Betwbetween Hard and Soft Power
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Transatlantic Relations: the Usa and Canada
TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONS: THE USA AND CANADA The EU, the US and Canada share the values of democracy, human rights, the rule of law, and economic and political freedom, and have overlapping foreign policy and security concerns. Close cooperation and strategic relations with the US and Canada remain a priority for the EU. EU-US FOREIGN POLICY RELATIONS The close cooperation and strategic relations between the European Union and its Member States and the United States are built on common history and a shared set of democratic values. These are key to both partners’ security and prosperity. The EU and the US closely cooperate in a number of foreign policy areas and geographical contexts, such as counter-terrorism, security cooperation, energy cooperation, Russia, Ukraine and the Western Balkans. With the new Biden administration in office since 20 January 2021, new perspectives are opening up, as illustrated in the joint communication from the Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy of December 2020 on a new transatlantic agenda for global change. This agenda provides an opportunity for a renewed EU-US partnership based on greater engagement, coordination and cooperation in both a multilateral and bilateral context. It will seek to address current foreign affairs and security challenges, such as the global pandemic, economic recession, climate change, trade irritants, the rise of China, the digital transformation and growing technological competition, as well as defend democracy and human rights. INTERPARLIAMENTARY DIALOGUE – THE TRANSATLANTIC LEGISLATORS’ DIALOGUE (TLD) PROCESS Relations between Parliament and the US Congress date back to 1972. -
The U.S. South Caucasus Strategy and Azerbaijan
THE U.S. SOUTH CAUCASUS STRATEGY AND AZERBAIJAN This article analyzes the evolution of U.S. foreign policy in the South Cauca- sus through three concepts, “soft power”, “hard power” and “smart power” which have been developed under the administrations of Bill Clinton, George W. Bush and Barack Obama respectively. The authors also aim to identify how the US strategy towards this region has been perceived in Azerbaijan, which, due to its geographical position, energy resources and geopolitical environment, is one of the “geopolitical pivots of Eurasia”. Inessa Baban & Zaur Shiriyev* * Inessa Baban is a Ph.D candidate in geopolitics at Paris-Sorbonne University of France. She is a former visiting scholar at Center for Strategic Studies under the President of Azerbaijan. Zaur Shiriyev is a foreign policy analyst at the same think tank. The views expressed in this article are entirely personal. 93 VOLUME 9 NUMBER 2 INESSA BABAN & ZAUR SHIRIYEV he U.S. strategy towards the South Caucasus has become one of the most controversial issues of American foreign policy under the Obama administration. Most American experts argue that because of the current priorities of the U.S. government, the South Caucasus region does not get the attention that it merits. Even if they admit that none of U.S.’ interests in the Caucasus “fall under the vital category”1 there is a realization that Washington must reconsider its policy towards this region which matters geopolitically, economically and strategically. The South Caucasus, also referred as Transcaucasia, is located between the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea, neighboring Central Asia to the east, the Middle East to the south, and Eastern Europe to the west, hence connecting Europe to Asia. -
Towards a New Paradigm in Open Strategic Autonomy?
Towards a new paradigm in open strategic autonomy? Éric Van den Abeele 3Working Paper 2021.03 Towards a new paradigm in open strategic autonomy? Éric Van den Abeele european trade union institute trade european 3Working Paper 2021.03 ETUI publications are published to elicit comment and to encourage debate. The views expressed are those of the author(s) alone and do not necessarily represent the views of the ETUI nor those of the members of its general assembly. Brussels, 2021 © Publisher: ETUI aisbl, Brussels All rights reserved Print: ETUI Printshop, Brussels D/2021/10.574/16 ISSN 1994-4446 (print version) ISSN 1994-4454 (electronic version) The ETUI receives financial support from the European Union. The European Union is not responsible for any use made of the information contained in this publication. Table of contents Executive summary ........................................................................................................................5 Introduction .....................................................................................................................................6 Part One The EU’s dependence on the great powers ..............................................................................7 1. The United States: a love-hate relationship ...................................................................7 2. China: the systemic rival .....................................................................................................9 3. Russia: an inescapable geopolitical power .................................................................11 -
