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November, 2019 INSIDE SADC Newsletter
COMOROS Inside Moroni SADC SADC SECRETARIAT MONTHLY NEWSLETTER ISSUE 11, NOVEMBER 2019 PAGE 5 PAGE 6 PAGE 7 AUC & SADC COMMITTED TO COOPERATION CALLS FOR UNITED FRONT FOR REGIONAL HEALTH SEXUAL VIOLENCE HAS NO PLACE IN SOCIETY H.E Geingob & Hon. Jugnauth win elections President of the Republic of Namibia, H.E Dr. Hage G. Geingob (left) and Prime Minister of the Republic of Mauritius, Right Honourable Pravind Jugnauth Stories on page 3 - 5 16 DDays of Activism Against Gender-BasedGen Violence 25 November to 10 December Inside Condolences on the passing on SADC of H.E. Robert Gabriel Mugabe ABOUT SADC. VISION. MISSION.(Former PresidentVALUES of Zimbabwe) HISTORY The Southern African Development Coordinating Conference (SADCC) was formed to advance the cause of national political liberation in Southern Africa, and to reduce dependence particularly on the then apartheid era South Africa; through effective coordination of utilisation of the specific characteristics and strengths of each country and its resources. SADCC objectives went beyond just dependence reduction to embrace basic development and regional integration. SADC Member States are; Angola, Botswana, Union of Comoros, DR Congo, Eswatini, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Seychelles, South Africa, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. SADC SECRETARIAT VISION TREATY SADCC, established on 1 April 1980 was the precursor of the Southern African A reputable, efficient and responsive Development Community (SADC). The SADCC was transformed into the SADC on 17 enabler of regional integration and August 1992 in Windhoek, Namibia where the SADC Treaty was adopted, redefining the sustainable development. basis of cooperation among Member States from a loose association into a legally binding arrangement. -
23 July 2021
Namibia University of Science and Technology An award-winning university NUST_Namibia @NUST_Namibia @official.nust.na www.nust.na NUST BRIEF Official weekly newsletter of NUST 23 July 2021 The 164-million dollar High-Tech Transfer PlazaHTTPS Select (HTTPS), in collaboration with MTC, is was officially here! inaugurated by the Vice-President of Namibia, HE Dr Nangolo Mbumba. The HTTPS is an inviting space where generation of new knowledge, technology transfer and inventions will contribute to the socio-economic development of Namibia. 51-million-dollar NUTST-MTC partnership Through a 51-million-dollar partnership, NUST and MTC have undertaken thirteen research projects under an existing 5-year Memorandum of Understanding. The majority of these multidisciplinary projects are in collaboration with the Faculties of Computing and Informatics; Health and Applied Sciences; and Engineering. “MTC has agreed to invest into continuous research and innovation in order to participate in developing fit for future technology solutions. Most notable, is this smart partnership with NUST, which has seen the start of a roadmap towards a new multidisciplinary technology culture and interactive curricula accelerating innovation and helping deliver solutions to pressing social challenges in Namibia,” Managing Director of MTC, Dr Licky Erastus said. HE Dr Mbumba expressed his satisfaction with the HTTPS, which will facilitate the co-creation and co-development of opportunities in the digital economy Left to right: NUST Vice-Chancellor, Dr Erold Naomab; Vice-President of Namibia, HE Dr Nangolo Mbumba; and Managing Director of MTC, Dr Licky Erastus, officially through research and development. inaugurating the HTTPS building by cutting a ribbon. nor a building, but it is an ecosystem and various development partners. -
Multiparty Democracy and Elections in Namibia
MULTIPARTY DEMOCRACY AND ELECTIONS IN NAMIBIA ––––––––––––– ❑ ––––––––––––– Published with the assistance of NORAD and OSISA ISBN 1-920095-02-0 Debie LeBeau 9781920 095024 Edith Dima Order from: [email protected] EISA RESEARCH REPORT No 13 EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 i MULTIPARTY DEMOCRACY AND ELECTIONS IN NAMIBIA ii EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 iii MULTIPARTY DEMOCRACY AND ELECTIONS IN NAMIBIA BY DEBIE LEBEAU EDITH DIMA 2005 iv EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 Published by EISA 2nd Floor, The Atrium 41 Stanley Avenue, Auckland Park Johannesburg, South Africa 2006 P O Box 740 Auckland Park 2006 South Africa Tel: 27 11 482 5495 Fax: 27 11 482 6163 Email: [email protected] www.eisa.org.za ISBN: 1-920095-02-0 EISA All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of EISA. First published 2005 EISA is a non-partisan organisation which seeks to promote democratic principles, free and fair elections, a strong civil society and good governance at all levels of Southern African society. –––––––––––– ❑ –––––––––––– Cover photograph: Yoruba Beaded Sashes Reproduced with the kind permission of Hamill Gallery of African Art, Boston, MA USA EISA Research Report, No. 13 EISA RESEARCH REPORT NO 13 v CONTENTS List of acronyms viii Acknowledgements x Preface xi 1. Background to multiparty democracy in Namibia 1 Historical background 1 The electoral system and its impact on gender 2 The ‘characters’ of the multiparty system 5 2. -
