Early Vaiṣṇava Imagery: Caturvyūha and Variant Forms Author(s): Doris Srinivasan Source: Archives of Asian Art, Vol. 32 (1979), pp. 39-54 Published by: University of Hawai'i Press for the Asia Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20111096 . Accessed: 31/05/2013 04:45

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This content downloaded from 146.95.253.17 on Fri, 31 May 2013 04:45:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Early Vaisnava Imagery: Caturvyuha and Variant Forms

Doris Srinivasan

George Mason University

arts are Otudents of the of Hindu closely fa which may be represented either anthropomorphi or in art. miliar with evolving traditions of Vaisnava imagery cally theriomorphically Hindu at catur from the Gupta period onward such prominent It has recently been recognized that the as near was in Ma sites Udayagiri Besnagar, Deogarh, Badami, vyuha concept plastically portrayed the art in icon Aihole, and Mamallapuram. The origins of these thura school of the Kushan period.2 The artistic traditions are less well known, however, and comes from the Satsamudri Well situated on the to exam is now it is the purpose of this paper suggest that compound of the Museum, and in ples of Vaishnava figurai sculpture and cult imagery housed theMuseum. Though fragmentary, enough as as statue to cen may be dated early the second century before remains of this important identify the is a as wears Christ. Also presented here description of the tral crowned image (Fig. 1). He to a a theological principles that gave rise the early necklace, garland of flowers, armlets, and brace an Vaishnava images, and attempt is made to dis lets.His high mukuta is decorated with overlapping as avatar tinguish between such concepts vy?ha and circles. Vasudeva is four-armed. The natural right rests by which Vaishnava theologians designated different hand is in abhaya mudr?; the raised right hand nuances on a mace. of the process of divine manifestation. This highly ornamented (The sculpture frag a in ment same study thus touches upon major theme the history of the mace, although of the buff sand out stone as of , the formation of the cult of Visnu the other three fragments comprising this distinct is not of three schools of religious thinking. sculpture, joined correctly with the other its own is developed theological doc parts.) Vasudeva's raised left hand broken; the trine to nature con an as a explain the of the Supreme. The natural left hand holds object identified conch ar note cept of vyuha (literally, "placing apart; orderly by R. C. Agrawala (see 2). One emanating to seen rangement") attempts outline the fundamental form is projecting from Vasudeva's right shoul nature as as a of the supreme God well the relation der (Fig. 2). This manifestation, wearing single a ship between God and his personal manifestations. earring, is shown holding wine cup in his left As numinous is arm Power, God identified with the all hand; his right should have been raised in front pervading Brahman. However, this Power makes of the existing serpent-hood canopy. Two other in a emana em itself manifest series of four successive forms originally projected from Vasudeva. One are to arm tions (caturvy?ha1) that both identical the anated from his crown; the head and right of numen at same are cause are now a and, the time, the for the the form broken. The fragment of shawl creation In over A of the phenomenal world. this way, the remains draped the left shoulder. fourth fig a vyuha doctrine affirms causal relation between the ure, completely lost, should have emanated from numinous and the phenomenal, without assigning Vasudeva's left side; this may be inferred from the limitations or A conditioned by time, change, form, break above the god's left shoulder.3 Gupta-period is creator to sort will upon the Supreme who the of all textual reference this of emanating type, in these delimitations. In this or system, V?sudeva, liter the Visnudharmottara-Pur?na, assigns the right ally, "the indwelling deity," is the first emanation southern side to the emanation known as Samkar and the fountainhead of the successive sana called or emanations, (also Baladeva Balar?ma4), represented

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This content downloaded from 146.95.253.17 on Fri, 31 May 2013 04:45:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions in It a cm the Museum 1956. is colossal (167 high and cm 58 wide) buff-colored sandstone image sculpted on an four sides. Each sculpture appears above un decorated plinth approximately 46 cm in height. Perhaps the plinth of this upright was placed into the ground, leaving the carved sides exposed for the purpose of circumambulation and adoration.7 On one a seems side stands corpulent figure who to more be important than the others because he wears a crown and heavy earrings (Fig. 4). The fig ure raises the right arm, adorned with several brace lets; the hand is in abhaya mudra, emblematic of divinity. The left arm, also decked with bracelets, a a is posed in somewhat relaxed manner; decorated jar is held in that hand. The deity wears additional ornamentation in the form of a broad, flat necklace with a central An large amulet. upper garment (ut tariya) is draped over the shoulders. The drapery folds of the dhoti fall in the center and indications of the cloth are still visible on the thighs. The dhoti is held by a girdle fitting tightly around the loins and accentuating thus the lower portion of the abdomen. On the reverse side appears another full standing figure which may be sharply distinguished from the one on the obverse (Fig. 5). The personage wears crown no and, except for a bracelet on his left wrist, the body is starkly devoid of ornamentation. Nev ertheless, there are some features. The i. Museum no. noteworthy Fig. Caturvyuha (Mathura 392-395). Government hair is in the middle and falls in Photograph, Museum, Mathura. figure's parted strands onto either side of the shoulders. Both hands as a are broken was in his theriomorphic form lion.5 In the Kushan but probably the right raised in is a sculpture Samkarshana represented anthropomor abhayamudra while the leftmay have held flask not a is too to phically. The identification is problematic; (the object effaced be properly identified). are snake canopy, wine cup, and single earring char acteristics regularly associated with Kushan-period icons of this god.6 Rather puzzling, however, is the a clear and direct visual expression of complex theo a logical notion; this clarity of expression implies prior phase of artistic experimentation and concep a tual familiarity wherefrom meaningful synthesis of religious, iconographie, and stylistic idioms could result. It is therefore of considerable interest that a - fourfold image in the State Museum, Lucknow, rep resents a formative, pre-Kushan portrayal of the caturvyuha concept (see Figs. 3-7).

The piece in question comes from Bh?t? (District Allahabad inUttar and was 2. Vishnu Doris Srinivasan. Pradesh), acquired by Fig. Caturvyuha. Photograph, 40

This content downloaded from 146.95.253.17 on Fri, 31 May 2013 04:45:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions a The figure is bulkier than the crowned one, and the ure, is allotted to the frontal image of seated lion. even more over the to the left side of the crowned a belly protrudes constricting Adjacent figure, oc waistband. similar alignment exists. Another damaged face curs traces Adjacent to the right side of the crowned figure in the upper portion; only of the ears, a occurs, at the level of the crowned face, another earrings, and heavy V-shaped necklace remain9 are an face; it is completely damaged8 (Fig. 6). There (Fig. 7). The lower portion also contains animal. no the entire lower is a other corporeal details. However, The profile view that of boar standingwith hind to on a portion of this side, corresponding roughly the legs high pedestal. The animal raiseshis head in region between the hips and feet of the crowned fig the direction of the crowned figure and his paws come in a namas together gesture approximating