Transatlantic Relations and Security Governance
THE TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONSHIP AND THE FUTURE GLOBAL GOVERNANCE ISSN 2281-5252 WORKING PAPER 41 | OCTOBER 2014 Historically, the system designed to ensure largely as a consequence of Europe’s modest international security has its roots in the evo- hard power and lack of strategic cohesion. On lution of the European-centred the contrary, if centripetal dynamics balance of power into the prevail, the Europeans can make transatlantic-promoted use not only of their indi- liberal order. Because vidual assets to address the liberal order functional threats is so depend- such as terrorism ent on Western and regional crises (US) power, but also exploit the emerging Transatlantic Relations the soft power multipolar- potential of the ity undeni- and Security Governance EU, whereby ably poses a US power gains challenge to greater out- it. Yet, even reach and im- the most res- pact. Because US tive among power is still so the non-West- Riccardo Alcaro and strong and the US- ern powers such European partnership as China and Rus- Ondrej Ditrych still enduring, the capac- sia have a stake in its ity of transatlantic relations endurance, meaning that to shape security governance multipolarity is not intrinsically in- has not vanished. Multipolarity has compatible with the liberal order. If centrifu- made the use of that capacity a more compli- gal dynamics prevail, the transatlantic ability cated exercise, but not necessarily a less effec- to shape security governance will diminish, tive one. THIS PROJECT HAS RECEIVED FUNDING FROM THE EUROPEAN UNION’S SEVENTH FRAMEWORK PROGRAMME FOR RESEARCH, TECHNOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT AND DEMONSTRATION UNDER GRANT AGREEMENT NO 612782 Transatlantic Relations and Security Governance Riccardo Alcaro and Ondrej Ditrych* EU US Governance International security Multipolarity Introduction “Governance” is a term of recent conceptualisation. -
European Strategic Autonomy in 2020
European Strategic Autonomy in 2020 WORKING PAPER 10 · DECEMBER 2020 10 · DECEMBER 2020 PAPER WORKING Groupe d’études géopolitiques Groupe d’études géopolitiques European Strategic Autonomy in 2020 45, Rue d’Ulm 75005 Paris legrandcontinent.eu [email protected] References : Groupe d’études géopolitiques, European Strategic Autonomy in 2020, Working Paper 10, December 2020. Contributors Brigid Laffan, Director and Professor at the Alberto Alemanno, Jean Monnet Professor Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies in European Union Law & Policy at HEC and and Director of the Global Governance Pro- Founder of the Good Lobby gramme at the European University Institute (EUI), Florence Anu Bradford, Professor of Law and Inter- national Organization and the Director of Bruno Maçães, Author of « The Dawn of Eura- European Legal Studies Center at Columbia sia », (Penguin, 2018) University Jean-Dominique Merchet, Defense and Di- Thierry Chopin, Professor at Université catho- lique de Lille (ESPOL) and special advisor, the plomacy correspondent, l’Opinion Jacques Delors Institute Joseph Nye, University Distinguished Service Caroline de Gruyter, Europe correspondent Professor, Emeritus and former Dean of the and columnist for NRC Handelsblad Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government Daniel Fiott, Security and Defence Editor EU Simone Tagliapietra, Research fellow at Brue- Institute for Security Studies gel, (Brussels) Nathalie Tocci, Director of the Istituto Affari Ulrike Guerot, Founder, European Democra- Internazionali (IAI); Special Advisor to EU High Representative -
European Strategic Autonomy: Neither with You, Nor Without You
Analysis Paper 13/2021 24 de marzo de 2021 Francisco José Dacoba Cerviño European Strategic Autonomy: neither with you, nor without you Visit the WEBSITE Receive the E-NEWSLETTER European Strategic Autonomy: neither with you, nor without you Abstract: The enormous geopolitical changes that have been taking place on the international scene in recent decades have radically affect the role of the European Union in the new global scenario. And not only regarding the specific aspects of its Security and Defence, but also its role as an actor in this panorama. An actor who wants to be relevant and who wants to express itself with its own voice in defence of its interests. The Union's Strategic Autonomy can no longer be considered exclusively in terms of military capabilities. The complexity of the challenges posed by the new commercial and technological powers, together with their geopolitical challenges, force a broadening of focus. European ambition cannot be limited to a mere accompaniment to the powerful ally on the other side of the Atlantic. But of course, who said this is going to be easy? Keywords: Strategic Autonomy, global actor, European Security, Strategic Compass. How to cite this document: DACOBA CERVIÑO, Francisco José. European Strategic Autonomy: neither with you, nor without you. IEEE Analysis Paper 13/2021. http://www.ieee.es/Galerias/fichero/docs_analisis/2021/DIEEEA13_2021_FRANDAC_Autonomi a_ENG.pdf and/or bie3 link (accessed on day/month/year) *NOTE: The ideas contained in the Analysis Papers are the responsibility of their authors. They do not necessarily reflect the thinking of the IEEE or the Ministry of Defence. -
