DOCSLIB.ORG

“Effective” Strategic Autonomy in the Neighbourhood

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
“Effective” Strategic Autonomy in the Neighbourhood The EU’s Search for “Effective” Strategic Autonomy in the Neighbourhood © 2021 IAI by Maria Giulia Amadio Viceré and Matteo Bonomi COVID-19 amplifies weaknesseswidespread among scholars and while exacerbating latent illnesses in pundits. In an unprecedented move, ISSN 2532-6570 infected human beings. As we enter even the President of the European the second year of the pandemic, one Commission Ursula von der Leyen may argue that much of the same has stressed the need to make the EU more happened to EU foreign policy towards geopolitically relevant on the world its neighbourhood. stage. Ever since the launch of the Some now hint that since the 45th enlargement process and the European President of the US has left the White neighbourhood policy, the EU based House, Washington will resume its its foreign policy on the political use traditional role of security provider in of economic interdependence. While Europe’s surroundings.1 Others see the capable of harmonizing rules and new US administration as a window of boosting trade flows, such an approach opportunity for the EU to strengthen its has proven insufficient to foster the stance in the neighbourhood.2 socio-economic development of Europe’s neighbourhood, hindering its democratization prospects. The 1 Alexandra Brzozowski, “Biden or Trump? devastating consequences of COVID-19 What the US Election Could Mean for Europe’s outbreak have exacerbated this reality, Foreign Policy”, in Euractiv, 2 November 2020, https://www.euractiv.com/?p=1526447. further highlighting the shortcomings 2 Riccardo Alcaro and Nathalie Tocci, “The of EU policy in the neighbourhood. European Union in a COVID World”, in IAI Papers, No. 20|34 (November 2020), https:// During the Trump administration, www.iai.it/en/node/12364; Karel Lannoo, “The calls for a stronger EU role in the Biden Presidency Is a Last Call for Europe”, in CEPS In Brief, 1 December 2020, https://www. international arena have been ceps.eu/?p=31440. Maria Giulia Amadio Viceré is Adjunct Professor and Post-Doctoral Fellow at LUISS University (Rome) and Research Associate at the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI). Matteo IAI COMMENTARIES 21 | 05 - JANUARY 2021 21 | 05 - JANUARY IAI COMMENTARIES Bonomi is Research Fellow at IAI and member of the Balkans in Europe Policy Advisory Group (BiEPAG). 1 The EU’s Search for “Effective” Strategic Autonomy in the Neighbourhood The extent to which current EU policy In the years that followed, the EU faced frameworks are fit for achieving several challenges stemming from this goal remains an open question, these areas, among which the complex however. Upon its establishment in unfolding of the political transition in 2004, the EU neighbourhood policy the Arab world and Russia’s disruption was conceived as an alternative to of the post-Soviet space through the traditional geopolitical means. It was annexation of Crimea. Yet it took based on the long experience of EU Donald Trump’s controversial approach © 2021 IAI enlargement. Its underlying logic to international politics, and the UK’s was that a progressive economic decision to leave the EU, for Brussels to integration of partner countries would launch the “strategic autonomy” debate have created a space for shared stability in the context of the 2016 EU Global and prosperity, based on EU values.3 Strategy. In a nutshell, democratisation through conditionality grounded on socio- That debate has been the main economic issues laid at the centre of the driver behind the more integrated EU’s approach to its neighbourhood.4 efforts among EU member states and ISSN 2532-6570 institutions in the security and defence Yet, without the prospect of accession, field, epitomised by the establishment of this policy framework has not proven the Permanent Structured Cooperation very effective in Europe’s southern and and the European Defence Fund. eastern neighbourhoods. In addition, However, it is very likely that the EU with the eurozone crisis, such a model will not become militarily autonomous of external integration turned into an in the near future, given member states’ obstacle for a swift transformation reluctance towards capacity building in of the regions covered by both the the security sector.6 enlargement and neighbourhood policy frameworks. In fact, the strong The strategic autonomy debate, economic ties between the EU and its obviously, has not been limited to such surroundings acted as transmission sector. In this regard, most recently, EU belts for negative spillovers of the EU representatives expressed the need to sovereign debt crisis, creating fertile achieve an “open”,7 and hence effective ground for the destabilisation that strategic autonomy. In the words of occurred immediately afterwards.5 HR/VP Josep Borrell, the latter is not limited to security and defence.8 On 3 Treaty on the European Union (TEU), Art. 8. 