Pradyumna k?ra. as K?pila/Raudra The second-century-B.c. date that N. P. Joshi WEST to seems to most signs this piece be the reasonable.10 The well with other colossal image compares Sunga Samkarsana from north central India. Indeed, when Var?ha period figures Simha/N?rasimha to a compared series of colossal yaksas, the dating of EAST the piece may be further refined. For example, the two of the Bhita icon in the Vasudeva standing figures show, of masses, a advancement over the Saumya modeling slight static, bilateral Sunga from Pratapgarh (Dis trict Uttar The stiff Fig. 3. Vaishnava Caturvyuha, from Bhita, disposition of Pratapgarh, Pradesh). posture no. Yaksha its blockish con vyuhas (State Museum, Lucknow, 56.394). of the Pratapgarh (Fig. 8),

Western of no. 6. Southern side of no. Northern side of no. Re. 4. Eastern side of 56.394. Fig. 5. side 56.394. Fig. 56.394. Fig. 7. 56.394. State Lucknow. Photograph, Museum,

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This content downloaded from 146.95.253.17 on Fri, 31 May 2013 04:45:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The Bhita figures are likely to be earlier than the Vidisa Yaksha and probably later than the Pratap none can garh Yaksha. Even though of these works a be given narrowly precise date, it may be sug gested that the Bhita icon belongs to the first half to sec of the second century b.c., and possibly the ond quarter ofthat century. Perhaps the stylistic affinities between the Bhita to con image and the yaksha model caused Joshi as a sider the Bhita colossus fourfold yaksha image. Joshi observes, however, that certain iconographie

8. Yaksha. h. w. m. Fig. Pratapgarh 1.150 m, 0.440 Allahbad Museum, AM 1. Photograph, American Institute of Indian Studies, Varanasi.

more tour, and abruptly protruding abdomen relate to in closely the pre-Sunga Parkham Yaksha the Mathura Museum (Fig. 9) than to the Bhita fig ures.11 Likewise the faces of the Bhita figures? especially the crowned head?are slimmer than the or Parkham Yaksha the Noh Yaksha of approxi same mately the age12 (Fig. 10). Further, the Bhita to a standing figures, though affixed central core, exhibit a greater sense of roundness than the afore mentioned free-standing . On the other hand, the Bhita figures anticipate the stylistic developments found in theVidiS? Yaksha of the second half of the

second century B.c.13 (Fig. 11). The Vidisa Yaksha more subtle skin a relax displays tonalities, greater a more ation and naturalism in hand and Yaksha. H. 2.6 m. Mathura Museum gestures, Fig. 9. Parkham of masses. C-i. Government Mathura. convincing and unified flow corporeal Photograph, Museum,

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This content downloaded from 146.95.253.17 on Fri, 31 May 2013 04:45:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions are peculiarities indicative of ?aivite and Vaisnavite on tendencies. The figure the reverse, unadorned and with loosely falling hair, may, he suggests, have some on connection with &va. And the figure the two obverse, together with the lateral images, may illustrate "some earlier practice of depicting Vishnu with his boar and lion forms. . . ."14 to It is possible develop these interesting sugges tions further. In this paper it is proposed that the as crowned image be identified the first vyuha, Va to sudeva; that the head and seated lion panel the right of Vasudeva, combining anthropomorphic and as theriomorphic elements, be identified Samkar reverse shana,15 the second vyuha; and that the full figure, together with the head and boar panel, be identified as the third and fourth emanations, re spectively, of the fourfold division of the supreme Godhead.16 Seen as such, the emanations are dis in a manner to tributed and represented akin both the Mathura Museum Caturvyuha (see Fig. 1) in a that each emanation has human face. They also

Fig. il. Vidisa Yaksha. Photograph, Frederick M. Asher.

more are related to later textual prescriptions of the come developed icons of Vishnu Caturvyuha that to be called Vaikuntha (literally, "the keen, the pen etrating irresistible") and Vishnu Caturm?rti. The name to Vaikuntha, according the textual evidence, should be reserved for those four-faced Vishnu im or ages where the god, either alone with his consort, rides on Garuda. When Garuda is absent, as for ex ample in the Kashmiri type to be discussed below, the designation Caturmurti (four-faced image) is is appropriate.17 The designation Caturvyuha ap to icons omit plied those that also Garuda and the consort and that focus on the theme of divine em a anation by depicting fourfold Vaishnava image. To demonstrate the close correspondence between the Bhita image and the Vaishnava textual sources, Fig. ?o. Noh Yaksha. Photograph, Frederick M. Asher. it is instructive to quote the aforementioned Vish

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This content downloaded from 146.95.253.17 on Fri, 31 May 2013 04:45:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions are in same as These (given the order the above seems names): east, south, west, and north. Banerjea to or have erred in identifying the left northern as western (boar) face that of and the one or or as (kapila raudra, the terrific fierce) that of Aniruddha.23

A comparison between Vishnu Vaikuntha and Caturmurti icons and the fourfold Sunga image from Bhita shows many iconographie parallels.24 Vaikuntha and Caturmurti icons from of

fer the closest reflections of the textual descriptions, seem to a and have enjoyed special popularity dur A ing the early medieval period. ninth-century-A.D. fragmentary Vishnu Caturmurti in the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay, illustrates the classic Kash 12. Vishnu Caturmurti. h. 61 cm. Obverse. a Fig. Photograph, miri type25 (Fig. 12). The central figure has human Prince ofWales Museum ofWestern India. an crown. face wearing elaborate triple-crested The 13. Vishnu Caturmurti. h. 61 cm. Reverse. Fig. Photograph, is ornamented with a necklace, the Prince of Wales Museum of Western India. body earrings, Srivatsa on yajnopav?ta, and the mark the chest. To the right projects the face of a lion; to the left that a reverse nudharmottara passage in full: "Vishnu, the god of of boar. On the appears the fierce-looking as on gods, should be represented seated Garuda, face called Kapila26 (Fig. 13). This face, devoid of a wearing celestial yellow garment, with Kaustubha ornamentation, sports only simple circular earrings sorts orna a around hair isworn brightening his bosom and with all of and plain chain the neck. The ments. a as His complexion would be like that of jat?mukuta, that is, twisted and gathered upon water. on cloud, laden with He has four faces and eight the head, with loosely falling locks cascading arms. eastern The face is called Saumya [i.e., placid], either side of the shoulders. Clearly each of the four western m?rtis the southern N?rasimha [man-lion]..., the of this image displays iconographie traits that K?pila18 [the fierce face], and the northern Var?ha correlate with those of the Bhita image.27 It is only . . ."19 This of icon is in of in elim [the boar face]. type called the placement the forms, especially the same Vaikuntha Vishnu in another chapter of the ination of the rectangular dispositioning, that the occurs. text.20 The iconography of the Vaikuntha image is major iconographie innovation a seen in corroborated in the Jay?khya Samhit?, P?ncar?tra The placement of forms the Kashmiri text also dated to the Gupta period that describes Vishnu Caturmurti may stem from a type devel as the four-armed Vaikuntha type follows: "The oped in the Mathura school during the Gupta pe creator to a Lord, of the universe, is be meditated riod. Gupta images from Mathura show certain as upon having four faces?Vaikuntha [Vasudeva?], flexibility regarding the position of the animal heads. a Narasimha, Varaha, and Kapila?and four hands A small statuette of standing Vishnu (Fig. 14) in holding the conch-shell, the disc, the club, and the the Mathura Museum, coming from the village of lotus . . .mounted on Garuda. . . ."21 The Vish Khammi (six miles from Mathura city) may be names to as an is nudharmottara also assigns the following cited example. The front visage human; the the four faces of Vishnu: Vasudeva, Samkarshana, side faces are those of a lion and a boar. There is are names no arms are Pradyumna, and Aniruddha.22 These the fourth face.28 Two of Vishnu's four to two a mace of deified heroes belonging the Vrsni clan, prom broken; the remaining hold wheel and in at on a inent the Mathura region the beginning of the placed, respectively, the heads of cakrapurusa era. In in In Christian combining the information Vish and gadadev?.29 this icon, however, the lion and are to nudharmottara m.44, m.78, and m.79, it is possible boar positions reversed, being the left and to more determine the directions prescribed for the faces. right, respectively, of the central figure.30 The

