“The Jaffa Slope Project”: an Analysis of “Jaffaesque” Narratives in the New Millennium

Introduction

“The Jaffa Slope Project”: An Analysis of “Jaffaesque” Narratives in the New Millennium

Ravit Goldhaber Department of Geography, Ben-Gurion University

Introduction The public discourse surrounding the The Jaffa Slope project is a development project and its implementation has plan that was drafted for the city of Jaffa constituted an arena in which Jaffa’s (Yaffa in Arabic) in the 1960s. It various actors (including the Jewish encompasses the Arab neighborhoods of establishment and the Arab population) Jabaliya and Ajami and the underlying have battled over the redesign of the space. shoreline, known as the Jaffa Slope. The The municipality presents the project as aim of the project is to create new land by part of its overall regional policy of land reclamation, thereby creating open integrated socio-urban rehabilitation and spaces for the public and land for building development, which ostensibly aims at apartments of a relatively high standard, enhancing the lives of those living in the and making greater use of the shoreline Arab neighborhoods and improving their (Local Master Plan – Jaffa Slope No. image and status. By contrast, the local 2236). The project serves as a “shadow Arab discourse reflects a sense that the plan,” and accordingly any project community faces an existential threat. implemented within its confines must In this article, I will argue that the conform to its directives. Although several implementation of the Jaffa Slope project stages of the project have been reflects a convergence of national, implemented over the past forty years, it economic and socio-urban interests that was only in 1995 that it received final has given rise to a struggle over spatial official approval. The project was identity. I will also contend that the implemented in accordance with the land competition over space and the use of policies adopted by municipal planners at space in Jaffa can be understood in the various stages. However, its basic context of Israel as a society that is based principles have remained unchanged since on a Judaizing spatial ideology (Yiftachel, its launch: namely, to alter the social and 1999; 2006) and has a liberal economic physical fabric of these neighborhoods. structure (Shalev, 2006). I shall further

47 examine the implications of this form of the city”. This right consists of openness, development on the indigenous Arab flexibility, the recognition of differences, population, as well as its impact on the right to be included, the right to relations between the Jewish and Arab develop an individual or collective residents of Jaffa. identity, and autonomous decision- I shall present my arguments through making, alongside an egalitarian an analysis of the discourse of the distribution of resources and capital. establishment, in order to cast light on the However, his vision of urban space has local spatial policy, alongside an analysis of remained confined to the realm of theory, the local Arab discourse, which reflects the as the right to the city of urban Arab struggle to hold onto the land and inhabitants is diminished by the underscore its Arab character. constantly shifting balances of powers The article contains five sections. The between social groups and their struggles first proposes “ethnic logic” as a over the control of spatial design. When theoretical framework for the occupation social groups do not belong to a single of indigenous cities by settler societies and ethnos, ethnic logic exacerbates the immigrants. Next follows an outline of the struggle over urban spatial design and principles of the Jaffa Slope project and control. This logic marginalizes vulnerable planning policy in Jaffa over time. ethnic groups and relegates them to the Thirdly, the article will address the city’s economic, political, social and national, economic and socio-urban spatial margins (Sibley, 1995; Yiftachel, interests that have been pursued through 1999). According to Yiftachel (2006), the Jaffa Slope project. The fourth section ethnic logic comes into play where there is focuses on the discourse of the an attempt to consolidate the establishment and the local Arab discourse independence of a nation, outline the surrounding the plan and its boundaries of a new country and populate implementation. The final section an external frontier (settlement in a considers the implications of the project different country or continent) or an for the native Arab population of Jaffa, internal frontier (settlement in mixed Jewish-Arab relations in the city, and the cities) with settler societies and future of Jaffa’s Arab community. immigrants (Yacobi and Zfadia, 2004; Roded, 2006). The external frontier is Ethnic logic and the occupation of populated by the settler society following indigenous cities their invasion of or immigration to an As indicated by Lefebvre (1996), urban area. A good illustration of this process is space offers its inhabitants “the right to European emigration to Australia and

48 “The Jaffa Slope Project”: An Analysis Introductionof “Jaffaesque” Narratives in the New Millennium

Canada in the 18th century. territorial control, the “ethnic logic” of The internal frontier is populated by the capital flows, the legal system and the land settler society (the majority group) after planning regime, and establishes and their dispersion throughout and imposes the dominant culture, while settlement in the areas in which the state undermining – even eradicating – the wishes to reinforce the majority group’s indigenous culture (Benvenisti, 1997; control over the minority group. Examples Ben-Shemesh, 2003; Bar-Gal, 2002; are provided by Sri Lanka, Estonia, Greece Roded, 2006; Yiftachel, 2006). Yiftachel and Malaysia (Yiftachel and Kedar, 2003). (2006) and Roded (2006) illustrate the The settler society fosters its own ethno- process of settling and occupation by cultural structure within the country’s settler societies in the internal frontier in borders and establishes a hierarchy of Sri Lanka and Estonia, and demonstrate ethnic status. Within this context, the how planning is a crucial tool in settler society attempts to redesign the expanding the control exercised by cultural-national space in order to dominant groups. In Sri Lanka, a battle legitimize its appropriation and was waged over the division of space and occupation. The settler society power between the Sinhalese majority and appropriates the space in such a way as to the Tamil minority. In Estonia, the avoid mixing with the local population process involved an anti-Soviet land and and sometimes even to facilitate its ethnic planning policy that excluded Russian cleansing (Sibley, 1995). At the same citizens, who make up a third of the time, the dominant class gains in strength country’s population, and even revoked relative to the lower and middle classes, their citizenship. In parallel, a policy of thereby creating a society founded on “Estonia-ization” was adopted in the ethno-class stratification. Yiftachel and political, cultural and spatial system with Kedar (2003) indicate that this process the aim of reviving the Estonian nation leads to the creation of three main ethno- and culture. classes: the founding charter group, which A mixed city plays a significant role in acquires the dominant status; the shaping politico-spatial relations between immigrant group, which undergoes a ethnic groups and reproducing them process of upward assimilation within the through spatial planning and production, charter group; and the native group the dominant group’s control over the (considered to be “locals” or “foreigners”), accessibility and distribution of resources which is relegated to the economic, social and capital, and in forging symbolic and spatial periphery of the new society. contents for space and feeding off This exclusion is perpetrated through preferred cultural sources (Yiftachel and