6 4 Maria Giulia Amadio Viceré and Sergio Jolyon Howorth, “For a True European Fabbrini, “Assessing the High Representative’s Defence Union”, in Martens Centre Future of Role in Egypt during the Arab Spring”, in The Europe series, December 2017, https://www. International Spectator, Vol. 52, No. 3 (September martenscentre.eu/?p=2141. 2017), p. 64-82. 7 Sabine Weyand, EU Open Strategic Autonomy 5 Matteo Bonomi and Dušan Reljić, “The EU and and the Transatlantic Trade Relationship, the Western Balkans: So Near and Yet So Far”, in opening remarks at the American Institute for SWP Comments, No. 53/2017 (December 2017), Contemporary German Studies, 15 September https://www.swp-berlin.org/en/publication/ 2020, https://europa.eu/!gx49jN. the-eu-and-the-western-balkans-so-near-and- 8 Josep Borrell, “Why European Strategic yet-so-far. Autonomy Matters”, in A Window on the IAI COMMENTARIES 21 | 05 - JANUARY 2021 21 | 05 - JANUARY IAI COMMENTARIES 2 The EU’s Search for “Effective” Strategic Autonomy in the Neighbourhood the contrary, as the President of the Despite the current debate about the European Council Charles Michel put need for the EU to reach an effective it, the EU should rely on the strength strategic autonomy, its approach of its economic and social model in towards the neighbourhood remains a its pursuit of autonomy and external quagmire in which both Brussels and influence. Ultimately, by doing so, the countries involved seem to be stuck. Brussels would reach its objectives, namely: “peace and prosperity”.9 The prospects for EU responses to © 2021 IAI the spread of COVID-19 outside its Nonetheless, in practice, there is a borders are certainly less bright than tangible risk that the EU will not achieve the initiatives launched so far by the this degree of effectiveness in time to EU internally. The pandemic’s outbreak avoid a further destabilisation of its came on top of multiple crises which, neighbourhood. In recent years, the coupled with the spread of nationalism EU approach has been centred on state and populism across Europe, led to resilience at the expense of broader widespread inward-looking tendencies societal resilience.10 The EU focused in the EU. Amidst fear and despair, the ISSN 2532-6570 on firmly securing both its southern first responses by EU member states and eastern borders, and stabilising its to the deadly virus have been highly surroundings. Meanwhile, countries uncoordinated. Yet, as this initial lack of in the southern Mediterranean and solidarity seemed to irreparably shake eastern Europe, alongside the Western the EU’s foundations, Next Generation Balkans, suffered from economic EU – the largest stimulus package ever hardship, social tensions and unsettled financed through the EU budget – was conflicts. launched to boost Europe’s recovery in July 2020. It is against the backdrop of these weaknesses – and indeed latent illnesses At first sight, it seems that the EU –, that the COVID-19 crisis exploded in tried to counter the devastating early 2020. The pandemic is not only socio-economic effects of the health having devastating implications across emergency in its neighbourhood. In EU member states, but also on Europe’s April 2020, through the Team Europe eastern and southern neighbours.11 Package, the European Commission alongside EU member states launched a World (blog), 3 December 2020, https://europa. series of measures aimed at supporting eu/!Xc63jg. 12 9 Charles Michel, Strategic Autonomy for most vulnerable developing countries. Europe - The Aim of Our Generation, speech Yet, the Team Europe Package mainly to the Bruegel think tank, 28 September 2020, proposed the use of pre-existing funds.13 https://europa.eu/!WX44hD. 10 Maria Giulia Amadio Viceré and Andrea Frontini, “Paths to Resilience: Examining EU and January 2021, https://www.worldbank.org/en/ NATO Responses to the Tunisian and Egyptian publication/global-economic-prospects. Political Transitions”, in Eugenio Cusumano 12 European Commission, Communication on the and Stefan Hofmaier (eds), Projecting Resilience Global EU Response to COVID-19 (JOIN/2020/11), Across the Mediterranean, Cham, Palgrave 8 April 2020, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal- Macmillan, 2019, p. 247-268. content/EN/TXT/?uri=CELEX:52020JC0011. 