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This content downloaded from 146.95.253.17 on Fri, 31 May 2013 04:45:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions to cen Badoh and dates approximately the eighth tury a.D. It cannot be called a Vaikuntha Vishnu, nor is it like the Kashmiri Caturmurti discussed seems to a above; it represent development related to both the Vaikuntha and avatara themes. Although the aforesaid Vaikuntha and Vishnu numerous Caturmurti icons display iconographie not area re variations, they do disagree in the of are ligious thought. They all expressions of the vyuha case doctrine, and in each the four configurations represent emanations of God.34 The vyuha doctrine as emphasizes the distinction between God supernal power and the concretized emanations proceeding from that power. In postulating the fourfold per sonal emanations of the One, the doctrine insists that God makes himself known in the universe through a process of emission. The assumption is that the eternal, all-encompassing One has the potentiality to bring forth from out of himself that which he In a encompasses. realizing this potentiality, chain of emanations is emitted from God. The first four are to cause of these, the vyuhas, emitted creation of the phenomenal world and give form to the

Vishnu with lion and boar heads. H. cm. Fig. 14. 29 Government Mathura. Photograph, Museum,

on conventional arrangement, with the lion the occurs in right, etc., equally well Gupta Mathura images.31 There is an interesting Vishnu-Caturmukha in the Gwalior Museum that reflects vestiges of the ico One side shows nography considered in this paper.32 a four-armed, well-ornamented Vishnu seated on wears a vana Garuda (Fig. 15). Vishnu mukuta, are m?l?, and yajnopavita. Although the attributes is to that considerably mutilated, it possible discern a sword was held in the upper right hand and a disc in the upper left hand. As such, the image has simi larity with several Vaikuntha images discussed by is on Ga Desai;33 indeed, in that the god mounted to ruda, the image adheres the prescribed mode of portraying Vaikuntha in the Jayakhya Samhita and the Vishnudharmottara. On the three other sides, are continuing counterclockwise, representations of Trivikrama, Narasimha, and Varaha; a lotus con

is carved on The icon, Vishnu Vaikuntha. figuration top (Figs. 16-19). Fig. 15. Caturmukha. Photograph, comes Gwalior Museum. measuring 77% cmX45 cmX45 cm, from

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This content downloaded from 146.95.253.17 on Fri, 31 May 2013 04:45:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 16. Vishnu Caturmukha. Trivikrama. Vishnu Caturmukha. Narasimha. Fig. Photograph, Fig. 17. Photograph, Gwalior Museum. Gwalior Museum.

18. Vishnu Caturmukha. Varaha. Gwalior Vishnu Caturmukha. Lotus Fig. Photograph, Fig. 19. top. Photograph, Museum. Gwalior Museum.

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This content downloaded from 146.95.253.17 on Fri, 31 May 2013 04:45:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions source of creation in to otherwise formless order stand nearly identical yakshas holding their hands man of in are to two provide with objects devotion.35 anjali mudra. They similar the yak arise is on outer The process by which the vyuhas clearly shas the Bharhut railing pillar. From Raj in two comes a represented types of early Vaishnava images. ghata threefold Yaksha image that shares are two inwhich a Basically there ways the emanative noteworthy feature with the Bhita upright. The is an process is indicated. The first represented by the plain, square base supports upper portion that is icon dated to the Kushan carved with on all On Mathura Caturvyuha pe figures sides. the Rajghata i In one riod (see Figs, and 2). this icon, the vyuhas upright, yaksha, perhaps the main one, straddles axis in a quite literally spring from the fountainhead, that is, the squatting posture (Fig. 20). The other seems to two re from the central figure of Vasudeva. This squatting yakshas (Figs. 21, 22) span the manner two corners in a have been the prevalent of depicting the maining such way that they occupy emanative it can rest process during the Kushan period; the of the space. The Rajghata threefold Yaksha on in in be noticed several other Kushan pieces the image (no. 97 the Bharat Kala Bhavan) is like wise to to ex Mathura Museum.36 Although the process of emis be dated the Sunga period.42 These in nos. sion is forcefully indicated 392-395, lost is amples show that there existed in north central India, one en the notion of successive emanations (that is, during the second century b.c., the practice of de two or on tity arising directly and only from the preceding picting three addorsed figures the sides is an it seems entity). This notion, however, well symbolized of upright; thus altogether artistically in manner of all an the second representation. This schema appropriate that the sides of upright should a to a as allows for quadrilateral disposition of forms such have been chosen depict notion such the that V is to 'b' (Vasudeva) adjacent (Samkarshana, caturvyuha. is to to the vyuha emitted by V), which adjacent V The second factor influence the disposition of etc. on a one. (the vyuha emitted by 'b'), Interestingly, this figures the Bhita image is religious The can disposition of forms follow the pradaksina patha vuyuha doctrine postulates the fourfold form of the re orientation.37 The classic Kashmiri Caturmurtis supreme God where every vyuha, being God, is even are reflect this orientation though the forms identical with Him.43 This identity is well symbol not on as disposed adjacent rectangular panels. The ized by the disposition, each of the four vyuhas in Gwalior Caturmukha exhibits the quadrilateral dis face each of the four cardinal directions. Indeed case are not position although in this all the vyuhas the notion of extending into the four quarters is represented. Actually the clearest depiction of the associated with the verb vy/?h (the verb from which noun second mode is found in the Bhita image (see Fig. 3). the vyuha is derived) in the vocabulary of the to Two factors contribute the disposition of forms Vedic ritualists.44 Further, the vyuha doctrine main in or a on nature the Bhita image. The first is purely formal tains strictly monotheistic view the of functional. By the second century b.c., it had be God; accordingly the four emanations together rep come common to carve on resent practice figures the sides cosmic completeness. From the time of the of an Bharhut offers A in upright. several examples. Rig Veda, the idea of Taring the four directions' as is connotative cornered pillar, described by Cunningham part of spacial and cosmic totality; outer as of the railing of the st?pa, has "a single human in Rig Veda 5.48.5 is four-faced because the god, on two outer . . on figure each of the faces. ."38 The flaming fire, extends into all the directions earth orna com figures, dressed in dhoti and turban and well and possibly beyond.45 The idea of cosmic mented, stand with hands in a?jali mudra.39 On the pleteness expressed by the vyuhas is well translated corner at stone pillar of the North Gate Bharhut, three of into by the disposition of the fourfold Bhita a a the sides contain figures of yakshas and yaksi.40 figures. In sum, the Bhita image is felicitous result come Important examples also from other sites. The of prevailing sculptural practices and accepted reli a are to Allahabad Museum contains late second-century gious symbolism. These used convey the be B.c. corner am a post (no. 68) of railing from Nagod lief that the essential Oneness of the Supreme may to (SatnaDistrict, Madhya Pradesh) which relates be realized through contemplation of the quadruple On two outer this iconographie theme.41 adjoining sides forms emitted by Him.46