49 Yacobi, 2003). In mixed cities, ethnic marginal phenomenon within Israel’s logic is exposed through urban policy. At urban space and incompatible with the times it is apparent, and at others it is ideology of Judaization and spatial concealed behind various interests. The segregation, there is a pressing need to concept of the “mixed city” describes a probe the overall interests that lie behind mixed living pattern in which several public planning policy in these ethnic groups inhabit a collective space. In communities. Israel it describes a living pattern for Jews This article seeks to demonstrate how and Arabs that is not prevalent: only the ethnic logic that guides public around 8% of Arabs live in mixed cities, planning policy in Jaffa (in the form of all of which have a clear Jewish majority national and economic interests) has (Hadas and Gonen, 1994; Monterescu contributed to the occupation of the city and Fabian, 2003; Hamdan, 2006; and to its transformation into a Jewish Yacobi, 2006; Falah, 1996; Yiftachel and city. It will also discuss how this logic has Yacobi, 2003). Most of the mixed cities in had a deleterious effect on the native Arab Israel came into being as a result of population of Jaffa, through the various geographic, historical and political spatial design and planning and the circumstances whose roots lie in the process of gentrification, on which I shall establishment of the state (Gonen and elaborate below, that began in Jaffa in the Hamaisi, 1992), and were not the product late 1980s. of planning or regulation on the part of the government. The Arab residents of the Main principles of the Jaffa Slope mixed cities tends to live in concentrated project and planning policy in Jaffa areas separate from the Jewish residents (a The Jaffa Slope project (Local Master frequent pattern among ethnic and racial Plan No. 2236), which covers the Jaffa groups in many cities worldwide [Ben Slope (the area west of Kedem Street Artzi and Shoshani, 1986; Boal, 1976]). down to the sea) and the Arab However, there are also mixed neighborhoods of Ajami and Jabaliya (east neighborhoods that contain both Jewish of Kedem Street) (Local Master Plan No. and Arab residents, in which Arabs are 2660), was drafted by the local again generally a minority. Within Jaffa, municipality to provide a solution to the Ajami and Jabaliya are isolated Arab problem of the physical deterioration and neighborhoods with large Arab majorities. social disintegration of these two The neighborhoods located alongside neighborhoods (see map no. 1).1 On the them, to the east of Yefet Street, are mixed slope, the building plans were suspended neighborhoods. Because mixed cities are a and only the reclaimed area is now being

50 “The Jaffa Slope Project”: An Analysis Introductionof “Jaffaesque” Narratives in the New Millennium

Map no. 1: Tel Aviv-Yaffa: Division of neighborhoods and sub-neighborhoods

51 dealt with.2 The plan was submitted for in Ajami and Jabaliya, which were approval as long ago as 1965 and first subjected to Israeli military rule until began to be implemented at that time. 1950 (Portugali, 1991). Ajami and However, it was only finally approved by Jabaliya (named Givat Aliya in Hebrew) the planning authorities in January 1995. were thereafter known as “the Arab Over the years since the plan was first neighborhoods”. The Al-Menashiya submitted, the municipality’s public neighborhood was destroyed and the Old planning policy has altered significantly City of Jaffa deserted (Mazawi and with regard to these neighborhoods. Makhoul, 1991). A serious assessment of the magnitude In 1950, Jaffa was merged with Tel Aviv of the implications of the public planning and became one of the city’s districts policy in Jaffa on its Arab residents must (District 7). Henceforth, the official name consider the status and importance of Jaffa of Tel Aviv became Tel Aviv-Jaffa. The in Palestinian society prior to its cultural, social and economic structures occupation in 1948. Jaffa developed into that had been part of Jaffa’s past collapsed a major port city under Ottoman and entirely, as did its Arab community British rule, and a major political, institutions, which ceased functioning. economic, social and commercial center. The Arab local leaders and other members The city established commercial contacts of the upper-middle socio-economic both inside and outside the country and classes abandoned Jaffa, leaving behind a became renowned, among others things, devastated community lacking a local for its thriving citrus industry. Its prestige leadership and comprised mainly of grew to the extent that it became known people of low socio-economic standing. as the “port city of Jerusalem” (Kark, Thus Jaffa, whose former status had 2003). The 1948 War of Independence, earned it the epithets, “The Bride of the according to the Jewish narrative, or the Sea” and “The Bride of Palestine,” became Nakba (catastrophe), in the Arab – in the words of Shaker (1996) – the narrative, stunted the urban development “slum of Tel Aviv”. The public planning of Jaffa and the surrounding area, along policy that has guided the municipality with other Arab cities in Israel. Of the over the years, which I shall review below, approximately 70,000 Arabs living Jaffa in is one of the main reasons for the current its heyday in 1947, only a small dismal state of Jaffa. percentage of Arabs did not flee from or In the 1960s, an urban renewal policy were not expelled from their homes. The was implemented, consisting of remaining Arab population – around evacuation-construction and “brutal 3,800 people in total – was concentrated rehabilitation”, which was used widely in