11 13 World Bank, Global Economic Prospects, European Commission, Q&A: Global EU IAI COMMENTARIES 21 | 05 - JANUARY 2021 21 | 05 - JANUARY IAI COMMENTARIES 3 The EU’s Search for “Effective” Strategic Autonomy in the Neighbourhood Added to this, the recent Multiannual weaknesses of Eastern Europe, the Financial Framework (2021–2027) Western Balkans and the Middle East prioritises the EU’s internal recovery and Northern Africa. With Europe’s plans over “Heading 6 - Neighbourhood surroundings plunging into a deep, and the World”. In fact, not only does the unprecedented socio-economic crisis, new multi-annual budget fail to adapt the EU is likely to suffer from a series to the post-pandemic reality in the of negative spillovers that could derive neighbourhood, but it also cuts the 2018 from a further impoverishment of these © 2021 IAI Commission’s proposal for expenses areas.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Towards a New Paradigm in Open Strategic Autonomy?
    Towards a new paradigm in open strategic autonomy? Éric Van den Abeele 3Working Paper 2021.03 Towards a new paradigm in open strategic autonomy? Éric Van den Abeele european trade union institute trade european 3Working Paper 2021.03 ETUI publications are published to elicit comment and to encourage debate. The views expressed are those of the author(s) alone and do not necessarily represent the views of the ETUI nor those of the members of its general assembly. Brussels, 2021 © Publisher: ETUI aisbl, Brussels All rights reserved Print: ETUI Printshop, Brussels D/2021/10.574/16 ISSN 1994-4446 (print version) ISSN 1994-4454 (electronic version) The ETUI receives financial support from the European Union. The European Union is not responsible for any use made of the information contained in this publication. Table of contents Executive summary ........................................................................................................................5 Introduction .....................................................................................................................................6 Part One The EU’s dependence on the great powers ..............................................................................7 1. The United States: a love-hate relationship ...................................................................7 2. China: the systemic rival .....................................................................................................9 3. Russia: an inescapable geopolitical power .................................................................11
    [Show full text]
  • European Strategic Autonomy in 2020
    European Strategic Autonomy in 2020 WORKING PAPER 10 · DECEMBER 2020 10 · DECEMBER 2020 PAPER WORKING Groupe d’études géopolitiques Groupe d’études géopolitiques European Strategic Autonomy in 2020 45, Rue d’Ulm 75005 Paris legrandcontinent.eu [email protected] References : Groupe d’études géopolitiques, European Strategic Autonomy in 2020, Working Paper 10, December 2020. Contributors Brigid Laffan, Director and Professor at the Alberto Alemanno, Jean Monnet Professor Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies in European Union Law & Policy at HEC and and Director of the Global Governance Pro- Founder of the Good Lobby gramme at the European University Institute (EUI), Florence Anu Bradford, Professor of Law and Inter- national Organization and the Director of Bruno Maçães, Author of « The Dawn of Eura- European Legal Studies Center at Columbia sia », (Penguin, 2018) University Jean-Dominique Merchet, Defense and Di- Thierry Chopin, Professor at Université catho- lique de Lille (ESPOL) and special advisor, the plomacy correspondent, l’Opinion Jacques Delors Institute Joseph Nye, University Distinguished Service Caroline de Gruyter, Europe correspondent Professor, Emeritus and former Dean of the and columnist for NRC Handelsblad Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government Daniel Fiott, Security and Defence Editor EU Simone Tagliapietra, Research fellow at Brue- Institute for Security Studies gel, (Brussels) Nathalie Tocci, Director of the Istituto Affari Ulrike Guerot, Founder, European Democra- Internazionali (IAI); Special Advisor to EU High Representative
    [Show full text]
  • European Strategic Autonomy: Neither with You, Nor Without You