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This content downloaded from 146.95.253.17 on Fri, 31 May 2013 04:45:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 20. 21. 22. Fig. Fig. Fig. Bharat Kala Bhavan. Rajghata Threefold Yaksha Image. Photographs,

as a are The identification of the Bhita image Catur forms called his murtis,50 the first being that of cannot the Soul and Creator who vyuha icon be finally accepted, however, Vasudeva, Supreme orig can to conditioned forms: unless it be shown that the vyuha theory, inates the chain of successive core notion of cosmic from Vasudeva gether with its emanation, springs Samkarshana, representing were from Samkarshana comes known in certain circles during the Sunga pe the living soul; Pradyum and from comes Anirud riod. Before discussing that point, it should be noted na, the mind; Pradyumna outset a at the that full flowering of the vyuha doc dha, self-consciousness.51 a Panca It is and of closer scru trine is development characteristic of the highly significant worthy texts ca. A.D. 600 statement of the doctrine ratra system, whose (beginning tiny that this early vyuha of this ismade in connection with the 800) give clear descriptions doctrine.47 Supreme Narayana. However, the first statement of the basic doctrine To state it another way, in defining the personal it is doctrine is in occurs prior to the Pancaratra texts; already aspect of Narayana, the expounded one out found in a section of the ?anti Parvan of the Mah? connection with but of three possible divin in a of to rise to bh?rata called the N?r?yaniya (xn.321-338).48 The ities that merge, series stages, give enounces tenets Hindu Vishnu. a com Narayaniya the basic of the vyuha the syncretic god, Although the doctrine in connection with the epiphany of the Su prehensive, philological analysis tracing merger strains in sectarian preme Narayana; the divine manifestation is granted of the three major forming God on is the charac to the Sage N?rada the White Island (&veta Vaishnavism greatly needed, general a vision of his universal ter of these strains is well as dv?pa). Narayana grants recognized.52 Vishnu, as self to because the latter, a true bhakta, known from the onward, is the amalgama iswith all his heart devoted solely to the Lord.49 tion of myths, philosophic notions, and religious his doctrines associated with Vedic Vasudeva The supernal Narayana reveals personal aspect, Vishnu, an which he declares to be of quadruple form. These K?sna of the Bh?gavata school,53 and Narayana, 48

This content downloaded from 146.95.253.17 on Fri, 31 May 2013 04:45:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions in That to contain important cosmic god the Br?hmanas and ?ran is, the creator, believed all forms in causes yakas, who continues in the and Pu side his belly, creation when he 'gives birth' ranas as a in to notion to supreme god, especially connection forms.58 This continues be associated in ex with creation.54 Of importance for the present study with Narayana parts of the Mahabharata. For is in in in. that the Narayaniya account, the vyuha doc ample, Mahabharata 186.90-117, M?rkandeya nature one of cosmic sees trine defines the essential of the god of goes into the mouth the god and the ac universe his Vaishnavite strain (Narayana), but associates the whole inside body. There is additional names indication that the idea of cosmic emanation is con tual vyuhas with the of four deities belonging to strain xm.6.2 another Vaishnavite (the Bhagavata school). nected with Narayana. Satapatha Brahmana It as if account that is the thus appears the Narayaniya brings suggests Purusha-Narayana author of the two in an state commen strains together promulgating early Purusas?kta (Rig Veda 10.90). The Vedic ment a as au of the fundamental doctrine.55 This remark tary tradition also considers Rsi Narayana statement in Veda For able feature of the the Narayaniya dic thor of Rig 10.90.59 the present study, this tates we to the method by which may attempt attribution has particular significance. The Purusha answer In to the question posed above. order de sukta postulates that the whole universe takes shape as out termine whether aspects of the vyuha doctrine were Purusha emits materiality from of himself.60 in in already existence the second century b.c., it is Therefore the Satapatha Brahmana passage implies to see necessary whether aspects of the doctrine may that the concept of cosmic emanation originates from to two be traced back the Vaishnavite strains that Purusha-Narayana. The implications of these ideas come in we are not in together the Narayaniya. And this pro lost the later discussions of the vyuha to next. pose do theory contained in the Pancaratra texts. The Ahi a for in con Narayana, divine being of rather early Vedic budhnya Samhita, example, chapter 59, is in some nects occurrence, way connected with the pri the Purushasukta with the origin of the vyuha Waters Manu comes to meval (Laws of i, 10). He theory.61 be identified with the Upanisadic Brahman (Tait To summarize, the evidence from Vedic and post Laws of Manu tir?ya ?ranyaka x.ii; i, 9, 10). Pas Vedic literature shows that the idea of creation by in non sages the Satapatha Br?hmana (xii.3.4.1 if and emanation?the sine qua of the vyuha doctrine62 to xm.6.1.2) enable better apprehension of the devel ?relates consistently the Narayana strain within to opments leading up Narayana's becoming the Vaishnavism. In name On names Supreme Principle. this text, his is hyphen the other hand, however, the of the come ated with that of Purusa, the Cosmic Male of the vyuhas in the Narayaniya account do not from ancient Vedic the names tradition.56 Accordingly, Satapatha Vedic tradition.63 The of Vasudeva, Sam Brahmana states are names xii.3.4 that Purusha-Narayana, hav karshana, Pradyumna, and Aniruddha the thrice offered sent of in ing sacrifice, forth from that place important hero-gods the Bhagavata tradition. the and Vasus, Rudras, Adityas. When Praj?pati told The Bhagavata religion, in contradistinction to the him to sacrifice then again, Purusha-Narayana placed Vedic religion, emphasizes bhakti: intense personal himself in all the and vital to a wor worlds, gods, , airs, devotion godhead (called Bhagavat, the and were in him This manner they placed (xii.3.4.11). pas shipful One). The of worship differs from indicates that is a the sage Purusha-Narayana generative Vedic sacrificial rites. Bhagavat may be repre force. In himself into and in a placing apprehensible forms, sented worshiped concretized form (murti), he as it them. That these in a is, were, creating created sheltered sanctuary. He may also be represented forms are also in him is a of as a or or 'placed' way concep aniconically, plant symbol, theriomor a felt to exist wor tualizing correspondence between the phically, and in these forms likewise receive creative force and the forms he creates. sort This of ship. As part of the intense devotionalism to the out of a Vedic school or conceptualization grows of personal god, dramas religious performances may that considers creation to occur a take to recount thought by process place his glories and experience his of is emission.57 The idea that cosmic creation may presence. be viewed as an of human analogue parturition. The gods of the Bhagavata religion may have