Politics and Judicial Decision-Making in Namibia: Separate Or Connected Realms? Peter Vondoepp1
Politics and judicial decision-making in Namibia: Separate or connected realms? Peter VonDoepp1 Introduction To what extent can we detect the infl uence of political factors in decision-making at Namibia’s High and Supreme Courts? The question goes to the heart of a key issue for the democratic dispensation in the country. As most observers readily acknowledge, independent and assertive judicial institutions are critical for democratic consolidation. Yet, to what extent are Namibia’s judicial institutions independent, such that they are willing to assert their authority vis-à-vis other branches of government?2 To investigate this question at the heart of the study, I undertook a statistical analysis of nearly 250 decisions made by judges of the High and Supreme Courts since the country’s independence in 1990. The analysis examines whether and how certain political factors have affected the patterns of decision-making that have been witnessed. Have judges, for instance, deferred to government when faced with rendering decisions in important political cases? Have all judges been equal in terms of their tendencies to side with or against the government? And have judges altered or adjusted their decision-making in light of pressures and threats from the elected branches and other political actors? The study indicates that, as a whole, the judiciary has performed quite admirably in terms of independence from the other branches. The extent of deference to the executive has been minimal. This is true regardless of the period during which decisions have been taken, and regardless of the type of case being decided. This said, the analysis tentatively suggests that one category of judges – foreign judges appointed in the mid-1990s – has displayed a modest tendency to side with government. -
Namibia QER Q1 2020 Namibia Quarterly Economic Review January-March 2020
Namibia QER Q1 2020 Namibia Quarterly Economic Review January-March 2020 Quarter News Key Data Special Summary Highlights Economic Trends Feature Variables 1 5 9 12 14 Quarter Summary Macroeconomic Situation – going into an unprecedented global crisis from a position of extreme weakness The latest preliminary national accounts for 2019 confirm what everyone suspected – Namibia’s economy has experienced four of its worst years since Independence. 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 GDP growth 4.5% -0.3% -0.3% 0.7% -1.1% Recent pronouncements by local and international authorities that 2020 will see the resumption of modest growth have now been overtaken by events. The corona virus pandemic will, in the short to medium-term at least, severely affect economic performance and put significant strain on Namibia’s public finances which were already in poor shape. Efforts to get the economy through the immediate crisis will take precedence over efforts at reform. Namibia went into the global financial crisis in a relatively strong position from a fiscal and monetary point of view. This time is very different. New Cabinet Appointed On 16 March President Geingob announced a new government structure and on 22 March announced his new Cabinet and related appointments. The two Cabinets and appointments are summarised below taking into account the resignations of Bernhard Esau and Sacky Shangala over Fishrot and Katrina Hanse-Hamarwa over corruption in 2019. Old Cabinet New Cabinet Office of the President Office of the President 1 The Namibia Quarterly Economic Review is compiled by the Institute for Public Policy Research and is financially supported by the Hanns Seidel Foundation. -
Discussions with Angolan Government and MPLA Party Members, Senior Liberation Movement Representatives from SWAPO and the ^NC An
REPORT ON A VISIT TO ANGOLA ( February 1-10, 1981) I have just returned from a visit to Angola with an inter national commission which met to hear evidence of South African agres ion against Angola, other front-line states and the people of Namibia and South Africa. I was asked to attend as an observer for Southern Africa maga zine, but was able also to gather information and impressions of particular value to the Africa Fund and ACOA in a broad ra-nge of discussions with Angolan government and MPLA party members, senior liberation movement representatives from SWAPO and the ^NCand many "ordinary" Angolans. Their energy and enthusiasm for the incredibly difficult task of reconstruction seemed, to my rather jaded New York' eye, very extra-ordinary. The Commission Sessions The International Commission of Inquiry into the Crimes of the Racist and Apartheid Regimes in Southern Africa met in Angola from January 30th to 3rd February. Established following the Soweto up rising, it is composed of well-known individuals from a broad range of countries and political perspectives. The 27 members at the Luanda meeting included the Chairman, Nobel prize winner Sean MacBride, former US Attorney General Ramsey Clark, several churchmen and lead ing legal personalities from East and West Europe, Scandinavia, Africa, and Asia. After hearing all the evidence the Commission concluded that South Africa was conducting a secret war against Angola, and had created a situation throughout southern Africa in which it not only constituted a threat to international peace, but was constantly breaching that peace by its violent acts of aggression. -