    Analysis Paper 13/2021 24 de marzo de 2021 Francisco José Dacoba Cerviño European Strategic Autonomy: neither with you, nor without you Visit the WEBSITE Receive the E-NEWSLETTER European Strategic Autonomy: neither with you, nor without you Abstract: The enormous geopolitical changes that have been taking place on the international scene in recent decades have radically affect the role of the European Union in the new global scenario. And not only regarding the specific aspects of its Security and Defence, but also its role as an actor in this panorama. An actor who wants to be relevant and who wants to express itself with its own voice in defence of its interests. The Union's Strategic Autonomy can no longer be considered exclusively in terms of military capabilities. The complexity of the challenges posed by the new commercial and technological powers, together with their geopolitical challenges, force a broadening of focus. European ambition cannot be limited to a mere accompaniment to the powerful ally on the other side of the Atlantic. But of course, who said this is going to be easy? Keywords: Strategic Autonomy, global actor, European Security, Strategic Compass. How to cite this document: DACOBA CERVIÑO, Francisco José. European Strategic Autonomy: neither with you, nor without you. IEEE Analysis Paper 13/2021. http://www.ieee.es/Galerias/fichero/docs_analisis/2021/DIEEEA13_2021_FRANDAC_Autonomi a_ENG.pdf and/or bie3 link (accessed on day/month/year) *NOTE: The ideas contained in the Analysis Papers are the responsibility of their authors. They do not necessarily reflect the thinking of the IEEE or the Ministry of Defence.
    [Show full text]
  • On the Path to 'Strategic Autonomy'
    On the path to 'strategic autonomy' The EU in an evolving geopolitical environment STUDY EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service Authors: Suzana Anghel, Beatrix Immenkamp, Elena Lazarou, Jerôme Leon Saulnier, Alex Benjamin Wilson PE 652.096 – September 2020 On the path to 'strategic autonomy' The EU in an evolving geopolitical environment In confronting the EU with an unprecedented crisis, the coronavirus outbreak is testing the bloc's unity, but may also accelerate the construction of EU strategic autonomy, as the roadmap for recovery is implemented. Political will, still in the making, and the capacity to act are key prerequisites for achieving effective European strategic autonomy. The EU is increasingly at risk of becoming a 'playground' for global powers in a world dominated by geopolitics. Building European strategic autonomy on a horizontal – cross-policy – basis would strengthen the EU's multilateral action and reduce dependence on external actors, to make the EU less vulnerable to external threats; while promoting a level playing field that benefits everyone. The EU could thus reap the full dividend of its integration and possibly benefit from greater economic gains. To build European strategic autonomy, the EU may choose to use the still 'under-used' or 'unused' potential of the Lisbon Treaty, with the European Council having a key role to play in triggering some of the Treaty provisions, particularly in foreign and security policy. European strategic autonomy may also result from a deepening of the EU integration process. Nevertheless, it remains to be seen whether the Member States will wish to grasp the opportunity offered by the Conference on the Future of Europe to deepen the European project.
    [Show full text]
  • Ralf Dahrendorf and the European Union 2030
    Ralf Dahrendorf and the European Union 2030: Looking Back, Looking Forward Edited by Helmut K. Anheier and Iain Begg A JOINT INITIATIVE BY FUNDED BY PUBLISHED BY Lord Ralf Dahrendorf 1929-2009 photo courtesy of the Library of the London School of Economics and Political Science The Dahrendorf Forum is a joint initiative by the Hertie School in Berlin and the London School of Economics and Political Science, funded by Stiftung Mercator. Since its creation in 2010, the Dahrendorf project has grown into a major research and policy engagement network. It has held three successful Dahrendorf Symposia in Berlin in 2011, 2013, and 2016. Over its four research cycles, the project has gained valuable experience of injecting academic ideas into policy debates. It has also become a recognised example of successful transnational co- operation. The project has helped to strengthen the institutional links between the two academic partners, becoming the centrepiece of intellectual collaboration between the Hertie School and the London School of Economics (LSE). Initially a British-German collaboration, the Dahrendorf initiative has grown into a broader European project, drawing together a wide network from many different countries, and now with even greater relevance in the emerging post-Brexit environment. The Dahrendorf Team generates and disseminates social science research that is both policy relevant and of the highest standard. The researchers concentrate on generating impact with high-level policymakers and practitioners close to the centres of political action and decision-making in Berlin, London, and Brussels. Ralf Dahrendorf and the European Union 2030: Looking Back, Looking Forward Edited by Helmut K.