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This content downloaded from 146.95.253.17 on Fri, 31 May 2013 04:45:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions came in time to an been human heroes who be deified. and also he knew of expanded Bhagavata is at This development discernible when information cult containing elements already considered old now in from the Mora Well inscription the Ma the time of Patanjali.72 to in thura Museum, dating the early decades of the Evidence support of developments noted in the is with comes a Christian era,64 taken together information Mahabhashya from series of coins issued by Puranas. ca. gleaned from the Brahm?nda and V?yu the Indo-Greek king Agathocles (reigning 180 to a stone two on The Mora Well inscription refers shrine 165 b.c.).73 The divinities the obverse and were reverse in which placed five images (archas) of the of this coin type have been associated with blessed (bhagavat) five heroes (pancaviras) of the Vasudeva-Krishna and Samkarshana.74 Each figure Purana states an clan.65 97.1-2 that these stands under umbrella (Figs. 23-24). Vasudeva were five heroes originally human and named Sam karshana, Vasudeva, Pradyumna, , and Ani are to ruddha. They all closely related each other, one or to being related in way another Vasudeva Krishna: Samkarshana () is the older brother are of Vasudeva-Krishna; Pradyumna and Samba his sons; and Aniruddha is his grandson, being the son of Pradyumna. Although the worship of Samba even declined, the worship of the remaining four contact tually brought them into with the vyuha a con notions. In tracing general overview of this to tact, it is useful determine the pre-Christian-era to trends pertaining three religious phenomena: (1) deification of the Vrishni heroes; (2) their associa tion with the god Narayana; and (3) the association of the vyuha notion of successive emanation with the four Vrishni hero-gods. Coin. Evidence for the deification of some of theVrishni Fig. 23. Agathocles Vasudeva. Photograph, Fran?aise en heroes exists from the time of P?nini (ca. 400 b.c.) D?l?gation Arch?ologique Afghanistan. onward. S?tra iv.3.98 in the Ast?dhy?yi has been as a to interpreted by several scholars reference the worship of Vasudeva.66 The Milindapa?ha includes a the Vasudeva cult in list of cults centering around folk deities;67 the core of this text may go back to in pre-Christian times although its present form it is several centuries later. Pata?jali's Mah?bh?sya (ca. b.c. to mid-second century the beginning of the on Christian era68) is very informative the growth on of the Vasudeva-Krishna cult. In commenting sutra states Panini's rv.3.98, Patanjali that Vasudeva name is the of Krishna, whose worshiper is called Vasudevaka;69 he also speaks of the existence of to temples dedicated Kesava (Vasudeva-Krishna), R?ma (Balarama), and Kuvera.70 References in the Mahabhashya to the binding of Bali, the killing of or by Krishna by Vasudeva, the narration

and of dramas Krishna's life Coin. Samkarshana. presentation depicting Fig. 24. Agathocles Photograph, as en and deeds71 show that Patanjali knew Vasudeva D?l?gation Arch?ologique Fran?aise Afghanistan.

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This content downloaded from 146.95.253.17 on Fri, 31 May 2013 04:45:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions a a vase b.c. - Krishna holds cakra and pear-shaped (ka second century second century A.D.) substan no mandalu); Samkarshana holds the plow75 (hala) in tiates this view. The Gita displays knowledge of a not his left hand and club (musala) in his right hand. the vyuha doctrine, though its teachings also do same are sec counter to It The attributes associated with another go it. ismy understanding that vyuha came ond-century-B.c representation of (Samkarshana-) notions stemming from the sphere of Narayana to as a Balarama, namely, the well-known Sunga sculpture be associated with the Bhagavata gods result in the State Museum, Lucknow.76 The Lucknow of the gradual merging tendencies within Vaishna as as vism Balarama, the Agathocles coins, well the fa itself.81 That these tendencies had already be mous at in can Heliodoros pillar inscription Besnagar77 (also gun the late pre-Christian period be deduced of the second century b.c.) corroborate the textual from the following passage in the Mahabhashya, evidence. It seems in in to very likely that the several which Patanjali probably alludes the vyuhas era on centuries before the Christian at least two of the in his commentary Panini vi.3.5.82 The passage Vrishni were tv heroes deified. Further, the advent of reads: jan?rdanas ?tmacaturtha eva?"Jan?rdhan, to is name devotionalism Bhagavata gods stimulated Bhaga whose self fourth." Jan?rdhana, another for vata and cult had es is as one icons, the become sufficiently Krishna, here cited member presumably of to attract a tablished Yavanas and/or people under group of four. It is likely that the reference is to the their rule. caturvyuha concept. Stone In tra The Ghos?ndi Inscription78 (near Nagari, conclusion, both the artistic and religious Chitorgadh District, ) of about the second ditions of the Sunga period allow for the possibility to a half of the first century b.c., testifies the associ of plastic expression of the caturvyuha concept. ation of two with the cosmic Some Bhagavata gods Vedic brief remarks concerning the political climate The records the erection be in order god Narayana. inscription may here. The Sungas (ca. 185-75 b.c.), a stone for as were of enclosure the purpose of worship is well known, brahmans and strong ad in for the Narayana compound the blessed (bha herents of Brahmanical traditions. Pusyamitra, the Samkarshana and Vasudeva. That founder of the to gava[d]bhy?m) dynasty, celebrated, according the of is, within the sacred precinct the god Narayana Ayodhy? inscription of Dhanadeva,83 two Vedic was set a sacred dedicated to two up object79 the Asvamedha sacrifices. Indeed this period witnessed The thus a a Vedic Bhagavata gods. inscription goes long variety of rites; the Mahabhashya mentions in the of the two as as soma way documenting gradual merger domestic sacrifices well large sacrifices Vaishnavite strains. The order in which the names such as the Agnistoma, R?jas?ya, and V?japeya. Not of the occur in the of ceremonies ones Bhagavata gods compound only Brahmanic but also Bhagavata the Ghosundi is In inscription also noteworthy. that gained prestige. To the aforementioned iconic, tex Samkarshana ismentioned before the and ac Vasudeva, ge tual, inscriptional indicators of Bhagavata order is and not meta in nealogical being given the tivity this period, additional evidence may be valid in stone physical order, the vyuha doctrine. The cited. Another pillar from the region of Bes same order occurs in an the N?n?gh?t (Maharashtra) nagar carries inscription, dated to the second cen of about the same a inscription period.80 tury B.c.,84 recording the setting up of Garuda These lend to earlier of the Purusottama ... a inscriptions may support my flagstaff Lord by worshiper observation that the doctrine from of Vishnu. in vyuha originates Apparently the political atmosphere outside of the Bhagavata tradition. Were it other north central India favored the marked artistic and then itwould seem to me that the to a wise, metaphysical religious readiness formulate caturvyuha icon. order should have been recorded, given the Bhaga The Bhita image, it is proposed, is the result of these vata religious climate of the first century b.c. The cultural currents. chief text of the Bhagavatas, the Bhagavad G?ta (ca.