On the Path to 'Strategic Autonomy'
On the path to 'strategic autonomy' The EU in an evolving geopolitical environment STUDY EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service Authors: Suzana Anghel, Beatrix Immenkamp, Elena Lazarou, Jerôme Leon Saulnier, Alex Benjamin Wilson PE 652.096 – September 2020 On the path to 'strategic autonomy' The EU in an evolving geopolitical environment In confronting the EU with an unprecedented crisis, the coronavirus outbreak is testing the bloc's unity, but may also accelerate the construction of EU strategic autonomy, as the roadmap for recovery is implemented. Political will, still in the making, and the capacity to act are key prerequisites for achieving effective European strategic autonomy. The EU is increasingly at risk of becoming a 'playground' for global powers in a world dominated by geopolitics. Building European strategic autonomy on a horizontal – cross-policy – basis would strengthen the EU's multilateral action and reduce dependence on external actors, to make the EU less vulnerable to external threats; while promoting a level playing field that benefits everyone. The EU could thus reap the full dividend of its integration and possibly benefit from greater economic gains. To build European strategic autonomy, the EU may choose to use the still 'under-used' or 'unused' potential of the Lisbon Treaty, with the European Council having a key role to play in triggering some of the Treaty provisions, particularly in foreign and security policy. European strategic autonomy may also result from a deepening of the EU integration process. Nevertheless, it remains to be seen whether the Member States will wish to grasp the opportunity offered by the Conference on the Future of Europe to deepen the European project. -
The European Union's Transatlantic Relationship
The European Union’s Transatlantic Relationship EU Diplomacy Papers 2 / 2006 Günter Burghardt Department of EU International Relations and Diplomacy Studies www.coleurope.eu Department of EU International Relations and Diplomacy Studies EU Diplomacy Papers 2/2006 The European Union's Transatlantic Relationship Günter Burghardt © Günter Burghardt 2006 Dijver 11 | BE-8000 Bruges, Belgium | Tel. +32 (0)50 477 251 | Fax +32 (0)50 477 250 | E-mail [email protected] | www.coleurope.eu/ird Günter Burghardt About the Author Dr. Günter Burghardt served as the European Union’s Ambassador in Washington, DC, from 1999 to 2004. Earlier, he had held positions at the European Commission as Political Director and Director General for External Relations as well as Deputy Chief of Staff of Commission President Jacques Delors. Dr. Burghardt teaches as a guest professor at the College of Europe in Bruges and at the European Institute of the Law Faculty of Ghent University. He joined the transatlantic law firm of Mayer, Brown, Rowe & Maw LLP as a Senior Counsel. Editorial Team: Nike Bönnen, Mathieu Briens, Sieglinde Gstöhl, Dieter Mahncke, Kevin O'Connell Dijver 11 | BE-8000 Bruges, Belgium | Tel. +32 (0)50 477 251 | Fax +32 (0)50 477 250 | E-mail [email protected] | www.coleurope.eu/ird Views expressed in the EU Diplomacy Papers are those of the authors only and do not necessarily reflect positions of either the series editors or the College of Europe. 2 EU Diplomacy Papers 2/2006 Abstract Since its inception post-World War II, the European unification process has been embedded within a strong transatlantic dimension [Marshall-Plan, Truman/ EisenhowerMonnet, Kennedy/Hallstein]. -
Ralf Dahrendorf and the European Union 2030
Ralf Dahrendorf and the European Union 2030: Looking Back, Looking Forward Edited by Helmut K. Anheier and Iain Begg A JOINT INITIATIVE BY FUNDED BY PUBLISHED BY Lord Ralf Dahrendorf 1929-2009 photo courtesy of the Library of the London School of Economics and Political Science The Dahrendorf Forum is a joint initiative by the Hertie School in Berlin and the London School of Economics and Political Science, funded by Stiftung Mercator. Since its creation in 2010, the Dahrendorf project has grown into a major research and policy engagement network. It has held three successful Dahrendorf Symposia in Berlin in 2011, 2013, and 2016. Over its four research cycles, the project has gained valuable experience of injecting academic ideas into policy debates. It has also become a recognised example of successful transnational co- operation. The project has helped to strengthen the institutional links between the two academic partners, becoming the centrepiece of intellectual collaboration between the Hertie School and the London School of Economics (LSE). Initially a British-German collaboration, the Dahrendorf initiative has grown into a broader European project, drawing together a wide network from many different countries, and now with even greater relevance in the emerging post-Brexit environment. The Dahrendorf Team generates and disseminates social science research that is both policy relevant and of the highest standard. The researchers concentrate on generating impact with high-level policymakers and practitioners close to the centres of political action and decision-making in Berlin, London, and Brussels. Ralf Dahrendorf and the European Union 2030: Looking Back, Looking Forward Edited by Helmut K. -