    [Show full text]
  • Hedging by Default: the Limits of EU “Strategic Autonomy” in a Binary World Order Richard Higgott & Simon Reich the Authors
    Europe Programme Hedging by Default: The Limits of EU “Strategic Autonomy” in a Binary World Order RichaRd higgott & Simon Reich The Authors Richard Higgott is Emeritus Professor of International Political Economy at the University of Warwick, Senior Researcher in the Brussels School of Governance, Vrije Universiteit Brussel and Visiting Professor of Political Science at the University of Siena. Simon Reich is Professor of Global Affairs and Political Science at Rutgers University Newark and Chercheur Associé, Le Centre d’Études et Recherches Internationales (CERI), Sciences Po (Paris). Any correspondence to [email protected]. In Europe, a lack of trust in Xi Jinping was mirrored by a lack of trust in Donald Trump and uncertainty about Joe Biden. Hedging by Default: The Limits of EU“Strategic Autonomy” in a Binary World Order* RichaRd higgott & Simon Reich Europe’s quandary: A bifurcating world? growing body of evidence suggests that the erstwhile A American-led world order1 is succumbing to a trend towards a growing global geopolitical bifurcation between China and the USA. The continuance of this centrifugal trend is likely but not inevitable. The direction and its speed will depend primarily on We may be the policy choices of the two great powers. As we discuss, it is evolving toward a multidimensional process, built on the growing competition between the USA and China in four broad but distinct issue- a new bifurcated areas: (i) security (military hard power), (ii) economy (trade, geopolitical order finance and infrastructure), (iii) advanced technology (especially artificial intelligence, 5G switching systems, quantum computing, with major cyber and digitalisation), and (iv) what we call civilizational implications issues (education, science and culture as vehicles for political for Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • Dowload Europe in the Face of US-China
    Europe in the Face of US-China Rivalry Edited by: Mario Esteban and Miguel Otero-Iglesias along with Una Aleksandra Bērziņa-Čerenkova, Alice Ekman, Lucrezia Poggetti, Björn Jerdén, John Seaman, Tim Summers and Justyna Szczudlik A Report by the European Think-tank Network on China (ETNC) January 2020 Ι I Δ I Ο E Σ R Europe in the Face of US-China Rivalry Edited by: Mario Esteban and Miguel Otero-Iglesias along with Una Aleksandra Bērziņa-Čerenkova, Alice Ekman, Lucrezia Poggetti, Björn Jerdén, John Seaman, Tim Summers and Justyna Szczudlik A Report by the European Think-tank Network on China (ETNC) January 2020 © French Institute of International Relations (Ifri), © Mercator Institute for China Studies (MERICS), © The Swedish Institute of International Affairs © 2020 Real Instituto Elcano, C/ Príncipe de Vergara, 51 28006 Madrid www.realinstitutoelcano.org ISBN: 978-84-92 983-21-6 Depósito Legal: M-2497-2020 CONTENTS FOREWORD 7 LIST OF INSTITUTIONS CONTRIBUTING TO ETNC 11 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 15 INTRODUCTION 19 Miguel Otero-Iglesias & Mario Esteban AUSTRIA AND THE GROWING US-CHINESE RIVALRY: 35 FROM COLD WAR NEUTRALITY TO EUROPEAN SOLIDARITY? Adam Urosevic THE CZECH REPUBLIC’S PRAGMATIC CHINA POLICY: 41 BALANCING BETWEEN THE EU AND THE US Rudolf Fürst ‘AMERICA FIRST’: DENMARK’S STRATEGIC NAVIGATION 49 IN THE ERA OF US-CHINESE RIVALRY Andreas Bøje Forsby FINLAND’S RELATIONS WITH CHINA AND THE US 57 Bart Gaens & Jyrki Kallio FRANCE AND US-CHINA TENSIONS: 67 BOLSTERING MULTILATERALISM AND A MORE AUTONOMOUS EUROPE John Seaman GERMANY: NO PIVOT
    [Show full text]
  • COLLECTIVE COLLAPSE OR RESILIENCE? European Defense Priorities in the Pandemic Era