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This content downloaded from 146.95.253.17 on Fri, 31 May 2013 04:45:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Notes

note. Editor's Transliterations from and other Indian lan and concludes that it represents "the earliest sculpture so far are in ... to . . guages given with complete diacritical marks the first usage. discovered render the form of Chaturm?rti ." (p. 3). a to as a Thereafter simplified form is used. I prefer label it caturvyuha image. She also identifies the was a in as Research for this paper supported by fellowship, 1977, boar panel symbolic of Aniruddha, and the Kapila figure as on from the American Institute of Indian Studies. that of Pradyumna, the basis of Vishnudharmottara 111.78.1 and in.79 (see below). 1. a term out In brief survey of the Vedic usages of the vyuha, 17. P. Pal points these distinctions in Bronzes of Kashmir . . Gonda concludes, ". the idea of vyuha implied an effective (New Delhi, 1975), p. 17. arrangement of the parts of a coherent whole. In this connection, 18. For the significance of this name, see note 62. . .. the number four appears to have been of cosmic significance." 19. 111.44.9-12. For the text, see Vishnudharmottara-Purana, 11 J. Gonda, Visnuism and Sivaism (London, 1970), p. 51. P. Shah (ed.), vol. 1, pp. 158-159. See vol. (Baroda, 1961), 2. a Kalpana S. Desai, Iconography of Visnu (New Delhi, 1973), p. 141, for translation. vv. p. 40. Cf. R. C. Agrawala, Four-Faced Siva and Four-Faced 20. Vishnudharmottara-Purana 111.85, especially 43-45. The Visnu at Mathura, Vishveshvar?nand Indological Journal, 111.1 text is in Shah (ed.), ibid., vol. 1, pp. 225-226; the translation is (1965): 107-110. in vol. 11, p. 163. It should be emphasized at this point that the at 3. Iwish to thank Professor J. Rosenfield for drawing my lion and boar faces are, in this icon, associated with the vyuha tention to the stylistic similarities between this Vishnu Caturvyuha and not the avatara theory. I would differ with K. S. Desai's no. and a Kushan Karttikeya (Mathura Museum 42.2949) in opinion in Vaikuntha Caturmurti, Journal of the Indian Society of era. n.s. 11 22 scribed in the eleventh year of the Kushan Professor Rosen Oriental Art, (1967-1968): ff., that iconographically the to an at field would date the Vishnu Caturvyuha the early third Vaikuntha Caturmurti "is attempt synthesizing, under the some century a.d. principal form of Vishnu, of his incarnations." 4. Baladeva or Balarama is known as the elder brother of 21. vi.73-76 of Jay?khyasamhit? of P?ncar?tra ?gama, E. Krish no. Krishna, who is the eighth avatar of Vishnu. namacharya (ed.), in Gaekwad's Oriental Series, 54 (Baroda, on 5. n?rasimham tu daksinam, 111.44, v. 11 in Vishnudharmottara 1967). The dating is discussed pages 26-34 of the Foreword. 22. see Purana, Priyabala Shah (ed.), Oriental Institute (Baroda, 1958), Vishnudharmottara, 111.47. vol. 1.The literal translation is: The southern [face] isNarasimha. 23. J. N. Banerjea, The Development ofHindu Iconography (Cal aman The emanation Samkarshana may be symbolized both by cutta, 1956), p. 409. a in. For recent of Vaikuntha Vishnu icons see the fol lion (narasimha) and by lion (Vishnudharmottara-Purana 24. surveys 22 R. C. 8545). lowing: K. S. Desai, Vaikuntha, pp. ff; Agrawala, nos. and Icons of Vaikuntha Visnu with 6. For example, Mathura Museum ci5 14.406.4; Unusual Asvamukha, Journal of Lucknow Museum no. 57.457. the Oriental Institute Baroda xxv (1976): 387-389; R. C. Agrawala, 7. The Gautama Dharma-S?tra, dated between the sixth and Nrsimha-Var?ha?Visnu Images and Some Allied Problems, La lit xvi V. S. A Rare of the the fourth centuries b.c., speaks of devotional circumambulation Kala (1974): 11-21; Pareh, Sculpture text P. Consort of the Oriental Institute Baroda xxv of a temple (9.66). On the dating of this cf. V. Kane, Vaikuntha, Journal of 1 and History of Dharmas?stras, vol. 11, pt. (Poona, 1941), p. xi, (1976): 390-392. M. A. Mehendale in The Vedic Age, R. C. Majumdar (gen. ed.) 25. Moti , Stone Sculpture in the Prince of Wales Mu seum a (London, 1957), p. 477. (Bombay, 1974), p. 29; pi. 85 and b. of In 26. On cf. She notes that the 8. N. P. Joshi, in Some Unnoticed Finds Iconographie Kapila, Desai, Vaikuntha, p. 24. nos. 1-2 as a woman terest, East and West (Rome), n.s. xxn, (1972): 42, sug later Silpas?stras prescribe the fourth face that of that instead of gests that the angular portion below the chin may indicate Kapila. Cf. also another Vishnu Caturmurti the face was originally bearded. 27. ninth-century from Kashmir in the Prince of Wales Museum see Moti 9. Joshi, ibid. (no. 73.5; 10. is to be no earlier Stone in the Prince Wales Joshi, ibid., 41. The piece considered Chandra, Sculpture of Museum, p. 30, Visnu 86 a and This like no. than the first century b.c. by Debala Mitra in her study pi. b). sculpture, 73.4, portrays the ob at in V. C. verse central human an ornamental crown Chaturm?rti Image in the R?i Temple Chamba figure wearing and was numerous the reverse fierce face Ohri, Arts of Himach al (Simla, 1975), p. 3. My attention decorations; features similar I and with An un drawn to this interesting paper by Dr. P. Pal, whom wish simple earrings, necklace, jat? cascading locks. to thank. usual feature in this icon is that both the lateral faces are that in of a lion. 11. V. S. Agrawala, A Catalogue of the Brahmanical Images 28. The can in as Mathura Art (Lucknow, 1951), pp. 75-77. Kapila face also be absent Kashmiri images, in the Vishnu bronze in the Museum f?r Indische 12. R. C. Agrawala, Yaksa Torso from Bharatpur Region, Kunst, Berlin, H. Zur einer Oriental Institute Journal (Baroda), xvn (1967): 64-65. discussed by H?rtel, Datierung alten Visnu-Bronze, 13. Pramod Chandra, Yaksha and Yakshi Images from Vidis?, Indologen-tagung (G?ttingen, i960), pp. 165-178; also in Indische Ars Orientalis vi (1966): 157 ff. Sculpturen I (Berlin, i960), pp. 73-74, plates 42-43. H?rtel dates of the to the seventh for a 14. Joshi, Some Unnoticed Finds Iconographie Interest, pp. piece century. Arguments sixth-century are 41-43. A.D. dating presented by Pal, Bronzes of Kashmir, pp. 64-65. a is 15. The Bharat Kala Bhavan has pre-Kushan fragment of The bronze also discussed by C. Sivaramamurti, Indian Bronzes to or Balarama (no. 279) with a couched lion on top of his plow. In (Bombay, 1962), who assigns it the fourth fifth century. D. Barrett Kala it is Mathura sculpture of the Kushan period, Balarama-Samkarshana (Lalit xi) says post-Gandharan. a a does not hold a conch as is in is associated with staff topped by sejant lion. Cf. Mathura 29. Vishnu mentioned both the Museum no. C19; Lucknow Museum no. 758. J. Ph. Vogel and V. S. Agrawala Mathura Museum catalogues. no. 16. Debala Mitra (Visnu Chaturm?rti Image in the Hari R?i 30. See also Mathura Museum 771. at For Mathura Museum no. Temple Chamba, pp. 1-12) briefly discusses this Bhita image, 31. example, 34.2525.4.

