, and criteria are still unfamiliar to us, even if there are many composers who took the position. The article will try to reveal its social status and the policy of appointment, taking as example the cathedral of Cambrai, which has been considered to provide lavish support for music and employ many talented musicians. ” At first, it is necessary to define fundamental characters of the charge of the magister puerorum. This article is based on a paper spoken at the Medieval and Renaissance Music Conference 2001，Spoleto (Italy), 26-29 July 2001.I am indebted to David Fallows, David Fiala, Barbara Haggh, Margaret Bent, Masakata Kanazawa, and Bonnie J. Black­ burn for reading earlier drafts and giving valuable comments. All dates contained herein are new style. 1 ) For music at Cambrai, see W r ig h t (1975; 76; 78)，F a llo w s (1980), C u rt is (1991)，and Y am a m o t o (2003). As a matter of fact, the existence of the boys who take part in the liturgical service could date back to the early Christian period, based on two main ecclesiastical demands of which one is practical and the other is theological： preparing the clergy of the future and the importance of the innocence of young boys, which might be highly estimated (cf. W o o d 1994). As for the post of their teacher, we must however wait for at least the twelfth or thirteenth century when the maîtrise, a more musically specialized educational institution than the schola Lectorum, began to appear in many churches throughout northern France and the Low Countries.2) What the term of maîtrise exactly means? Despite of frequent adoptions in scholarly books, it has never been defined precisely. The most important character of the maîtrise is not teaching music to the choirboys, which had always been done to a certain extent from antiquity, but some in­ dependence from ordinary clerical education in the church. The concept may therefore be understood to consist of the existence of the boys who were selected exclusively to participate in the divine ser­ vice, the specially assigned financial support for their education, and the assurance of their own dwell­ ing so on. The post of the master of the choirboys seems to have been set at the time of foundation of the maîtrise, and their superiority to that of grammar is also an indispensable element of the concept. However, it is a mere anachronism to presume that most of the masters should be employed only through their musical talent like a professional musician of our time. Because, except for the lessons of grammar taught by a particular teacher, the duties of the master extended to the whole education and behavior in order to make an adequate priest, and the instruction of singing was no more than one task among many others.3* But Paula Higgins (1999) insists that the criteria imposed on the mas­ ter of the choirboys dramatically began to change in the late fifteenth century. Taking up a case that Antoine Busnoys was invited to the collegiate church of Saint-Hilaire-le- Grand in Poitiers as master of the choirboys, she argues as follows; in September of 1465，Le Begue, incumbent master of the church, suddenly faced a trouble that would rob him of the post after only two months from the appointment. The reason is that another candidate, namely Busnoys, had evi­ dently offered his service at the church, and an exceptional meeting took place to determine which of the masters should be employed. In this assembly, many conflicting opinions were expressed, but finally, Busnoys succeeded in getting the post by meeting with the approval of the influential mem­ bers of the chapter, which were not a majority but well versed in the cultures of secular courts be­ cause of their affiliations with nobility. Higgins states that this affair reflects the rapidly changing po­ sition of the master of the choirboys from skilled pedagogue” to “creative mentor . Did there actually take place such transition about the criteria of the master of the choirboys in other churches for example the cathedral of Cambrai? And first of all, what were its social status and the strategies of their appointment? These are the chief issues to be resolved in this article. To deal with the problems, we must define the period to investigate. Although the list of seven masters of Cambrai cathedral from 1373 to 1427 has been printed by Jules Houdoy，4) no details of 2) The standard study of the maîtrise in a more extensive point of view is still B e c k e r (1967). Also two important mono­ graphs are F.-L. C h a r t ie r (1897) and C lerval (1899). 3) For the other tiresome tasks of the master of the choirboys, see B r e n et (1910: 15-20)，Du P in (1706，4: 717-20)，G l o r ie u x (1960-73, 9: 686-89), C h a r t ie r (1897: 66-70), B e c k e r (1967: 290-98) and W r ig h t (1989: 166-68). their careers or even of their tenures are familiar to us except for those of Nicolas Grenon.5) There­ fore, in the following analysis based on two primary documents, the Chapter Deliberations {Actes ca- pitulaires) and the Account Books of the Office of the Lesser Vicars,6) I would like to be concerned with the period from 1459 to 1539 in which eleven masters took charge of the maîtrise. These eighty years can be divided into two terms in the view of the strategy of appointments taken by the chapter; one from the appointment of Robert Le Chanoine (1459) to the resignation of Jacob Obrecht (1485)， of which characteristic is to employ principally a traveling teacher who had the master of the choir­ boys as his profession, and another from Denis de Hollain (1485) to Jean Lupi (1539) in which most of the incumbents came from Cambrai or even the maîtrise itself. * * * On 19 March 1459，a teacher named Robert Le Chanoine was employed as master of the choirboys by the chapter of Cambrai cathedral on condition that if he would carry out the duties until the feast of Saint John the Baptist (24 June) in the next year, he would earn twelve ecus “in compensation of his discharge from the service of the church (BMC, B 1060: 41r). He was also collated as a great vicar on 27 April of the same year (ibid.: 43v), but it seems to have turned out that his manner of work was not enough to content the canons. On 25 June 1460，nearly one year after the appointment, the chapter once decided his dismissal from the post, assigning Johannes Zemberch, a lesser vicar, to temporary master, and three canons, namely Guillaume Du Fay, Jean de Croix, and Nicole Boidin, were deputed to look for an appropriate one.7) Le Chanoine nevertheless must have wanted to con­ tinue his charge, for two days after the chapter postponed the final decision to the end of the month, having him promise improvement (ibid.: 85r). Then he was barely reappointed on 30 June through his “sufficient humility”. 8) But, again, his amendment seems to have been deceptive because only four months after, 7 November 1460，he was denounced as “a bad example not suitable to the boys ” and ordered to leave the house of the choirboys at once, threatened that if he did not follow the com­ mand, he might be arrested and put in a prison of the chapter (ibid.: 97v). At the same moment, the chapter entrusted the selection of successor to the above-mentioned three canons again (loc. cit.). 4) See H o u d o y (1880: 82，129-30). David Fiala has offered a more precise list of the masters at the conference on music of Cambrai cathedral ( “La musique dans les villes à la Renaissance: Cambrai"，Tours, 10-11 September 2001). There are other six masters in the middle o f the fifteenth century: Mathieu Hamelle (1432), Pierre Béthune (1434-36), Petrus du Castel (1441 -47)，Gobert le Mannier (1447-51), Paul De Jonghe/Juvenis (1451-56), and Jean Du Sart (1456-58). I am very grateful to David Fiala for kindly sending me his handout of the conference. 5) About Nicolas Malin, for instance, we know only three facts that he was described first as a great vicar in 1390，traveled to seek choristers around Douai, Lille and Béthune in the fiscal year of 1409，and at least was alive until 1417, although his name is put in the New Grove Dictionary (1st edn.) only because of his possibility as Du Fay s teacher. 6) As to the brief summary of these manuscript documents, see Y a m a m o t o (2003: 59).
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