    Études de l’Ifri Focus stratégique 103 COLLECTIVE COLLAPSE OR RESILIENCE? European Defense Priorities in the Pandemic Era Edited by Corentin BRUSTLEIN February 2021 Security Studies Center The French Institute of International Relations (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the authors alone. ISBN: 979-10-373-0315-8 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2021 Cover: © Rokas Tenys/Shutterstock.com How to cite this publication: Corentin Brustlein (ed.), “Collective Collapse or Resilience? European Defense Priorities in the Pandemic Era”, Focus stratégique, No. 103, Ifri, February 2021. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 – Fax: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Focus stratégique Resolving today’s security problems requires an integrated approach. Analysis must be cross-cutting and consider the regional and global dimensions of problems, their technological and military aspects, as well as their media linkages and broader human consequences. It must also strive to understand the far-reaching and complex dynamics of military transformation, international terrorism and post-conflict stabilization.
    [Show full text]
  • Reconciling Eu Strategic Autonomy and International Partnerships
    Making policies work BRIEFING NOTE No. 123 Leading together: reconciling eu strategic autonomy and international partnerships By Chloe Teevan October 2020 This paper argues that to provide real leadership on important global issues – from multi lateral acti on to climate change – the European Union (EU) will need to reconcile a certain unilateralism in its global ambiti ons with its commitment to deepening partnerships. It argues that the EU’s growing focus on improving its self-suffi ciency must be accompanied by a fl exible and collaborati ve approach to foreign and development policy, parti cularly vis-à-vis its neighbourhood and Africa. Even before COVID-19, the Geopoliti cal Commission had begun to prioriti se strengthening the EU’s ability to promote and defend the single market and its own interests in an increasingly unpredictable world. The crisis provoked by the virus strengthened competi ng narrati ves around the global order and reinforced geopoliti cal tensions, bolstering calls to reinforce the single market, increasingly referred to as ‘strategic autonomy’. EU leaders also strongly expressed their belief that the EU must lead by example, notably on a green digital and resilient post- COVID-19 economic recovery and in reforming multi lateralism. This paper examines what the pursuit of strategic autonomy might mean for the EU’s partners, including both potenti al negati ve externaliti es and underdeveloped opportuniti es. It explores how the EU hopes to lead by example, looks at how the EU has tried to do this in the past by exporti ng its regulatory models and argues that a more fl exible approach may be necessary going forward, notably in the EU-Africa partnership.
    [Show full text]
  • European Strategic Autonomy: What It Is, Why We Need It, How to Achieve It
    European Strategic Autonomy: What It Is, Why We Need It, How to Achieve It by Nathalie Tocci IAI - Istituto Affari Internazionali With special thanks to my colleagues at the Istituto Affari Internazionali: Riccardo Alcaro, Alessandra Bertino, Nicola Bilotta, Matteo Bonomi, Vincenzo Camporini, Silvia Colombo, Andrea Dessì, Luca Franza, Francesca Ghiretti, Leo Goretti, Ettore Greco, Daniela Huber, Alessandro Marrone, Nona Mikhelidze, Ferdinando Nelli Feroci, Michele Nones, Asli Okyay, Nicoletta Pirozzi and Stefano Silvestri Copyright © 2021 Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI) Via dei Montecatini, 17 – I-00186 Rome [email protected] www.iai.it ISBN 978-88-9368-178-0 2 IAI - Istituto Affari Internazionali Executive summary The debate about European strategic autonomy has picked up again. Unpacking the slogan, this paper addresses the meaning, the relevance and the controversies surrounding this concept, pointing out three broad guidelines to pursue autonomy across different policy areas, from defence to investment, technology, climate, energy and migration. European strategic autonomy is often confused with sovereignty, independence, unilateralism and at times autarky. In truth, the term is rather specific. As the Greek etymology of the word suggests, autonomy means the ability of the self – autos – to live by its laws – nomos. What autonomy does not entail necessarily is independence, less still unilateralism or autarky. To live by its laws, rules and norms, the European Union, while being prepared to, need not act alone. In fact, in so far as multilateralism is a defining feature of the EU’s internal constitution and external identity, its instinct will always be to act with others, beginning with its core partners the United Nations, the United States and NATO, as well as regional organisations.