52 “The Jaffa Slope Project”: An Analysis Introductionof “Jaffaesque” Narratives in the New Millennium

the Western world (Kipnis and Schnell, 1988). Though not official (Portugali, 1978). The plan involved evacuating and 1991), the policy of demolishing homes demolishing poor neighborhoods and was nevertheless effective. Within the placing the destitute population in public scope of the plan, the Israel Land housing in other areas of the city. Most of Administration and the Amidar Housing the new neighborhoods planned for the Company, an Israeli housing company evacuated areas were designed for a middle owned and operated by the government, or upper class population (Hall, 1988). It demolished – with the support of the was assumed that poverty could thereby be authorities – as many as 1,347 residential eradicated and private investment in the buildings (Shaker, 1996), amounting to area stimulated (Carmon, 1993, 1997; 41.4% of the total number of residential Erez and Carmon, 1996). This assessment units in Ajami and Jabaliya from the mid- did not encompass the preservation of old 1970s to the mid-1980s (Municipality of buildings or houses of unique architectural Tel Aviv-Jaffa, 1993). The policy of or historical value, nor did it take into evacuating and rebuilding the Arab account the social problems likely to arise neighborhoods, which was accepted by the in the wake of the evacuation of entire Municipality of Tel Aviv-Jaffa and the neighborhoods. The “evacuation- Israel Land Administration, was construction” project, part of the Jaffa implemented by contractors – the Amidar Slope project, that was planned for the and Halmish building companies – over neighborhoods of Ajami and Jabaliya the course of approximately twenty years. involved evacuating the existing It involved placing a freeze on new inhabitants (Arabs and Jews) from the building, banning renovations, space and demolishing some of the demolishing or sealing off buildings, and existing structures in order to build deliberately perpetuating the under- luxurious housing on the empty land for development of the area (Mazawi and people of medium and high socio- Makhoul, 1991). economic means. The vacant, untended plots and The plan also involved expanding the abandoned and partially-demolished building areas by reclaiming a strip of land buildings, together with a decline in the from the ocean (the site was declared a quality of municipal services, lent the two regional dumping ground for construction neighborhoods an air of dysfunction. waste). The reclaimed site became an However, despite the deterioration of the environmental, sanitary and aesthetic area and the destruction of most of its hazard for those living on the coast and to infrastructure and buildings, most of its the marine environment (Or-Savorai, original inhabitants continued to live

53 there, a majority of whom were Arabs concept, the municipality sought to (Center for Socioeconomic Research, include the Ajami neighborhood in the Municipality of Tel Aviv-Jaffa, 2003). national Neighborhood Rehabilitation Most Jews were able to leave the Project, launched in the late-1970s. The neighborhoods since they had the choice municipality realized that the urban between financial compensation and degeneration that was spreading public housing in other neighborhoods in throughout Jaffa would not be conducive Tel Aviv-Jaffa (such as Jaffa Daled) or in to the creation of the infrastructure of a nearby cities (e.g. Bat Yam, Holon or modern new neighborhood, and that it Ramat Gan). Conversely, only one would not be possible to solve the alternative housing project3 was built for problems of the Arab population without Arab inhabitants and it failed. Thus Arabs rehabilitating it on its own territory were left with the sole option of obtaining (Menachem and Shapiro, 1992). financial compensation, but this was not However, the Neighborhood sufficient to enable most of them to Rehabilitation Project came to an end in relocate to other neighborhoods. 1994, before the physical and social aims In the mid-1980s, public planning of the project had been fully realized policy in Jaffa changed. Instead of (Menachem and Shapiro, 1992). “evacuation-construction”, the authorities From the beginning of the 1990s to the adopted a policy of renewal, rehabilitation present day, the emphasis of the and development with the participation of rehabilitation and development policy of local residents. Emphasis was placed on the Tel Aviv-Jaffa Municipality has shifted the combined tackling of physical to focus primarily on business and planning problems and social problems. economic factors (Carmon, 1993). This The catalyst for this change in policy was shift has given way to rising private the harsh criticism that was leveled against enterprise, with public involvement. the policy of urban renewal through brutal Private and public enterprise has primarily rehabilitation. Those implementing the been reflected in the process of plan were accused of disregard for the gentrification4 (Ley, 1992; Short, 1989; evacuees and of excluding them from the Gonen and Cohen, 1989; Mazawi and drafting process, as well as Makhoul, 1991; Ginsberg, 1993; shortsightedness with regard to the heavy Monterescu and Fabian, 2003), which has emotional toll extracted by forced seen the launch of housing projects for the evacuation and the social costs of wealthy population. The gentrification destroying healthy communities (Carmon, process has implications for the urban and 1993). In the spirit of the new planning social space in that it is instrumental to

54 “The Jaffa Slope Project”: An Analysis Introductionof “Jaffaesque” Narratives in the New Millennium