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This content downloaded from 146.95.253.17 on Fri, 31 May 2013 04:45:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions me 32. I wish to thank Dr. C. Sivaramamurti for informing Supreme Being. See Bhandarkar, Vaisnavism, Saivism, and Minor about this piece. Religious Systems, pp. 8-13; cf. Vishnu Purana 17.15. 33. K. S. Desai, Iconography of Visnu, pp. 42-43. 54. See Bhandarkar, Vaisnavism, Saivism, and Minor Religious 34. Cf. J. N. Banerjea, Mediaeval Visnu Images from Kashmir Systems, chap. vu. and Some Visnudharmottara Passages, Proceedings of the Indian 55. Bhandarkar (ibid., p. 32) emphasizes this point strongly in Historical Congress iv (Lahore, 1940): 61-64. stating, "The burden of the whole Narayaniya section seems to see 35. On the vyuha doctrine, R. G. Bhandarkar, Vaisnavism, be this identity between Narayana and Vasudeva." a Saivism and Minor Religious Systems, reprint (Varanasi, 1965), p. 56. For example, Satapatha Brahmana xii.3, 4; xm.6.1. For on 165; F. O. Schrader, Introduction to the P?ncar?tra and the Ahir bibliography important studies of the Rig Veda Purushasukta, see budhnya Samhit? (Madras, 1916), chap. 11;Gonda, Visnuism and D. Srinivasan, The Religious Significance of Multiple Bodily on Sivaism, pp. 49-62 and notes pp. 164-171. Parts to Denote the Divine: Findings from the Rig Veda, p. 171, 36. Mathura Museum nos. 382; F2; 47.3259; 44.3161 (which fn. 142. are may date to the late third to early fourth century A.D.). 57. Similar sets of correspondences already set up in hymns an 37. Cf. note 7. of the Atharva Veda. In these hymns, creation is emanative or own 38. A. Cunningham, The St?pa of Bharhut, reprint (Varanasi, process. The Creator emits emanates from his Being 1962), p. 13. the outer forms comprising materiality. See D. Srinivasan, The v. 39. Cunningham, ibid., pi. Religious Significance of Divine Multiple Body Parts in the are: 40. They Kuvera Yaksha, Candr? Yakshi, ?dyakala Yak Atharva Veda, Numen, 25.3 (1979), concerning the Skambha sha. See A. K. Coomaraswamy, La Sculpture de Bharhut (Paris, Hymns. 1956), p. 42, pi. VII. 58. See Srinivasan, The Religious Significance of Multiple 41. See P. Chandra, Stone Sculpture in the Allahabad Museum Bodily Parts to Denote the Divine: Findings from the Rig Veda, (Bombay, 197?), p. 59, pi. 32. pp. 143-147; and The Religious Significance of Divine Multiple 42. The significance of the piece is problematic. Because each Body Parts in the Atharva Veda. comes yaksha squats with uplifted arms, they may have originally sup 59. The attribution from S?yana's commentary on Rig a common not a ported object. That form may have been sculp Veda 10.90. nor tured component, for the upright contains neither socket 60. Srinivasan, The Religious Significance of Multiple Bodily on projection top. Parts to Denote the Divine: Findings from the Rig Veda, pp. 43. Gonda, Visnuism and Sivaism, p. 50, and see the references 171-172. cited in his fn. 216. Cf. J. Gonda, Die Religionen Indiens (Stutt 61. See Schrader, Introduction to the P?ncar?tra and the Ahir gart, i960), vol. 1, p. 275; Sanjukta Gupta, The Caturvyuha and budhnya Samhit?, p. 143. It is most interesting that, in the Sata the Vis?kha-y?pa in the P?ncar?tra, The Adyar Library Bulletin, patha Brahmana xm.6.1, Purusha-Narayana is associated with a 35, parts 3-4 (December 1971): 189-194. p?ncar?tra sacrifice. The passage declares that Purusha-Narayana 44. Gonda, Visnuism and Sivaism, pp. 50-51. perceived the p?ncar?tra sacrifice (a sacrifice lasting five days) to over 45. See D. Srinivasan, The Religious Significance of Multiple and performed it in order obtain supremacy everything a Bodily Parts to Denote the Divine: Findings from the Rig Veda, in the universe. For brief survey of the indebtedness of the xxix.2 see Asiatische Studien (1975): 162. caturvyuha notion to the Purushasukta, Gupta, The Catur 46. Gupta, The Caturvyuha and the Vis?kha-y?pa in the P?n vyuha and the Vis?kha-y?pa in the P?ncar?tra, pp. 194-196. name western car?tra, pp. 189 ff., discusses the formulation of the Visakha-yupa 62. One of the face of the Vishnu Vaikuntha concept in the P?ncar?tra system as an aid in meditation. The and Caturmurti icons affirms the integral nature of the emana to y upa (pillar) be visualized is that of the caturvyuhas; each tion theory in the vyuha doctrine. The face called Kapila prob one vyuha occupies side of the pillar. The Laksm? Tantra specifies ably is associated with the sage Kapila, reputed founder of the on that Vasudeva is to be visualized the eastern section; Sam Samkhya school of philosophy. Samkhya believes that the world karshana faces south; Pradyumna, west; and Aniruddha, north. came into being through the successive emanation of a chain of to A The central hiatus is considered be filled with his all-encom elements. See S. Dasgupta, History of Indian Philosophy, reprint passing, transcendental Self (Brahman). An earlier P?ncar?tra (Cambridge, 1951), vol. 1, chap, vu; G. J. Larson, Classical text, the Satvata Samhita, already has an allusion to the envi S?mkhya (Delhi, 1969), esp. chap. 11.The doctrine of emanation, as a on sioning of the four vyuhas in connection with the Visakha-yupa described in the Samkhya system, had profound influence con concept. Could the plastic representation of the caturvyuha cosmogonie theories developed in the Mahabharata and Puranas; cept in the pre-Christian period be related to the later meditative see P. Hacker, The S?nkhyization of the Emanation Doctrine a device, the Visakha-yupa? Shown in Critical Analysis of Texts, Wiener Zeitschrift f?r die v 47. Gonda, Die Religionen Indiens, vol. 1, pp. 247-284. Cf. O. Kunde S?d- und Ostasiens (1961): 75-112. to not to trace Schrader, Introduction P?ncar?tra, pp. 14-19. 63. The present study does attempt the origin of ca. or name 48. G. A. Grierson dates the Narayaniya to A.D. 200-400 Krishna worship, the association of the Krishna with not in The Narayaniya and the Bhagavatas, The Indian Antiquary 37 that of Vasudeva, and it does explore the fact that a sage (1908): 258. Cf. S. Chattopadhyaya, Evolution of Hindu Sects Krishna is mentioned in Vedic literature from the time of the (New Delhi, 1970), p. 55. Rig Veda to the time of the Chandogya Upanishad; see Bhan 49. Mahabharata xii.326.9. darkar, Vaisnavism, Saivism, and Minor Religious Systems, p. 11. 50. Mahabharata xii.321.8. Whether this is the Krishna who comes to be associated with not 51. See Mahabharata xn.326.31-41. Vasudeva is very clear. R. N. Dandekar, in Some Aspects of on 52. The three elements and their influence the development theHistory ofHinduism (Poona, 1967), p. 95, doubts it, discerning are of Vishnu well treated in J. Gonda, Die Religionen Indiens 1, three separate religio-ethical trends combining to produce Hindu pp. 236-254; Bhandarkar, Vaisnavism, Saivism, and Minor Re Krishna. see to ligious Systems, part 1, esp. pp. 1-46; cf. Chattopadhyaya, 64. The inscription dates the time of So?j?sa. On the rel Evolution of Hindu Sects, Section B. ative dating, and other inscriptions of Sodasa, see H. H?rtel, same 53. The school is designated around the Christian era as Some Results of the Excavations at Sonkh, in German Scholars S?tvata, after the clan that worshiped Vasudeva-Krishna as the in India (Bombay, 1976), vol. 2, p. 84; and D. C. Sircar, Select