    [Show full text]
  • European Strategic Autonomy in Security and Defence Now the Going Gets Tough, It’S Time to Get Going
    European strategic autonomy in security and defence Now the going gets tough, it’s time to get going Dick Zandee Bob Deen Clingendael Report Kimberley Kruijver Adája Stoetman European strategic autonomy in security and defence Now the going gets tough, it’s time to get going Dick Zandee Bob Deen Kimberley Kruijver Adája Stoetman Clingendael Report December 2020 Disclaimer: The research for and production of this report has been conducted within the PROGRESS research framework agreement. Responsibility for the contents and for the opinions expressed, rests solely with the authors and does not constitute, nor should be construed as, an endorsement by the Netherlands Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Defence. December 2020 © Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’. Cover photo: Earthlights 2002 © Wikimedia Commons Unauthorized use of any materials violates copyright, trademark and / or other laws. Should a user download material from the website or any other source related to the Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’, or the Clingendael Institute, for personal or non-commercial use, the user must retain all copyright, trademark or other similar notices contained in the original material or on any copies of this material. Material on the website of the Clingendael Institute may be reproduced or publicly displayed, distributed or used for any public and non-commercial purposes, but only by mentioning the Clingendael Institute as its source. Permission is required to use the logo of the Clingendael Institute. This can be obtained by contacting the Communication desk of the Clingendael Institute ([email protected]). The following web link activities are prohibited by the Clingendael Institute and may present trademark and copyright infringement issues: links that involve unauthorized use of our logo, framing, inline links, or metatags, as well as hyperlinks or a form of link disguising the URL.
    [Show full text]
  • Recent EU Strategic Autonomy Advances Threaten the Transatlantic Link Daniel Kochis
    BACKGROUNDER No. 3470 | MARCH 9, 2020 MARGARET THATCHER CENTER FOR FREEDOM Recent EU Strategic Autonomy Advances Threaten the Transatlantic Link Daniel Kochis ecurity in Europe remains a critical U.S. KEY TAKEAWAYS national interest. A recent refocusing on the evergreen idea of European strategic autonomy The U.S. and Europe enjoy the close bonds S and a flurry of activity with the goal of an indepen- of shared values, including a strong com- dent European (read: European Union) defense force mitment to the rule of law, human rights, free markets, and democracy. should give U.S. policymakers pause—and be met with a skeptical and discerning eye. Security in the Euro-Atlantic region is too important to the United Security and stability in Europe remains a States to be delegated to the European Union (EU). vital U.S. interest. NATO should remain the Not only is the EU ultimately incapable of filling this cornerstone of U.S. policy in Europe for role, its maladroit attempts at becoming the preemi- the foreseeable future. nent security actor in Europe bleed vitality from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), weaken U.S. policy in Europe should support the transatlantic link, and exacerbate existing frac- NATO’s continued primary role in tures within Europe. European defense, and policymakers While undoubtedly the EU maintains competencies should view EU defense integration with deep skepticism. that will be necessary and useful for responding to the challenges associated with a return to great power This paper, in its entirety, can be found at http://report.heritage.org/bg3470 The Heritage Foundation | 214 Massachusetts Avenue, NE | Washington, DC 20002 | (202) 546-4400 | heritage.org Nothing written here is to be construed as necessarily reflecting the views of The Heritage Foundation or as an attempt to aid or hinder the passage of any bill before Congress.
    [Show full text]