urban renewal, and can help to eradicate the land. This feeling is heightened by poverty. It can also alter a neighborhood’s chronic housing shortages in the image and status by bringing in more traditional Arab neighborhoods. Such affluent residents while driving out the sentiment was recently expressed in original, poorer inhabitants, and thereby demonstrations that were staged in Jaffa in damaging the social fabric of their April 2007 in protest against the acute communities (Schnell and Greitzer, shortage of housing for young Arab 1994). couples and the authorities’ failure to At first glance, the gentrification process address this problem. in Jaffa appears to have been a natural urban process. In fact, however, it has The national, economic and socio- been primarily driven by the municipal urban interests behind the authorities through the investment of implementation of the Jaffa Slope budgetary funds, the granting of building project permits to real estate developers and The website of the Municipality of Tel individuals, the acceleration of the process Aviv-Jaffa features a copy of Urban of approving urban building plans, and Building Plan 2236, the Jaffa Slope rezoning of the land in Ajami project. The Jaffa planning team and the (Monterescu and Fabian, 2003). This Jaffa local administrative unit, established process is the response of a “defensive by the local municipality, provide space”: the dominant Jewish group is extensive planning information on the defending itself against the original ethnic upgrading of Jaffa’s image within the group by attempting to alter the urban landscape of Tel Aviv-Jaffa. The demographic balance in the area. This Israel Land Administration speaks of land defense is achieved through the privatization processes, the marketing of gentrification of the traditionally Arab land to the public of Jaffa under preferred neighborhoods, a process which attracts a terms and ongoing investments in Jaffa as new Jewish population to these areas. part of the general rehabilitation of the Gentrification can therefore be perceived space. All of the above creates the as a means of occupying the indigenous impression that the discourse surrounding city that takes place at an advanced stage the Jaffa Slope project revolves around the of the settling process. As a result, the professional spheres of planners and native Arab group views the gentrification architects, who strive to rehabilitate the process as a violent invasion of its space urban fabric to the benefit of the current and as an attempt to intensify competition and future populations. The discourse over the national and ethnic identity of employs the universal language of

55 planning and architecture, which is devoid several levels. It promoted the drafting of of any political or nationalistic expressions an urban building plan for Jaffa to enable and is presented as a means of attaining future construction in the area. It functional and aesthetic goals in Jaffa for spearheaded efforts to include Jaffa in the all citizens on an equal basis. It makes no Neighborhood Rehabilitation Project, and reference to local history, culture or identified – through the Jewish Agency – politics. The technocratic, rational the Jewish community in Los Angeles as a character of this discourse blurs and donor community for the rehabilitation obscures the implications of the Jaffa project in Ajami. The municipality signed Slope project for the local Arab population an economic agreement with the Israel and camouflages the Jewish national Land Administration, the owner of the interest in gaining control over the land, as land and the structures standing on it, well as the economic interests that are according to which the latter would involved in land privatization. allocate part of the profits from the sale of In the mid-1980s, the Municipality of property in Jaffa to the development of its Tel Aviv-Jaffa declared that its sights were infrastructure. These actions made the set on the south of the city with the implementation of the Jaffa Slope project objective of rehabilitating the physical and possible. social fabric of Jaffa, following many years In the mid-1990s, the Ministry of of neglect. The Jaffa planning team was Housing and Construction initiated two established for that purpose. The team separate public housing projects for Arabs came to the realization that the policy of living in Jaffa. The first project was rehabilitation through evacuation and designed for those entitled to housing in construction had failed and that the Jaffa Jaffa’s Arab community by the ministry. Slope project must be implemented in a However, of the 400 housing units that different manner in order to achieve the were promised, only 50 were actually following goals: preserve the area’s urban delivered. The second project was characteristics and unique landscapes; designed for young Arab couples and nurture Jaffa’s unique features to attract a allowed them to construct their own new population to reinforce the existing houses on the land. However, the project one; and rehabilitate the local population failed due to the high development costs within its traditional neighborhoods involved and because it was located (Municipality of Tel Aviv-Jaffa, 1997). outside of the traditional Arab The rehabilitation of Jaffa required a neighborhoods. In the summer of 2001, a massive allocation of resources. To this second attempt was made to market the end, the municipality took action on “build your own house” project. This

56 “The Jaffa Slope Project”: An Analysis Introductionof “Jaffaesque” Narratives in the New Millennium

attempt also ended in failure, for similar property prices in Jaffa soared to levels reasons. The municipality assumed that that drove the local Arab residents out of the project had failed because it lacked the competition. Massive, modern, luxury provision of housing, a problem which it construction will bring a change in the held must be solved at the governmental local architectural landscape and efface its level by the Ministry of Housing and cultural past. Moreover, the Arab Construction. neighborhoods provide a sense of The Jaffa local administrative unit, belonging and protective domesticity which operates under the auspices of the (Suttles, 1972), in the sense of personal Municipality of Tel Aviv-Jaffa, was and cultural security. Thus the struggle established in 1999 to promote social and against the Jaffa Slope project is perceived physical projects in Jaffa tailored to its by the Arab residents of Jaffa as an particular needs (Municipality of Tel existential struggle against the destruction Aviv-Jaffa, 2003). The unit was another of the existing social fabric, and the “build means through which the municipality your own house” project is not viewed as attempted to demonstrate its willingness a viable solution to the housing problem, to address the problems faced by Jaffa and for the reasons discussed above. These its Arab residents in a genuine manner and factors substantiate fears that the Arab to promote its development and physical population will be excluded from their and social rehabilitation. traditional neighborhoods and be evicted A description of the municipality’s from the area, and that Jaffa’s Arab activities reveals what is, on its face, a community will continue to disintegrate. genuine attempt at the socio-urban In addition to socio-urban rehabilitation of the traditional Arab rehabilitation, national and economic neighborhoods. The resentment that these motivations underlie the efforts to advance actions provoked among the Arab the implementation of the Jaffa Slope community is therefore puzzling at first project in its current format. The national glance. However, this resentment5 reflects Zionist movement, whose mission is to their fears over the implications of the redeem the land and conquer the desert, plan on their future in the area as had consolidated an ideology of Judaizing individuals and as a community, rather the space even before the establishment of than the community’s objection to the State of Israel (Yiftachel, 2006). This rehabilitation and development per se. ideology was the basis for the belief among The development plan attracted investors the supporters of Zionism that they could to Jaffa, who acquired land and property settle on Jewish land and demarcate its through competitive bids. Consequently boundaries. Consequently, at the heart of