Republic of Namibia KAS Factbook April 2021 © Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung E.V
Republic of Namibia KAS Factbook April 2021 © Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. Independence 21 March 1990 (national holiday) 1 Capital Windhoek (about 400,000 inhabitants)0F Government Republic (bicameral system) Member of the Commonwealth of Nations since 1990 Official Language English (until 1990 also Afrikaans and German) Namibia has 13 recognized national languages, including 10 indigenous African languages and 3 Indo- European languages. Most frequent mother tongues are: Oshiwambo (48.9%), Nama/Damara (11.3%), 2 Afrikaans (10.4%).1F Administration 14 regions: Caprivi, Erongo, Hardap, Karas, Kavango, Khomas, Kunene, Ohangwena, Omaheke, Omusati, Oshana, Oshikoto, Otjozondjupa, Zambezi President Dr. Hage Geingob (since 2014) Area 824,292 km2 Geographical Angola (north), Zambia (north-east), Zimbabwe (north- borders east), Botswana (east), South Africa (south), Atlantic Ocean (west) 3 4 Population 2,678,192F inhabitants, 52% urban3F 5 Population growth 1.83%4F rate Unemployment Total: 34% rate Currency NAD (N$) 1 € = N$ 17.82 (22.02.21) 1 City of Windhoek, http://www.windhoekcc.org.na/pdf/Councillor%20Ogranogram%202016.pdf (2016) Other estimates higher number. 2 CIA, The World Factbook, (2021). 3 CIA, The World Factbook, (2021). 4 CIA, The World Factbook, (2021). 5 CIA, The World Factbook, (2021). - 2 - www.kas.de/namibia Religion 80% - 90% Christian (at least 50% Lutheran), 10% - 20% indigenous beliefs Contents 1. History – Colonialism and Independence ................................................................... 4 2. State and Politics -
Swapo Forever? Prospect for Liberal Democracy Or Prolonged One-Party
Journal of Namibian Studies, 21 (2017): 27 – 54 ISSN: 2197-5523 (online) Swapo forever? Prospect for liberal democracy or prolonged one -party dominance in Namibia Markus Bayer* Abstract Like most other National Liberation Movements (NLM), the Namibian South West African People’s Organization (SWAPO) was transformed after independence and went on to become Swapo party (Swapo) and take power in 1990. Since then, Swapo has ruled Namibia with its support growing and its position as dominant party unchallenged. Following on from Roger Southall’s prediction of the slow death of liberation movements, this article investigates whether SWAPO as a movement is dying and, if so, what this means for Swapo. Will Namibia soon take the road towards a more liberal democracy or will Swapo continue to dominate? Recurring to the literature on dominant party systems and competitive authoritarianism and based on expert interviews, the article finds Swapo’s dominance to be Janus-faced: On the one hand, its electoral dominance and consequently its control of state resources is ensuring its further dominance. On the other hand, its clientelistic use of its power is alienating growing sections of society, especially the younger generation, and is contributing to its slow death as an NLM and dominant party. Introduction As was the case with most other National Liberation Movements (NLM) in their respective countries, the South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO), which was transformed into Swapo Party (Swapo) in 1989, has dominated domestic politics in Namibia since independence. 1 On the occasion of the last national and presidential elections in 2014 it won stunning 80% of the total votes. -
WELCOME ADDRESS by Governor S.S
WELCOME ADDRESS by Governor S.S. Nuuyoma Erongo Region Governor S.S. Nuuyoma It is with the sense of deep gratitude and appreciation that I rise to speak to you today, at this very important gathering. I am particularly pleased to have been availed this opportunity to welcome all the distinguished guest to the great Erongo Region and in particular to the beautiful historic beach Town of Swakopmund. Having said that, allow me on behalf of Erongo Regional Council, the people of the great Erongo Region and of course on my own behalf to officially pronounce a warm welcome to all of you honourable members, most particularly the Right Honourable Prime Minister, Comrade Hage Geingob and all the dignity members from all the corners of the Republic of Namibia. Your presence here is held in a very high esteem. 1 The same heartfelt welcome is extended to all the distinguished guests. Your presence here is a token of solidarity and unity that embraces all of us together, to discuss and share knowledge and experiences at this Congress. Without your presence this Congress will be meaningless. Equally important, let me also on behalf of the people of the great Region register my gratitude and appreciation to the Management team of the Association of Regional Councils under the leadership of Honourable Governor and the President of the Association, Comrade John Pandeni for finding it fit to host the third Congress in our Region. I believe that the weather of the Atlantic Ocean which is uncharacteristic to many of you will give you a special treatment. -