EU – US Risk Policy in the European Neighborhood: the Cases of Moldova and Georgia
EU – US Risk Policy in the European Neighborhood: The cases of Moldova and Georgia Ingo Peters and Jan Bittner Center for Transatlantic Foreign and Security Policy Studies Department of Politics and Social Sciences Freie Universität Berlin [email protected] forthcoming in: Kari Möttöla (ed.), Transatlantic Relations and Global Governance. Washington DC: Johns Hopkins University, SAIS, Center for Transatlantic Relations Introduction 1 1. Risks and Risk Policy in the European Neighborhood 2 1.1 Risks in the Post-Soviet Space 2 The Question of Ethnicity and Citizenship 3 Economic Spaces 3 The Role of Russia 4 1.2 Transatlantic Risk Perception and Risk Policy 4 The EU Approach 5 The US Approach 6 2. Case A: Moldova 7 2.1 The Risks of Weak Statehood 8 Transnistrian Conflict 9 Russian Troops in Transnistria 9 2.2 EU Policy towards Moldova 10 Following a Structure-centered Approach 11 Actor-centered Elements 12 2.3 US Policy towards Moldova – Structure-centered Approach 13 Actor-centered Elements 14 3. Case B: Georgia 15 3.1 The Risks of Weak Statehood 15 Conflicts in South Ossetia and Abkhazia 16 Russian presence in Georgia 17 3.2 EU Policy towards Georgia 18 Structure-centered Approach 18 Actor-centered Elements 19 3.3 The US Policy 20 Actor-centered Elements 21 4. Conclusions 21 Introduction The security environment of the transatlantic community has changed dramatically since the end of the East-West conflict. The main security challenges are no longer the threat of major wars waged by hostile states, but security risks posed by non-state actors. -
EURR 5108 / PSCI 5103 Canada-EU Relations: Summer Module Online Course
Carleton University Late Summer 2021 Institute of European, Russian and Eurasian Studies Department of Political Science https://carleton.ca/polisci/ EURR 5108 / PSCI 5103 Canada-EU Relations: Summer Module Online course Instructor: Achim Hurrelmann Office Hours: Mondays, 2:00-4:00pm (Zoom, access via Brightspace) Email: [email protected] Twitter: @achimhurrelmann Please note: This online course combines asynchronous and synchronous methods of course delivery. Asynchronous online components (lectures, activities, quizzes) must be completed on Brightspace between July 5 and August 2, 2021. Synchronous online meetings will take place using the Zoom videoconferencing platform between August 3 and August 6, 2021 (10am-12pm and 1-3pm each day). Both parts of the course are mandatory. Course description: This course examines the relations between Canada and the EU, with attention to policy issues affecting the relationship and common policy challenges. After introductory sessions on external policy making in Canada and the EU, it will examine various aspects of the bilateral relationship, including trade, security cooperation, as well as environmental and energy policies. Particular emphasis will be placed on recent developments and debates in Canada-EU relations, such as the (provisional) entry into force and implementation of the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) and Strategic Partnership Agreement (SPA), the impact of the UK’s withdrawal from the EU (“Brexit”), and the COVID-19 pandemic. Guest speakers from Global Affairs Canada and the EU Delegation to Canada will be brought into the seminar. At the end of the course, students will be familiar with the main scholarly debates about external policy making in Canada and the EU. -
Transatlantic Relations, Multilateralism and International Stability ∗
MARMARA JOURNAL OF EUROPEAN STUDIES • Volume 24 • No: 1 • 2016 43 THE UNITED STATES AND THE EUROPEAN UNION: TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONS, MULTILATERALISM AND ∗ INTERNATIONAL STABILITY Meltem MÜFTÜLER-BAÇ∗∗ Damla CİHANGİR-TETİK∗∗∗ Abstract What role does the European integration process play in shaping transatlantic relations, if any? The question brings forth the related issue of whether the EU is able to exercise leadership in fostering changes in the international system and through its relationship with the US. The article provides a literature review on the EU as a foreign policy actor, specifically the extent to which it contributed to changes in the international system along a multipolar pattern. To do so, it looks at the EU’s ability to strengthen multilateralism in international trade and its role in international security. The article’s analysis of the EU and its ability to speak with one unified voice is significant in understanding the EU’s role in Transatlantic relations and its ability to become player on its own right with regard to the US in international politics. Keywords: Transatlantic relations, European integration, EU, international trade, international security, multilateralism ∗ This paper emanates from a European Commission SSH research Grant under its 7th Framework Program: “Transworld: The Transatlantic relationship and the Future of Global Governance”. We would like to thank John Peterson, Michael Smith, Nathalie Tocci, Riccardo Alcaro, Michelle Egan and Maria Green Cowles for their comments and suggestions on earlier