57 Zionist nationalism lies the project of de- the area. These policies were instrumental Arabization, which has been conducted in driving the Arab community out of its through the demographic, political and traditional neighborhoods and in effacing cultural homogenization of the territorial its history, architecture and culture there. space and the de-ethnicization of the Secondly, and in retrospect, the Arabs in Israel (Shenhav, 2006). Policies Neighborhood Rehabilitation Project of for implementing the Jewish ethno- the 1980s served only a small minority of national ideology have focused and Jaffa’s Arab inhabitants, and failed to continue to focus on the issue of land. It compensate for the many previous years of uses state institutions and non- physical and social neglect (Mazawi and governmental Jewish organizations, such Makhoul, 1991). Thirdly, the support as the Jewish National Fund and the provided by the municipality for the Jewish Agency (Yiftachel and Kedar, process of gentrification led to an increase 2003), to achieve its goals, which include in the rental value of properties and related the dispersion of the Jewish population expenses. Since most Arab inhabitants throughout the land space in Israel, the were financially unable to bear the tax mitzpim “lookout” settlements in the burden or buy the properties, they left the Galilee the cokhavim “star” settlements area. Moreover, the Jaffa Slope project and the “individual” settlements in the applies to the existing division of land, Negev.6 The way in which the Jaffa Slope according to which building can be carried project has been implemented reveals that out on small areas of land only. The the intention of its implementers is the building zones for the areas covered by the Judaization of the space, even if there has plan are limited (the average area per been no official public declaration to this housing unit is about 100m2), the building effect. The plan obscures the Arab density is low (at about 70% coverage), community’s ideological and material and the height of the buildings cannot connection to its traditional exceed three storeys. Thus the homes that neighborhoods in various ways, all of have and will be built in the area covered which are indicative of the exclusionary by the plan will be suited to a culture that nature of the spatial policy. encourages small families, and not Arab Firstly, as mentioned above, the culture, which traditionally encourages municipality was engaged in the large families. Moreover, small housing methodical destruction of housing units in units will prevent the neighborhoods’ local the traditional Arab neighborhoods in Jaffa Arab residents from preserving its current over a period of around twenty years and living arrangements, in which parents live contributed to the underdevelopment of with their married children and families.

58 “The Jaffa Slope Project”: An Analysis Introductionof “Jaffaesque” Narratives in the New Millennium

The resulting overcrowding will also projects are designed for residents of a probably drive many of the original Arab high socio-economic status and ensure the inhabitants out of the area. local Arab population’s exclusion from the Furthermore, within the scope of the space. Indeed, the planners anticipate that project statutorily unregulated commerce the influx of a Jewish population of an in the Ajami market (known as the Citron average-to-high socio-economic status will Market or Gan-Tamar Market), was lead to a maximal out-flux of the local halted and its illegal operators (who Arab population from the traditional according to the Municipality were neighborhoods, and that only the Arab merchants from Gaza) vacated. A large economic elite will be able to afford to structure, the ground floor of which will remain in these neighborhoods. This house local shops and the upper floors restricted segment of the local population, residential apartments, is now planned in which is expected to aspire to the pleasures its stead. The building will also feature a of a luxury environment, will blend more European-style piazza, suited to the easily into the new population and adapt envisioned future population (Interview to the majority culture. Thus, the physical with the Jaffa planning team’s architect in and symbolic presence of the Arab the Municipality, 2007). The planners residents in Ajami and Jabaliya is to expect that this residential building will decline and the area to assume a Jewish attract a non-local population of an identity. average socio-economic status, both Accordingly, the implementation of the because this socio-economic group has yet Jaffa Slope project assumed an ethno- to coalesce in Jaffa and because of the national, Judaizing character. In the European-inspired building style. The 1990s, it also took on an economic aspect, evacuation of the market primarily a development which reflected the affected the poor population – namely the structural changes that had taken place majority of the local Arab community – within Israel’s state economy over the which was then forced to shop on previous two decades, most notably the Jerusalem Avenue and therefore to pay process of liberalization, through which more for their goods. direct state involvement declined and that The plan also includes several “flagship of private business grew (Aharoni, 1998). projects” built on large plots of land, Within Israel’s economic structure there including Andromeda Hill and Jaffa was a declining role for the state in the Village, which offer secluded residential division of revenue and capital, and a grounds that are isolated from their greater openness to the world market and physical and social environment. These processes of privatization. These processes

59 permeated Israel’s planning policy, even if and are forced to leave for other poor the planning authorities did not adopt a neighborhoods. In practice, class specific policy of privatizing public space. polarization in Jaffa has grown and the In Jaffa, these processes were reflected in Arab residents have been compelled to support for private and public provide labor and services to new, rich gentrification, through offering tax Jewish inhabitants. incentives and foreign capital investments, for example in Andromeda Hill, and the The Establishment Discourse: A acceleration of the privatization process by policy of socio-urban rehabilitation the Israel Land Administration. Luxury The establishment discourse that buildings as well as private and public surrounds the Jaffa Slope project echoes a investment in infrastructure have attracted more general narrative about socio-urban an affluent population to the area, which rehabilitation. The quotations provided in turn has brought quality services and below were selected from among luxury stores. This process has led to an approximately thirty interviews conducted increase in the rental value of the land, with representatives of the Jewish which has generated an increase in establishment (the Jaffa planning team municipal taxes in the area, to the benefit within the Tel Aviv Municipality, the of the public purse. spokesperson for the Jaffa local Furthermore, in flagship projects such administrative unit, the Israel Land as Andromeda Hill and Jaffa Village, the Administration – Tel Aviv District) municipality transfers the costs of between 2003 and 2004 and in 2007. The developing and maintaining the public establishment discourse focuses on the areas to the tenants, thereby reducing its shifting physical, social and class character own expenses. Conversely, the circle of of the Arab neighborhoods and on service providers and blue-collar workers improving the quality of the lives of the expands. Prima facie, this policy would local inhabitants. The focus on these appear to benefit the general good and particular factors stems from tension that raise the economic status and thus quality developed between the establishment and of life of local inhabitants through the local Arab inhabitants as a result of long- raised value of their properties. In fact, standing neglect and unmet promises of however, it has led to a situation in which rehabilitation. The establishment lacks local Arab inhabitants, the majority of understanding or recognition that any whom are poor, cannot withstand the process of rehabilitation and preservation financial competition or the cost of must be inclusive of the residents within maintaining property in expensive areas, their traditional neighborhoods and their