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This content downloaded from 146.95.253.17 on Fri, 31 May 2013 04:45:05 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions on Indian and Civilization As is well the Inscriptions Bearing History (Calcutta, 77- known, inscription records the setting up of nos. a Garuda Heliodoros to 1965), 24-26B. pillar by honor Vasudeva, the god of See V. S. Mathura Museum iv Heliodoros of an 65. Agrawala, Catalogue (Vara gods. Taxila and ambassador from King Antial kidas to a nasi, 1963), pp. 130-132. King K?siputra Bh?gabhadra calls himself Bhagavata. 66. V. S. India asKnown to 2nd ed. Near to the Heliodoros has been an Agrawala, P?nini, (Benaras, pillar discovered approxi Die Indiens P. 1953), pp. 361 ff.; Gonda, Religionen 1, p. 237; V. mately third-century-B.c. Vishnu temple; see M. D. Khare, Dis Dharmas?stras vol. of a Visnu near Kane, History of (Poona, 1941), 11, part 11, pp. covery Temple the Heliodoros Pillar, Besnager, R. N. Ramakrishna as an 705-740; Dandekar, Gopal Bhandarkar District of Vidisha (M.P.), Lalit Kala xm (1967): 21 ff. cf. on Indologist (Poona, 1976), p. 27, p. 29. 78. Sircar, Select Inscriptions Bearing Indian History and Civ 67. See V. S. Agrawala, Ancient Indian Folk Cults (Varanasi, ilization, pp. 90-91. 10. K. P. in The 1970), p. 79. Jayaswal, Ghosundi Stone Inscription, Epi 68. Mid-second B.c. is the date ascribed to xvi was a century generally graphia Indica, (1921): 25 ff., suggests that it railing of Patanjali's Mahabhashya. The date of this text has recently been slabs of stone. studied S. D. and A. F. s 80. on by Joshi J. Roodbergen, Patanjali Sircar, Select Inscriptions Bearing Indian History and Civ see Introduction. It is no. 1 a Vy?karana-Mah?bh?sya (Poona, 1976); sug ilization, pp. 192 ff. The inscription, in large cave, is that be dated to the first A.D. of the S?tav?hana to gested Patanjali may century (p. queen N?ganik?. It attests the spread of the cult xxix). Bhagavata further south. The progress of Bhagavatism India as Known to Cf. H. southward into 69. Agrawala, P?nini, p. 360. Ray Andhra Pradesh is witnessed by the second Materials the the chaudhuri, for Study of Early History of the Vaish century-A.D. Chinna inscription of Yajna-S?takarni (D. C. Sir nava 2nd rev. ed. R. Sect, (Calcutta, 1936), pp. 23-24; G. Bhan car, Studies in the Religious Life of Ancient and Medieval India Allusions to Krishna in The and the darkar, Patanjali's Mahabhashya, [Delhi, 1971], p. 21), late third-early-fourth-century Indian m 16. A.D. Antiquary (Jan. 1874): Kondamotu sculptured panel depicting the Pancaviras on 70. Mahabhashya, 1.436. either side of Vishnu's avatar, Narasimha (see Md. Abdul Wa Allusions to Krishna in 71. Bhandarkar, Patanjali's Maha heed Khan, An Early Sculpture of Narasimha, Andhra Pradesh cf. Materials the Government no. 16 bhashya, pp. 14-16; Raychaudhuri, for Study of Archaeological Series, [Hyderabad, 1964]). the the Vaishnava and 81. The Early History of Sect, pp. 37 105. Mahabharata illustrates these tendencies. For example, 16. 72. Bhandarkar, ibid., p. ?ranyaka Parvan, chap. 12, identifies (Vasudeva-)Krishna with The are of a in room 20 73. coins part "treasure" found of the Narayana. In chaps. 65 and 66 of the Bh?sma Parvan, Vishnu as administrative at the site of on quarters Ai-Khanum, the borders the Supreme Spirit is addressed as Narayana and identified with of the Soviet Union and see A. K. Afghanistan; Narain, The Vasudeva-Krishna. The Mah?n?r?yana Upanisad, in a modifi Two Hindu Divinities on the Coins of Agathocles from Ai cation of the Gayatr? mantra, identifies (in 111.78) Narayana with Khanum, Journal of the Numismatic Society of India, 35 (1973): Vasudeva and Vishnu. This work, of uncertain date, may go as as 73-77 back far the third century b.c. according to Gonda, Vis 74. A. K. Narain, ibid.; J. Filliozat, Repr?sentations de Vasu nuism and Sivaism, p. 42. et en IIe si?cle avant Arts xxvi 82. Samkarsana, J.C., Asiatiques See also Raychaudhuri, Materials for the Study of the Early (1973): 113-123. History of the Vaishnava Sect, p. 98, fn. 1; Sircar, Studies in the name mean 75. The Samkarshana may 'the plowing one'; Religious Life of Ancient and Medieval India, pp. 32-33 ;Dandekar, he is identified with Balarama or called as an Baladeva, Halayudha, Ramakrishna Gopal Bhandarkar Indologist, p. 33. 'the one who has a for his Visnuism and on plow weapon.' Gonda, 83. See Sircar, Select Inscriptions Bearing Indian History and Sivaism, p. 52. Civilization, pp. 94-95. The comes from of 76. piece (no. G215) Jansuti, District 84. J. Agrawal, Vidisha Stone Pillar Inscription of the Reign See N. P. the Mathura. Joshi, Catalogue of Brahmanical Sculptures of Maharaja Bhagavata, Dated Regnal Year 12, Vishveshvar?nand 1 1 in the State Museum of Lucknow, part (Lucknow, 1972), p. 90, Indological Journal in, part (1965): 99-100. % 13.

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