News Release
WORLD TOURISM NEWS ORGANIZATION RELEASE MADRID, 4 NOV 2020 UNWTO in Namibia - First Visit to African Member State Since Start of the Pandemic Windhoek, Namibia, 4 November 2020 – The Secretary-General of the World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) has paid a first visit to an African Member State since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic. The three-day official visit to Namibia reaffirms UNWTO’s commitment to the continent and featured a series of high-level talks aimed at strengthening existing partnerships and looking to a sustainable, resilient future. As the United Nations specialized agency for tourism, UNWTO has been actively guiding the sector’s recovery and restart from this unprecedented crisis. To reflect the new challenges, it has worked directly with its African Member States, including Namibia, to adapt the 2030 Agenda for Africa: Tourism for Inclusive Growth, the landmark roadmap for the responsible growth of tourism across the continent. This official visit offered a first chance to follow up on virtual meetings and advance the preparations for the restart of a sector upon which millions of African livelihoods depend. Secretary-General Zurab Pololikashvili met with His Excellency Dr. Hage G. Geingob, President of the Republic of Namibia for talks on realizing the potential of tourism to drive sustainable development, including for youth, women and rural communities. In addition, the Secretary-General commended the head of state for his leadership, particularly with regards to the international tourism revival initiative which includes the key health and safety protocols drawn up by UNWTO. Alongside this, a meeting with Vice President H.E. -
Promoting Democracy and Good Governance
State Formation in Namibia: Promoting Democracy and Good Governance By Hage Gottfried Geingob Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Leeds School of Politics and International Studies March 2004 The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. encourage good governance, to promote a culture of human rights, and to build state institutions to support these policies have also been examined with a view to determining the nature of the state that evolved in Namibia. Finally, the study carries out a democratic audit of Namibia using Swedish normative tools. 1 Acknowledgements The last few years have been tumultuous but exciting. Now, the academic atmosphere that provided a valuable anchor, too, must be hauled up for journeys beyond. The end of this most enjoyable academic challenge has arrived, but I cannot look back without a sense of loss - loss of continuous joys of discovery and academic enrichment. I would like to thank my supervisor, Lionel Cliffe, for his incredible support. In addition to going through many drafts and making valuable suggestions, Lionel helped me endure this long journey with his sustained encouragement. I also thank Ray Bush for going through many drafts and making valuable comments. He has an uncanny ability to visualize the final outcome of research effort. -
Namibia and the African Union* Bience Gawanas**
Namibia and the African Union* Bience Gawanas** Introduction It is fair to state that Namibia’s foreign relations have largely been shaped by the history of the liberation struggle, the formative years of transition from colonial occupation and independence, and the relationship between the liberation movements – particularly the South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO) and organisations such as the United Nations (UN), the Organisation of African Unity (OAU, later the African Union/AU), the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the Commonwealth, the Non- aligned Movement, and the Frontline States. There is also no doubt that the post-Cold-War era influenced both the OAU/AU and the Namibian agenda, moving from a focus on conflicts and security to broader development goals. Whereas the OAU concentrated on the decolonisation of Africa, the AU’s main objectives are unity, integration, governance, peace, and development. Against this background, it can be clearly stated that the OAU played a key role in Namibia’s fight for freedom and independence. Consequently, it is a very meaningful task to verify whether Namibia still appreciates these historical bonds and has a special relationship with the OAU’s successor organisation, the AU. In addition, it is important to show Namibia’s stance on multilateralism, especially since the AU is at the highest organisational level within the African context. Last, but not least, the chapter is meaningful because it will illustrate the principles on which Namibian foreign policy rests. The chapter is structured in the following way. First, it looks at the historical background of Namibia’s relationship with the OAU prior to the country’s independence in 1990.