60 “The Jaffa Slope Project”: An Analysis Introductionof “Jaffaesque” Narratives in the New Millennium

national heritage, and be commensurate to All of the plans include directives for their financial capacity. No other form of preserving the existing physical fabric, development will ensure sustainable and design directives that are suited to development for Jaffa and its original the current style. Expropriations are kept inhabitants. to a minimum and there is sensitivity to the existing structures… The new The plan, in its new format, has become buildings will also display different styles, a pro-resident plan. It will enable including a European piazza and residents to build, renovate and even buy elongated windows instead of rounded their apartments from the Israel Land ones. They [the locals] will have to get Administration. In fact, it will enable used to it or leave. But in any case, the them to continue to live in Ajami in far majority will leave because they will not better environmental conditions… The be able to bear the financial burden of Jaffa Slope project will attract affluent maintaining the property and living in a people of a higher socio-economic level luxury environment. and ultimately alter the image of these Interview with an architect from the neighborhoods from poor neighborhoods Jaffa planning team, 8 January 2007. into the pearl of Jaffa. Interview with an architect from the Jaffa The Local Arab Discourse: The planning team, 2 February 2004. Municipality’s policy as an existential threat to the community It is important to stress that a large The local Arab discourse surrounding the portion of the profits will be channeled Jaffa Slope project revolves around a back into Jaffa. We have an agreement to struggle for control of the area and its this effect with the municipality. As far Arab identity. The quotations below were as we are concerned, we are prepared to selected from approximately one hundred sell both to the residents and on the free interviews conducted with members of market in order to promote development Jaffa’s Arab community between 2003 and enhance the appearance of the and 2004 and in 2007. neighborhoods. Selling on the free The local Arab discourse reflects a fear market is important in order to bring of an intent among the establishment to new, affluent blood to Jaffa and change rid Jaffa of its Arab inhabitants and to its unfortunate image. Judaize the city. The Arab residents of Interview with the Head of the Israel Jaffa are aware of the fact that, as an ethnic Land Administration – Tel Aviv minority in the city whose already weak District, 26 January 2003. influence is likely to evaporate within a

61 space that is controlled by the majority, seeking to turn the once Arab city into a becoming further dispersed as a Jewish one. community means being cut off from Interview with a 28-year-old Arab religious sites, Arab public institutions and woman living in Jaffa. a supportive social and spiritual environment, as well as the disintegration The Jaffa Slope project and the land of the very fabric of their society. reclamation were designed to develop Therefore the struggle is perceived as Ajami not for the benefit of the Arab being existential in nature. As a minority inhabitants who live here, but at their whose historical existence in the area has expense. These plans rob Jaffa’s Arabs, been interrupted and whose cultural and who are mostly poor, of any opportunity physical character has been devastated, to continue to live in Jaffa. The plans nationalism by itself has not provided expel the Arabs from their homes and enough of a basis for identity, and their city… Building luxury therefore the local space has played a neighborhoods creates a situation in central role in maintaining the national- which only people of high a socio- cultural identity of the Arabs in Jaffa economic status can afford to buy homes (Schnell, 1994). The sense of territoriality here – in other words, Jews. Thus the within the traditional Arab neighborhoods plans were not designed to rehabilitate in Jaffa is reflected in the concept of “sense Ajami, but to Judaize it. This is a of place”, as proposed by Relph (1976), sophisticated way of kicking the Arabs who stressed the manifestation of feelings out of here and settling Jews in their of identification with a place as a function stead. If the idea really is to carry out of experiences that are attributed to the renovations for the sake of the local place, and then used to identify it. The population, then why is renovation not physical changes that have been made to allowed? Why is there no construction the environment and the altered for the Arab community? Why is there composition of the Arab community in no building for young couples? New, Jaffa have made experiences of the place expensive construction is beyond the for its Arab inhabitants a distant memory financial means of most of the Arabs that cannot be recaptured. living here, and the only people who will be able to live here are rich Jews. Since 1948, attempts have been made to Interview with a 49-year-old Arab erase Arab Jaffa. The municipality, woman living in Jaffa. through its policy and plans, is waging a battle for the character of the space, The gentrification process has been partly

62 “The Jaffa Slope Project”: An Analysis Introductionof “Jaffaesque” Narratives in the New Millennium

spontaneous and partly the result of the on my mother’s renovated house. planning initiatives of the local … municipality, which have attracted private To wage war against the municipality. developers, real estate developers and To wage war against the private wealthy individuals seeking highly developers and assessors. This is what we profitable investments in Jaffa. At the want in Jaffa, so that any rich developer beginning of the 1990s, the price of real will think twice before coming to buy up estate in Ajami began to climb, and at its property in Jaffa. height in the mid-1990s reached the sum Interview with a 45-year-old Arab man of 300,000 US dollars for a small house living in Jaffa. built on a 60m2 plot (Sheffer, 2003).7 As a result, local inhabitants were excluded The Jaffa Slope project has evoked strong from the space they lived in and from any fears of mass evacuations from the area, share of the profits earned from the similar to those that were carried out in property in that space.8 The involvement the 1970s and 1980s. These evacuations of the municipality in initiating and were conducted through legal means, be it investing in these projects, coupled with by slating a building for demolition, the shortage of resources allocated for expropriating yards and other parts of renovations and building residential units homes for public purposes, or by offering for the local population in the traditional the building owners large financial neighborhoods, compound the sense of incentives to leave. The financial exclusion of Jaffa’s Arab inhabitants. compensation provided in exchange for dilapidated homes (since renovations are The municipality’s policy is clear: Jaffa is prohibited) is not sufficient to purchase a for sale! Jaffa is on the free market for the new house in Ajami, but only a small highest bidder. The municipality is apartment in a housing project in Jaffa or calling the money to Jaffa, regardless of another city. The end result is that Arabs whether it comes from a Jewish are leaving the traditional Arab contractor, an Arab broker or a foreign neighborhoods and are being cut off from investor… Take me, for example. My its religious and cultural institutions. mother’s house was sealed off twenty years ago and declared unfit for They [the municipality] cheat people habitation by the municipality. Now, into leaving their homes, but they do it from the apartment I am renting from legally. They don’t let you renovate and the Amidar, I see how a Jewish they let your house get run down until contractor is making a profit in dollars the roof falls in over your head, and if

63 that doesn’t work they tempt you into and the local cultural characteristics of the leaving for money, which is not enough city. Entire streets, with their unique to buy a place in Jaffa. And if that architectural and cultural flavor, have doesn’t work, they build a highway vanished forever. Today, even though through your living room. How do they some preservation directives have been do it? They confiscate it – it becomes issued, as well as design directives and a public property. They tell you that guarantee that the Jaffa Slope project will you’re best off taking monetary serve the “general good” of all citizens, the compensation and for you it’s the best main issue seems to have been forgotten, solution. Move cheaply to Lod, to namely, the fate of the native Arab Ramle, maybe to a village in the community of the city. The planning Triangle… You end up with small institutions, their architects and planners change, stuck in a housing project are committing the mistake of creating an apartment that doesn’t belong to you, far imaginary essence of Jaffaesque, designed away from everything you’ve ever to attract wealthy people to fill up the known. public purse and create an exclusive Interview with a 38 year-old Arab man “Jaffaesque” style.9 However the original living in Jaffa. essence and identity of the space will be tarnished in the process and ultimately The implications of the Jaffa Slope fade away. Thus we will have Ajami project for the native population without Ajamites, a Jaffa Slope without and for Arab-Jewish relations fishermen, and pseudo-Jaffan houses with The future of the local Arab community Western inhabitants. Mazawi and in the traditional Arab neighborhoods of Makhoul (1991) have aptly described the Jaffa is uncertain, since it has not been phenomenon of forgetting the human defined by the state as a unique ethno- essence that gives meaning to a place, and national minority within a predominantly characterizes, in my opinion, institutional Jewish space. Such a definition would structures and their representatives – have made it possible to preserve the Arab architects and planners – who shape our culture and identity within these space, as follows: traditional neighborhoods and reduce the Jaffa is an ancient city that is estranged possibility of their disappearing into the from its past, transplanted like a foreign recesses of planning history. Planning limb on the wings of history; a city that policy in Jaffa has been guided over the presents the official, commercialized years by ethnic logic, which breeds version of a time that never was, of disregard for the historical background inhabitants who never existed. Historical

64 “The Jaffa Slope Project”: An Analysis Introductionof “Jaffaesque” Narratives in the New Millennium

uniqueness and cultural spatial Jaffa as an insignificant minority will authenticity are relegated to a remote redecorate the imaginary Jaffaesque corner and become victims at the altar of environment with a few authentic drops of the war of cultures. Nothing is color, rather than paint it with broad reminiscent of Arab Jaffa anymore, not a brush strokes. single tattered painting in a side room of Today’s development policy in Jaffa has a local museum, not a single street or generated an environment in which alley name. Time has evaporated and a openness toward the original, indigenous distorted present is speaking on its behalf setting is not encouraged, but rather in a new language… The Old Jaffa intensifies competition over ethno- project takes its inspiration from a national identity and further exacerbates politico-economic perception according spatial isolation in Jaffa. Like Andromeda to which non-Jews are considered nation- Hill, other similar projects planned for the less, culture-less cave dwellers who left surrounding area will increase the sense of not a single trace worthy of inclusion in alienation between the two population the chronicles of the city… groups, although a significant socio- economic gap between either is unlikely, As a result of the municipality’s planning since the Arabs who remain in Jaffa will be policy, most of the native Arab population relatively prosperous. However, in will leave Jaffa, unable to compete for everyday life, spatial seclusion will persist, housing on the free market, buy the Arab minority will remain across the apartments in the traditional Arab fence from “pure Israeliness” and occupy neighborhoods or pay high property taxes. the new space as a handful of individuals What will ultimately remain in these within the surrounding Jewish space, from neighborhoods is a limited segment of the which they will be cut off (Goldhaber, native Arab population, of an average-to- 2004). high socioeconomic status, which is In summary, behind the Jaffa Slope capable of bearing these economic project lies the local municipality’s burdens. One can already see the undisguised and openly declared interest mansions of Jaffa’s wealthy Arab families, in socio-urban rehabilitation, as well as which have sprouted up in the last two to camouflaged interests based on the ethnic three years. This spatial pattern, which is logic of Judaizing and privatizing the taking shape before our eyes, is the lesser space. Revealing and recognizing these of two evils from the viewpoint of the other interests serves to bring their victims municipality’s public planning policy. The into focus. The implementation of the few Arab inhabitants who will remain in plan has generated a discourse within the

65 establishment that extols the virtues of Notes socio-urban rehabilitation. Conversely, the local Arab discourse flags up the masked 1 The plan is currently being implemented only in the Ajami and Jabaliya neighborhoods; Local interests of Judaization and privatization Master Plan No. 2660. of the space as threats to the ongoing 2 I shall also use the term “the slope project” survival of their community in their in reference to the Arab neighborhoods. traditional neighborhoods. Contrary to 3 In the 1970s, several apartment buildings for Arabs were constructed in the southern part Monterescu and Fabian (2003), who of the Jabaliya neighborhood, bordering Bat perceive waning nationalism as a sign that Yam. However, the inhabitants’ response to the national project in Jaffa has come to offers to buy apartments in these projects was an end and that neo-liberal forces are subdued. Their reluctance was due to the high rising in its place, I contend that the building density, apartments that were too small to house large families, high prices, the objective of Judaization remains endemic lack of suitable community services and, in and that the force of nationalism has not, particular, the great distance separating them in fact, waned. Rather, it has been from the community’s public institutions in channeled towards the technocratic Ajami (Mor, 1994). 4 The process of gentrification refers to the strongholds of planning committees and transformation of neighborhoods in decline tenders that merely camouflage its housing a population of a low socio-economic presence. status into neighborhoods of a higher socio- The sense of existential danger among economic status through an influx of “yuppie” the Arab community in Jaffa stands on a and “dinky” populations (Gonen and Cohen, 1989). These mid to mid-upper class very real foundation, given that the Jaffa populations move into the lower-class Slope project does not involve neighborhoods, improving the neighborhood construction appropriate to the majority environment and creating a residential style of the Arab population inhabitants. This that reflects the preferences and values of their class. As a result, the physically deteriorated population will ultimately be forced to neighborhoods “siphon upward” on the move out of the traditional neighborhoods housing market and their rental value increases. and scatter across Jaffa and other Arab The gentrification process is part of a more towns and villages. The dispersal of Jaffa’s comprehensive, multi-dimensional process Arab community within the space is through which the residential boundaries of the middle classes are expanded. This process tantamount to a death sentence. occurs in Western cities and is also common in Israel and is primarily the result of an increase in the ranks of the middle classes over past decades following a general increase in standards of living. 5 One of the clearest manifestations of the Arab community’s resentment is the hundreds of

66 “The Jaffa Slope Project”: An Analysis Introductionof “Jaffaesque” Narratives in the New Millennium

objections officially submitted by residents of Bibliography Ajami against the Jaffa Slope project. Another is the activities of Al-Rabita, the League for — Aharoni, Yair (1998) The Changing Political the Arabs of Jaffa, which organizes protest Economy of Israel, Annals of the American actions questioning the ethics of the spatial Academy for Political and Social Sciences 55: plans drafted for Jaffa and stressing the 127-146. historical injustice that has been perpetrated — Bar-Gal, Yoram (2002) Maps and against the Arabs of Jaffa. The League further Nationalism: A Renewed Reading of Israel’s appeals to public opinion and the press and Atlas, Horizons in Geography 55: 8-29 petitions the Israeli Supreme Court. It provides (Hebrew). Arab inhabitants of Jaffa with professional, — Ben Artzi, Yossi and Shoshany, Maxim (1986) financial and technical assistance to help them Haifa’s Arabs, 1972-1983 – Demographic and to avoid selling their homes. spatial changes, in Soffer, A. (ed) Residential 6 These are the names of different kinds of and Internal Migration Patterns among the Jewish settlements. Arabs of Israel, Monograph series on the 7 The sale price of a sea-facing apartment was Middle East, No. 4. Haifa: University of Haifa, estimated to be similar to that of a similarly- The Jewish-Arab Center (Hebrew). sized apartment in the luxury areas of the city. — Benvenisti, Meron (1997) The Hebrew Map, In other areas in Jaffa prices are approximately Theory and Criticism 11: 7-29 (Hebrew). 100,000 US dollars lower than the prices in — Ben-Shemesh, Yaakov (2003) Local Language, Ajami (Table of Apartment Prices provided National Language: Adalah’s petition on by Yitzhak Levy, 2000). The table was municipal road signs, Theory and Criticism published prior to the events of October 2000, 22: 199-204 (Hebrew). following which the demand for apartments — Boal, Frederick Wilgar (1976) Ethnic in Ajami from people outside of Jaffa fell for Residential Segregation, in Herbert, D. T. and around a year and the prices of apartments Johnston, R. J. (eds) Social Areas in Cities. plunged to less than half of their previous value London: John Wiley, pp. 41-79. (Sheffer, 2003). — Carmon, Naomi (1993) Urban Rehabilitation: 8 Ajami and Jabaliya were ranked 4th of 100 Three Generations of Policy and Application in the socio-economic ranking of the city’s in Tel Aviv-Jaffa Neighborhoods, in Nachmias, neighborhoods (Hadad and Fadida, 1993). D. and Menahem, G. (eds) Tel Aviv-Jaffa 9 The engineering department in the Studies. Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University, Ramot, municipality published a detailed design pp. 105-138 (Hebrew). manual for the “Jaffaesque” style, that applies — Carmon, Naomi (1997) Rehabilitation Policy to all construction in Jaffa (Municipality of for Deteriorated Urban Areas. Haifa: Center Tel Aviv-Jaffa, 1995). for Urban and Regional Studies, The Technion (Hebrew). — Erez, Tamar and Naomi Carmon (1996) Urban Renewal – A review of the literature and analysis of the case of the Florentine Quarter. Haifa: Research Series of the Center for Urban and Regional Studies, The Technion (Hebrew). — Falah, Ghazi (1996) Living Together Apart:

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